Category: Monday

  • Of Shettima and gratitude

    Of Shettima and gratitude

    In his hefty tome of historical writing, The Decline and Fall of The Roman Empire, Edward Gibbon identified a foul trait of human character. It was what he called the fear of gratitude. It is the sort in which a person is afraid to acknowledge that he actually was helped by another person. Such fear of gratitude is expressed by violence and subversion to the benefactor. He said some of the major figures in the fall of Rome could be attributed to this fear. I saw this recently as far away as North Korea, where the infantile despot killed his uncle and now his cousin.

    Here in Nigeria, the calm governor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, scored twice last week. He showed that with the decline and ultimate fall of Boko Haram, he has started the work to rebuild the lives of his people. He launched an estate with 432 houses, 13 primary and junior secondary schools as well as a full furnished estate with 26 apartments, some of which are for medical doctors.

    He has shown that when the Jonathan administration was fluffing the war against terror, it was stopping him from the work for his people he is eagerly doing right now. He is doing other things, in health care, roads as well as education. The story is unfolding.

    He named the estate after Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as an act of gratitude at a time when his predecessor Ali Modu Sheriff wanted to derail him and his party men. This did not get much publicity and neither Tinubu nor Shettima boasted of their cooperation and triumph. They drove the Sheriff out of town. But Shettima could have brushed high moment aside and moved on. But he was not eaten by the fear of gratitude. He unfurled it, in his usual rhetorical elegance, in public. That was not just humility; it was from a man of self-assurance. Roman writer Tacitus once noted that “men are more likely to repay an injury than a benefit, because gratitude is a burden.” Not so for Shettima, whose work shows that he is comfortable in his own skin. Was it not Awo himself who noted wisely that to acknowledge greatness in others is, in itself, an act of greatness?

  • Fayose: The other side of the coin

    Those who desperately demonise Ekiti State Governor Ayodele Fayose tend to downplay the reality of the other side of the coin, meaning there may be reasons to lionise him.

    Fayose said some things recently that were food for thought. But those who refuse to see any sense in what he says missed the point. When former President Olusegun Obasanjo made a show of the inauguration of his Presidential Library in Abeokuta, Ogun State, on March 4, Fayose said from a distance: “Obasanjo will with a rotten mouth condemn PDP that gave him a platform to be president from prison for eight years. When we saw the picture when Obasanjo was released from prison by General Abdusalami, you would not allow such a man to sit beside you. We were made to pay him N10 million each as governors in 2005 to build his presidential library. I have written to him, return that money o Baba. How can Nigeria celebrate a corrupt man? He is the worst ever. He should put interest in the N10 million that I contributed. His time has come and gone; we are at the centre of the business now.” Fayose described the multibillion Naira library project as “the greatest fraud ever witnessed in Nigeria.”

    Contrast Fayose’s unflattering illumination with the flattering decoration by Acting President Yemi Osinbajo whose presence added colour to the event. Osinbajo described Obasanjo as “an African icon.”  Osinbajo said: “President Olusegun Obasanjo is therefore a gift in various ways being so intricately tied to the history of Nigeria, few years away from independence to the civil war and then head of state with the Nigerian people and then the transition to civil rule and then from retirement and farming and being twice elected as president of Nigeria and then handed over to another president. At every turn, he recorded his views and perspectives and especially of the times in various books, articles, seminars and now in this amazing monument to add credible life of service to our continent and to our world.”

    It is clear that Fayose provided a more clarifying picture, and helped to situate the event more unsentimentally. As a central player in an administration that is passionate about anti-corruption, Osinbajo’s perspective leaves much to be desired. It is understandable that Osinbajo was expected to be diplomatic at the event, but there are times when diplomatic language is carried too far.  Fayose’s unadorned account seems to make more sense for public consciousness.

    When President Muhammadu Buhari was busy trying to show that he was not so unwell in the United Kingdom as to be uncommunicative, it was Fayose who characteristically suggested a winning communication approach that was likely to reassure a reasonably sceptical Nigerian public.  Fayose said in a statement: “I advise the President to speak with me to convince Nigerians that he is hale and hearty instead of looking for outsiders to convince us. If the problem is looking for a credible person to help convince Nigerians, then Ayo Fayose is the best bet. Let the President speak with me. If I tell Nigerians that the President spoke with me, they will believe.”

    Fayose added: “Since they are eager for the President to speak to people, let Buhari talk to me. I can be reached on 08035024994. I am credible and Nigerians will believe me. They said he spoke to President Donald Trump; despite the hype, Nigerians were sceptical. Then they said he spoke to the King of Morocco; again, Nigerians were suspicious. Before we recovered from that, it was the AU President. A President that can speak with outsiders should be able to whisper or wave to his own people. The people voted him in and so presidential aides should stop giving the impression that Buhari has no respect for the electorate.”

    It is easy to see the amusing side of Fayose without seeing his serious side. That is why those who only see one-dimensionality when they look at him can’t see his other dimensions.  This is a character whose words and actions need to be construed creatively.

    When Fayose wants to mingle, he does so strikingly and with the enthusiasm of a man who is conscious of personal brand promotion possibilities. Those who criticise him for mingling don’t seem to appreciate his personal branding efforts.  When he is photographed with lowly locals playing the role of a good mixer and de-emphasising his gubernatorial status, his ready critics reduce his interaction with the people to the point of absurdity.  It would appear that other governors may project populism but not Fayose, simply because of the peculiarity of his populism.

    It is impossible to escape a superlative adjective for the emphatic success Fayose of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) achieved in the Ekiti State governorship election of June 21, 2014. His victory was fantabulous.  By his spectacular emergence, he apparently demonstrated the actuality of his self-definition.  Days to the historic election, he said in an interview: “You cannot take away the fact that I am a recurring decimal in the political equation of Ekiti State. You can’t take that away from me. You cannot equally deny that I am a grassroots person.”

    It is observable that the All Progressives Congress (APC), which Fayose defeated to become governor, has not recovered from his sucker punch. Those on the other side continue to respond to his administration with emotionally charged criticisms.  It is worth mentioning that domestic observers and foreign monitors endorsed the election that brought Fayose to power, employing terms that left little or no room for antagonism, such as “free,” “fair,” “transparent,” “peaceful” and “credible.”

    Fayose’s quotable quotes during an event to mark the 2017 International Women’s Day in Ekiti State on March 8 gave an insight into why he says the things he says in the way he does. He said: “They say I talk anyhow. Why do they behave anyhow?” His words also provided useful insight into why he mingles. Fayose said: “The power of the people is greater than those of us in power.”  It goes without saying that the country would be a much better place if those in power grasp the reality that power belongs to the people.

  • Corruption fighting restructuring

    It would appear the nexus between corruption and the dysfunctional structure of our federation is yet to be fully appreciated. Any strategic weapon designed against corruption which forecloses the systemic and institutional deficits that reinforce and sustain it, would amount to scratching the surface of the matter.

    If the government is serious about waging a successful war against corruption, it must opt for a more holistic and enduring perspective to the matter- approaches that do not just focus on its manifestations but the wider dynamics of environmental shortfalls that nurture and sustain it. Ironically, in the current fight, concerns focus more on symptoms rather than the root causes.

    Admittedly, huge sums of money looted by former public officers have been recovered by this government and those before it. We are daily regaled to our consternation with the unbridled looting that goes on within government circles, as one former public officer after the other is exposed in this looting bazaar.

    Of late, about N3 billion was recovered in a hidden safe belonging to a former Group Managing Director of the NNPC, Andrew Yakubu, while more than 17 exotic vehicles were recovered from the warehouse of a former boss of the Nigerian Customs Service, Abdullahi Dikko. The list is endless as sundry former political office holders including many former governors are currently facing corruption-related charges.

    All we have been treated to still represents a tip of the iceberg in the corruption matrix. Many of those who milked this country dry have been left to enjoy their loot.  Even now, and with all the posturing of the government, corruption is still rampant.

    Not only have some key government functionaries been accused of corrupt practices with the same government looking the other way, just last week, Chairman of the Presidential Advisory Committee against Corruption, Itse Sagay accused the Nigerian Customs Service and the NNDC of unbridled corruption even under the present administration. He illustrated his case against the NDDC, citing reckless vehicle purchases that are at variance with the current mood of the nation.

    If Sagay could go public with such allegations, it is to be imagined that the war against graft can succeed only to the extent those holding public offices are blocked from finding loopholes to fleece the nation. Where the opportunity to steal and escape unnoticed exists, chances are public officers will dip their hands into the public till. That is the foreboding reality.

    And it is so because the system of government we operate is patently defective. Not only are its structures not conducive for nation-building and inculcation of patriotic ideals among the disparate groups, the political recruitment process is tainted and incapable of producing quality leaders of nationalistic hue. The main qualifications for the highest political office- the presidency – have been ethnicity and religion rather than capacity and requisite training to grapple with the complex challenges of statecraft.

    We are trapped in this predicament because of the disproportionate powers of the central government. The federal government controls everything including life and death. That is why competition for that office has remained rancorous and volatile. It is so because the competing sections want to take control of its resources for the advantage of their ethnic groups and members of their families. And given Richard Joseph’s characterisation of our politics in the prebendal sense, one can better appreciate why corruption has remained a hydra-headed monster in our public life.

    In his theory of the two publics, Peter Ekeh gave insights into how our colonial experience gave rise to the emergence of two realms- primordial and the civic public. While the primordial realm is associated with a high level of morality, the civic public is denied of it. Thus, certain actions considered a taboo in the primordial sphere are tolerated and hailed if they concerned the civic public.

    That is why those who steal from the till of the government are sometimes hailed while stealing from the purse of the ethnic union is highly despised. It all has to do with the amorality that is the fate of the civic public. That also accounts for the serious competition between the state and primordial cleavages for the loyalty of the citizens.

    In effect, the dysfunctional federal structure and the amorality that is associated with civic structures have had the net effect of unleashing in this country the looting spree that goes on in public life. For this country to make reasonable progress in the war against graft, it must evolve models that mark a sharp departure from the current situation where the central government controls everything with unlimited access to the national wealth. Devolution of powers and fiscal federalism hold the ace.

    With that, the bitter competition and rivalry among the component units to control the center will be stymied. Corruption at that level will also reduce very substantially. It is possible for this competition to shift to the component units thereafter. But the difference will still be there because competition will be circumscribed both in scope and destructive propensity.

    Acting President Yemi Osinbajo argued along this premise last week when he said they curbed corruption in the Lagos State judiciary through institutional reforms. He attributed its success to the fact that a “system was in place and impunity was not allowed.” For him, corruption can be effectively tamed if “we put in place models that will work.”

    The model on which our federalism is erected cannot work. Nigeria is not just working. Our federal structure has been an unmitigated liability. And rather than check corruption, it has everything that aids and abets it. Those who are putatively comfortable with it, do so because they are in positions to corner its unlimited resources for self-serving predilections. Its extant structures must be tinkered with to check corruption and unleash the creative energies of the component units for rapid development.

    So when you get to hear some people tag themselves patriots, nationalists or statesmen; when you hear them parrot the non-negotiability and indivisibility of the country, beat war drums to keep Nigeria one, you are being regaled with the sing-song of those who either currently benefit unduly from the stupendous resources at the centre or owe their questionable wealth to the public offices they hitherto occupied. As soon as that advantage is under some threat, they switch positions either as religious fundamentalists, insurgents or self-determination crusaders.

    The real issue is what each gets from the central authority. And since those opposed to restructuring seem contented with what the central authority offers them or are afraid of what they stand to lose if new paradigms supplant decadent ones, it can be safely extrapolated that corruption constitutes the greatest impediment to evolving a functional model for cohabitation and rapid development. It is a case of corruption fighting restructuring for fear of a new model that will eventually kill it. The choice is ours!

  • On the bus

    On the bus

    We called them bolekaja. It was a metaphor of violence, of youth in disarray and a city out of joint. They had no respect for the full-clothed species of humans. With singlet threadbare, seamed faces and arms bustling with muscles ready for the punch, they dared each other over a kobo or a passenger or sometimes over the winking eye of a wench.

    They are called the agbero when they are not bus conductors. This brand of young men determined where you went in town and how. They still do today. It tells you how long they have been around in Lagos, Nigeria’s iconic city.

    Everybody craved the buses who did not own a car, when they were not standing and sitting in the larger contraption called molue. The other word for it was danfo. They are called yellow buses today. We cannot move in Lagos without them. They crackle, roar and snort on the road. While they puff about with smoke, the buff boys in charge carry the air of the powerful. They know they are indispensable.

    The guy who wants quickly to reach the place of work. The happening girl clad in the best of today’s fashion. The market women. The boys and girls who have to meet an interview appointment. They all want to get there on time. They all know they want the yellow buses. They all know they have to choke into the casket-like interior.

    They have to bear the sweat dripping on their fine suits. The fart, the fire hazard, the fiery tempers of others. They have to bear the foul, alcohol-ridden breath of the lowlife beside them. They may breathe laboriously and live dangerously while pondering their fates on the bus, on seats huddled together, going where? Remember Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities? “They were all going to heaven; they were all going the other way… it was the winter of despair.”

    With the yellow buses, some of the passengers have, over the decades, gone mercifully to heaven. The others, well, have gone the other way.

    Fela did not live long enough to bring his muse to the service of the yellow bus, or the bus to the service of his muse. He captured the years of the molue, the 99 standing, the suffocation, the growl of the massive casket. Suffering and smiling.

    Now, the plan is to make it only smiling. The alpha Governor, Akinwunmi Ambode, has proclaimed the time of mercy. No more carnage. No more sacrifice. Jesus said, “I desire mercy, and not sacrifice.” That would mean a certain sort of sacrifice though. The yellow buses must now go. In phases, that is.

    We have about 30,000 of the buses in Lagos. They carry a few at a time. Why not bring bigger, more comfy ones, and have drivers separated from the age of caverns? So, the alpha governor has announced that the Lagos State government is bringing new buses. They carry a sort of divine halo of mercy for those tied to years of yellow bus hell. They have air-conditioners. They charge their phones. They have spaces. Leg room is often a great asset to a traveller. For air traffic, the difference between first class and coach is leg room, more than any other merit. It is luxury for the masses.

    The governor is doing that with some doze of financial wizardry. While scandal has sullied not a few governors with the Paris Club windfall, Ambode is putting the money on the road. He would not join those who want to use it as private nest of vanity and profligacy. The money will eventually amount to N29 billion, and the government will add a billion to make it N30 billion as part of a N100 billion bond.

    This makes the initiative a public-private affair. The yellow bus owners are not going out of business. They will buy into the new arrangement, and that makes them stakeholders. No one thought that molue would be out of sight in Lagos.

    But for a big city like Lagos, the yellow buses are a blight. Big cities need mass transit, not a slow, plodding, convoy of raggedy, environmentally malignant, smoking, puffing contrivances. A city of over 20 million, and the fastest growing in the world, needs people to move in droves, not in trickles. This makes for freer highways. The yellow bus is no more urban. The new ones are urbane.

    The Stadium and kalo kalo

    First, we heard the good news, and then the bad. The National Stadium played host to the alpha governor and the sports minister, and there was a consensus of mind as to the need to revive that monument. Then the news came that some shadowy forces wanted to stop Lagos from doing a good thing. They wanted to turn it into what the Yoruba call kalo kalo, a sort of casino where they would lobby the lawmakers in Abuja to stymie it for a pot of rotten Naira.

    Is it part of the plot against Lagos, to make Nigeria’s indispensable state the pariah? For over a decade, In Touch has been relentless in the fight to give Lagos its due, and against those spineless men who would not let it be. Kaduna lapped up the stadium from the Federal Government without a stir. So did Nnamdi Azikiwe Stadium and U.J. Esuene. Why is Lagos a problem? The governor has already laid out plans to make the stadium play for profit. We don’t want it broken.

    I recall as a boy the first match, and how Yakubu Mambo struck the first goal on that green pitch from a pass delivered from the greatest player of all time, Haruna Ilerika. That is history. The governor wants to turn a monument back into joy and profit for all, and some people are looking only at profit. They probably want to kill the place and turn it into apartments that do nothing for the larger society, and make profit. They want to mangle it the way they have done some of our treasures.

    It is in that spirit the governor wants to turn National Theatre, another treasure, in a move to revive the arts and culture.

  • Senior citizen Bolaji’s plight

    I want to die, 85-year old woman rejected by children cries” was a screaming headline in one of our national dailies last week. At first, I thought it was one of those headline gimmicks sometimes deployed by editors to catch attention. But on second thought, I decided to go through the text apparently with the curiosity of matching the headline with the substance of the story.
    As the old woman gave account of her predicament, I could not still come to terms with the reality that such was possible in our clime where children are known to be the surest insurance to their parents at old age. Such was my frame of mind until I got to the point where her fourth son, Samuel, a lawyer, spoke giving ample credence to all his mother had said.
    Only then did the reality dawn on me that the story of senior citizen Bolaji Isaac was true and her predicament factual. Then did I realize the reporter did a very good human-interest story by exposing what may have been going on in our society but about which not much is known.
    Here is the chilling story of 85-year-old senior citizen, Bolaji, that compelled her to lament that when she dies, she would be going to the grave with sorrow and bitterness as she has nothing again to live for. She said her five children have all rejected her and all efforts to see them have proved futile as none would have anything to do with her.
    She recounted how an apartment given to her by a church in Lagos was taken over by one of her sons who even chased her away. Since then, she had been homeless. She therefore appealed to Nigerians to prevail on her children to meet her before her death.
    According to her, her fourth son Samuel is a lawyer but anytime she calls him, he would give excuses that he was in court, and promise to call back without doing so. She has been compelled by her circumstances to move to Oshodi where an old friend, Mrs Sadatu Ahmed, took compassion on her, and  has provided her shelter for the past eight months. This is Sadatu’s account: “She was sleeping in the verandah of our compound exposing herself to cold and mosquito bites. When I could not bear it, I begged my son to allow us accommodate her. She cannot go to toilet on her own and does not sleep well. I bathe her and keep vigil over her.”
    She lamented that anytime she called Bolaji’s children, they would not pick calls; and when they did, they were quick to hang up, and that she may be forced to send the woman away for fear of what would happen if she died in her house. That is the current predicament of the woman at a time she most needed succour from her children, relations and the society.
    If the plight of the old woman is heart-rending, the account by her son, Samuel, is even more confounding. He said his mother was troublesome and that is why he kept her away from his family to avoid having issues with his marriage. According to him, when their mother was living with his brother Tope, she was fighting with his wife, and that she cannot live with any of her sons without having issues with their wives.
    Admitting he does not know where his mother lives now, he said they contributed N25, 000 for her last week, wondering where the issue of neglect is coming from. But he appeared to have come closer to reality when he disclosed that they were exploring the idea of putting her in an old peoples’ home.
    The issue is not whether the old woman is troublesome or not, or whether she fights with her son’s wives or not. The matter is beyond all that. The point is that the children have failed in their responsibility to manage their mother in her old age such that the matter is now within the public domain. I do not know the ages of her five children. It is also not intended here to exculpate their mother from the allegations against her. But the truth is that generally, people at that age, especially women, are damn difficult to manage.
    That is the experience of those who have had the fortune of seeing their parents at very old age. It is very tasking and challenging. There is also intolerance on the part of wives. Many do not want to stomach any inconvenience from their parents’ in-law. Yet, the same women do not treat their own parents with the same measure. What one finds in the entire story is failure on the part of Bolaji’s children to take responsibility. It is not enough to find fault with her and, for that reason, care less about whether she lives or dies. It is a challenge which many families face and will continue to face. There are a thousand and one parents whose conducts and conditions are worse than the picture that has been presented.
    Yet, their children manage their situations. There are parents with only one or two children whose conditions are more tasking both in finances and personal care and they never allowed the situation to degenerate into abandoning them.
    It is not a credit to admit as Samuel did that he does not know where his 85-year- old mother lives. It is also ridiculous to be sending money to a parent whose whereabouts are unknown to her children. Neither is money all that is needed at that stage of her life. As we have seen in the instant case, Bolaji wants the personal care of her children. And she is entitled to it. It will be heartless and unconscionable for her children to abandon her at this stage of her life.
    We should be careful of the measure we give our parents, especially at their old age, because young husbands and wives of today are the old, weak and troublesome parents of tomorrow. That is the uncanny reality of life. And as one proverb cautioned, when a man wants to bury his father, he should take along his son so that he (the son) can learn how his father will be buried.
    Her children ought to have risen to the challenge by renting an apartment for her and hiring a nanny if they are so ensconced in the comfort of their house that their mothers’ presence would be a distraction. And for five children, that should not be difficult. What of the apartment given to her by the church, which one of her sons took over? Is it not possible to recover it for her to live in with a nanny?  These are some of the options the sons should explore to give some succour to their ailing mother.
    Elsewhere, governments have social security plans for their aged and senior citizens. Not here! The informal social security in place on these shores is the children, and it will continue to be so for quite some time to come. They can as well find her old peoples’ home. But that cannot sufficiently compensate for the personal care of her children, which she direly needs now. Before then, they owe a lot of gratitude to Sadatu who accommodated their mother for eight months without any word of thank you. May God bless and reward her.

  • Rev King: Birthday on death row

    This is what happens when death row becomes a place of life. A full-page congratulatory communication published in THISDAY on February 27 was a remarkable reminder that Rev. Chukwuemeka Ezeugo, better known as Rev. King, has not been hanged despite a Supreme Court ruling.
    Under the banner, “Congratulations to our Daddy G. O.”, the communication began: “We the entire members of St. Faith Women (The Daughters of the Kingdom of God) heartily rejoice with our lovely Daddy G.O.  His Holiness, The Most Honourable Dr. Rev. King, Founder/General Overseer of CPA Church Worldwide on the occasion of his birthday which comes up today, Sunday the 26th day of February  2017.” This happened because King has not been hanged.
    The advertisers continued: “Daddy, you are the light of the world. A nation without you is in total darkness. Daddy, you are a wonderful counselor, prince of peace, a great deliverer, our redeemer, a hope for the down-trodden. You have proven to us beyond reasonable doubt that truly salvation belongeth unto the Lord and your blessing is upon your people.” This happened because King has not been hanged.
    Things happen when a death row convict is still alive a year after what was supposed to be the final judicial pronouncement on his case. More things were said about King in the advert space: “Widows, widowers, barren, the sorrowful have found joy, freedom, salvation from you. You alone singlehandedly taught us how to live a holy and righteous life. Barren in our midst have conceived and are mothers in their respective homes. You have delivered so many of us from inability to get married. So many of us whom you delivered from mammy-water group, ogbanje group, witches and wizards groups are happy today because we located you. Some of us who were bound with chains, feathers, shackles, handcuffs, spiritual iron belt of Satan, etc. have been freed from our respective prisons where Satan kept us for decades. Today, we are enjoying our freedom.”
    Perhaps not unexpectedly, the promoters got more enthusiastic as the promotion progressed. They said: “Era of poverty, suffer-suffer have become a thing of the past in our lives. So many of us you healed from cancers, fallopian tube blockages, moving objects, bleeding, HIV/AIDS, barrenness, fibroid, etc. are blessed to have met with our maker face to face.” This deification of King happened because he has not been hanged.
    What followed was straight out of the realm of unreality: “Daddy, it has been proven beyond measure that you are 100% innocent of the conspiracy levelled against you. So many hidden truths have been exposed according to your messages. No amount of gossips, scandals, hatred, can deter us from following you.” This attempted revision of reality happened because King has not been hanged.
    How did King become a death row prisoner? King’s trial began at the Lagos High Court in Ikeja on September 26, 2006. The cruel cleric was accused of the murder of a member of his church, Ann Uzoh, and attempted murder of five other members. He was said to have set the deceased and the others ablaze after bathing them with petrol for alleged immoral behaviour.
    Uzoh died from her burns on August 2, 2006, 11 days after the savagery. The trial judge, Justice Olubunmi Oyewole (now a Justice of the Court of Appeal),  who delivered his judgement  on January 11, 2007,  found King guilty and sentenced him to 20 years imprisonment for attempted murder. In addition, King got a death sentence for murder. The Court of Appeal backed the death sentence. The Supreme Court, by its supreme judgement on February 26, 2016, supported the supreme sentence of death by hanging.
    Murderers are penalised not only for murder; they are also penalised so that others may not become murderers. It is thought-provoking that a report said: “During the first church service after the Supreme Court verdict at the Lagos headquarters at Ajao Estate, Pastor Ifeanyi King, who preached, said: “Our G. O. (General Overseer), the Most Holiness, Rev. King, is coming back. He said he would come back and we believe the words of his mouth. We believe his report that he is coming back. Everything happening now we know is the handiwork of witches and wizards. Soon a new story will emerge.”
    Perhaps a new story is emerging, considering the content of the communication to mark King’s latest birthday on February 26. Indeed, King’s promoters need to clarify their claim: “it has been proven beyond measure that you are 100% innocent of the conspiracy levelled against you.”
    Curiously, King may live longer than his death sentence intended because, according to a report quoting a Prisons spokesman, there are no fewer than 1,639 inmates awaiting execution. This overpopulation is inexcusable. As long as the death penalty is accommodated by the country’s justice system, there is no justification for keeping condemned convicts waiting. It is unclear how long these death row convicts have been waiting; it is anti-justice for the political authorities to perpetuate their wait.
    It is complex enough to arrive at a death decision, and the complexity should not be further complicated by last-minute indecision when it comes to executing the decision. If judges are able to reach a death decision without the interference of extra-judicial considerations, the political authorities should be able to carry out the decision without the hindrance of extra-legal thoughts.
    If murder is the ultimate crime and death is the ultimate punishment, then ultimate crime deserves ultimate punishment. It is important to bring closure to this human drama of inhumanity. The longer King is allowed to live after the ultimate judicial decision, the longer it will take to close the murder case.
    It is interesting that King’s promoters called him “The man of the moment, every moment and the final moment.” They said emphatically in the birthday communication: “KING FOREVER! LIVE FOREVER!” But it is well known that no man lives forever, particularly a man on death row; and King’s promoters should know that.
    What’s the point of a death sentence that is not put into effect? What happened because King has not been hanged could happen again. More things could happen because King has not been hanged. Why has King not been hanged?

  • Tortoise at 80

    Tortoise at 80

    For those close to Okikiola, the pose fits him like a lion in repose. You saw him the other day on television, planted on a mat against the backdrop of tree roots. Beside him was his wife. School children, in striped uniforms, formed a semi-circle on the edge of the mat in front of the Owu chief.

    His head hidden in a two-lipped cap over his buba, Olusegun Obasanjo was reading from his new book, A World of Tortoise, to the wards. The pose on the floor was no showy humility. It was him in his earthy ease.

    Civilisation and officialdom compel the Owu chief to mount the luxury highs of upholstery, like the cushioned exotica of a presidential chair. He prefers the earth-bound comfort of a grassy floor, the smell of sand and moist air of herbs. He would rather read from a mat than on red carpet.

    Obasanjo has earned his plaudits as one of Nigeria’s men of instinct. A dignified rustic, a village ambassador. When last did you see him in an English suit, or even a tee shirt?

    But that is the life of the tortoise. A “bush” man is no country Bumpkin. At least not this one. He cons his environment with his apparent lack of finesse. Yet, no one is more sophisticated than Olusegun Obasanjo. He is the tortoise he was unveiling to the boys and girls. A tortoise telling the tale of a tortoise through the voice of a man. His English is flawless, if wordy. His elocution coarse, but no matter. His grasp of governance is second to none. He wraps his hands around politics like a wrap around pounded yam. A man of wise daring, cunning while seeming a con, a manipulator, a master of deception, a humourist when he is in no mood for banter.

    The late debonair journalist Stanley Macebuh, who had worked for him as adviser in his first incarnation as Nigerian leader, described him: “He is crafty, very crafty.” He even brought this sleight of hand in his engagement with children.

    All his life, it was either you saw him or you didn’t. When you didn’t, he seemed to have dodged a bullet. When you saw him, he was collecting the trophy, even if he did not compete. Apostle Paul said, “he that runs a race runs all, but one picks the prize?” Like one defying gravity, the Owu chief could do away with running a race and yet pick the trophy, and no one shouted foul.

    Watch his life reel. He was Nzeogwu’s best friend but was out of town when the coup happened. He was quiet for most part during the civil war, but joined the Third Marine Commando, when the war was all but done. A browbeaten Biafra bowed to him in surrender. Black Scorpion toiled but Obj had the spoils.

    When Gowon was ousted in Murtala’s coup, he was lucky to be picked as number two. But the bigger one came later. Murtala died in a coup carnage, but Obj was secure and took over. He became the first Nigerian soldier to hand over power to civilians.

    We read of Joseph’s prison-to-palace story. He was held by Abacha, but he left, had a world tour, and returned to lead the country. Whoever wins a race when his people vote against him, especially in a country torn apart by ethnic bigotry? OBJ. It turned out he was the one Nigerian who could bring a fragile nation to its peace.

    But if he is a man of luck, it is arguable that his career has favoured Obasanjo more than it has favoured Nigeria. He was head of state twice, but he was never known to have engrained what we might call a vision. Some say, he has brought some beauties, one of which was the war on corruption. History will hold him to account why he seemed to have gone after his enemies in the guise of fighting corruption. Yet, he has created a momentum with the EFCC and ICPC that no successor can erase. Again, he left office with Nigerians poorer than he entered.

    With his Yoruba group, he is being charged with Awo envy. He never loved or courted friendship with the Yoruba icon. He was said to have once boasted that what Awo sought with all his might, Obj soared into. The story might have been apocryphal, but it reflects the tension between both men. He was believed to be happy to hand over power to Shagari who bested Awo in the controversial twelve two-third 1979 elections.

    Again, he once showed up General Oluleye when the latter complained to him that the military elite marginalised the Yoruba. Obj brought in General Shehu Yar’adua and asked Oluleye to repeat his charge against the Fulani elite. Was it an act of betrayal? Was Oluleye naïve? Did Obj believe that if he did not report him, somehow the Fulani elite would hear and think Obj was in cahoots with Oluleye to undermine the military hierarchy, which was potentially career-ending or even life-ending? Those who charge Obj with betrayal may have to rethink.

    When a military leader, he relinquished power willingly. When a democratic leader, he would not let go. He wanted a third term.

    Like a tortoise, he has been in every tale since the 1960’s and survived all. As soldier, a writer of controversy, a military leader, a civilian leader, a thespian, a disputed romantic, a party builder who ruined it, a peace maker and bulldozer. A plotter and plodder. The man who wants to be called a democrat introduced a foul phrase: do or die.

    Yet, is he a statesman? He is, even if he has not always behaved as one. That epaulette is a reluctant one from this page. He duelled to unite us and intervened twice to lead when we almost fell on our faces.

    Soldiers and democrats look to history for models. George Washington saw Roman general Cato as an exemplar of a soldier who turned into a republican maestro. Obj looked to the bush and found one that had wit and wins. Writer Lewis Carroll said of the beast, “we call him tortoise because he taught us.” He has taught Okikiola.

     

    Wedding party: Kaboom of laughs

    It has attracted rave reviews and not a few roars of laughter. And it should. I refer to the movie, The Wedding Party. It is cheering that Nigerians have one of their own to trigger a swagger, instead of the usual Hollywood staple.

    The movie boasts its strength, no least the cast like Richard Mofe Damijo, Alibaba, Sola Sobowale, Ireti Doyle, Banky W, et al. The actors did not flail. Damijo eased into the role of upper-crust Igbo restraint and Doyle wore her cocky part well. Sobowale and Alibaba puffed powerfully in the Yoruba ostentatious vanity. Both pairs headline the theme of two antipodal cultures in a comedy of collision, inspiring other actors and setting off kabooms of laughs.

    If the acting was great, so also were the scenes and writing. The cinematography glowed with brutal editing and focus of scenes rarely seen on Nigerian celluloid.

    Yet, it suffered two great flaws. It yielded a formulaic plot line. Its predictability was, however, smothered in the sheer perfection of the acting and lines. Two, the stereotyping of the ethnic groups taught us to see each group through one window. The Yoruba is vain, loves party, lies about finances, is a lickspittle. The Igbo loves money and nothing else. No greys of culture. It fought shy of nuances. There was no crossover of vanity, for instance, which we see in both cultures. It ended in bathos, hilarious but not deep.

    The movie is, however, the sort that many should see. For all its imperfections, kudos should go to director Kemi Adetiba, who cowrote the script with Tosin Otudeko.

  • Aliyah’s face

    Aliyah’s face

    Even if you didn’t see Aliyah Masaku’s face, the story as narrated by The Punch newspaper’s reporter was horror enough. Three fierce, fang-filled dogs unleashed on a five-year-old? The imagination turns coy, frozen, unable to call up the scenario.

    A five-year-old, weak arms, cherubic face, eyes aghast and even ghostly, feet limp, heart racing and pounding in her fragile chamber of a chest. The dogs, Alsatian, mature, slobbering and barking, and snarling, the floor and walls shaking with their rage. No help around. No neighbour, no mother, no father, nobody. She was helpless in the wild, which was her home. The wild against the bewildered in her Ikorodu residence in Lagos State.

    And as the report had it, she was asleep when the wild dog named Rover broke loose from its kennel, and reached out for the innocent girl. This was no blood feud. This was no feud. It was a brute set against a brittle. It reminds me of the classic memoirs of the Australian William H. Hudson, Far Away and Long Ago, in which he recalled his vulnerable childhood and referred to two stanzas of a favourite poem from Robert Louis Stevenson: “Children you are very little/ And your bones are very brittle.”

    [quote font_size=”17″ font_style=”italic” color=”#ffffff” bgcolor=”#000000″ bcolor=”#e0b364″ arrow=”yes”]Her bones were brittle, easy to break, and dogs love to conquer the feeble. They did it to Aliyah. It happened when no one was at home. And Aliyah may not have been at home. According to her father, Wasiu, she might have been in school at the moment of Rover’s insanity. But there was a problem with her school, and he asked her to remain home until she found another one for her. That was not to be.[/quote]

    The mother was not home. She did not live there. Apparently separated from Aliyah’s father, she lives in Cotonou. So, it was a story of a father who wanted his daughter, and the mother yielded. Now, father’s love wove a fatal lore. The mother’s presence may or may not have saved the girl. The dogs were probably hungry. The father, who kept the animals for the absentee landlord, had walked away to obtain feed. The dog Rover could not wait.

    Omatseye Writes on Buhari’s death Rumour

    The name makes me shudder. Rover evokes the image of Satan in the Bible. Peter describes him as a roaring lion moving about seeking whom to devour. Rover was notorious, according to Wasiu and leashed the beast. He left two others, presumably docile, to roam free. Alas, Rover dragged Aliyah from the house to the backyard and the so-called docile canines pounced on the girl.

    But this is a story also of irony. Aliyah was no stranger to Rover and company. According to the father, they were chummy, and she even shepherded fearful visitors through the lair of the beasts.

    This shows that the father was not necessarily evil for leaving the girl alone at home with the dogs. Or he had ever judged the canine’s temperaments. But he could have locked the girl inside. A five-year-old at home with 15 animals of potential ferocity was, on hindsight, more than a little naïve. Minders of animals have gone wrong in the past. We have seen tigers kill their masters at circuses. Snake charmers have fallen at the bites of their slithering pets.

    But Aliyah’s intimacy with the canine’s goes to the heart of the relationship between dogs and humans. She must have been stunned to see the dogs come at her. She might have dredged up her usual strategies of friendship, a word, a smile, the promise of a piece of meat, etc., but they did not work. If men have their moments of madness, why not the beast?

    But we know that dogs have been intimate. They call them man’s best friends. Aliyah died, and it came from a good friend or friends. It was a moment of betrayal between man and its best friends. Harry Truman saw a lot of back stabbing as president of the United States. When asked if he could have any friend in Washington, he said, “if you want a friend, buy a dog.” In his classic novel, A Call of the Wild by American author Jack London, he shows how a dog can be at once intimate and ferocious, staid and steroidal, loyal and Brutus-like.

    Omatseye’s piece on Donald Trump

    Over a decade ago, Tacobell popularised a Chihuahua dog with an advertisement. The dog became a bestseller in the US as evidence of a dog talking. Rin Tin Tin was a German Shepherd rescued during the First World War by American soldier Lee Duncan and it starred in 27 Hollywood movies and became a friend many children in many other incarnations presented as the same Rin Tin Tin. Children loved the series. Aliyah would have.

    But I see the larger picture of the Nigerian canvas in the brutal episode. A landlord amasses 15 dogs and abandons them for a place in London. It is like some of our CEOs and political bigwigs who leave a vicious Nigeria they have created and lived away in luxury, either out of town or some cosy retreat in a five-star hotel. The dogs serve as their hounds, their foot soldiers always at the ready to unfasten terror. The dogs, just like their minions, seem harmless. Some of our foot soldiers live among us, and they do nothing until there is a breakdown. Take, for instance, the rise of militancy in the Niger Delta, and the surge of Boko Haram in the Northeast. The militants began as foot soldiers of the political elite. They, like the dogs of Ikorodu, outgrew their hinges and wreaked mayhem and deaths.

    The dog owner was reported to have said that he was not at fault. Which is typical of our elite who never say they had a hand in the tragedy. Ali Modu Sheriff never takes responsibility for the rise of Boko Haram. Neither do the political elite of the Niger Delta for the rise of militants.

    Wasiu is the false elite, who is used by the master to maintain the state. The bureaucrats, the so-called professional hands, who work for the masters. They are grateful for their pay but they keep a dangerous brood. When things turn awry they shed tears because they are inevitably victims too. Aliyah lost her life because her father was probably making money from taking care of the dogs. He has lost his daughter and no amount of money can restore Aliyah, which in Arabic means Praise or Noble, to his bosom.

    Neighbours could not help. The average mass cannot save their fellow citizens from impunity. We only yell when an innocent goes to jail and his masters eat caviar in Honolulu. The neighbours said they had to call the father. They could not get in the yard because they could not withstand 15 dogs. Impunity, like Rover and company, reigns over common sense and collective will.

    The result is the face of Aliyah, with the marks the dogs’ claws and teeth inflicted. Because she could not survive, her tragedy is ours.

    PMB, please call NTA

    Since President Muhammadu Buhari has been in London to take care of his health, he has not spoken to the Nigerian people. He has spoken with Donald Trump, the volatile leader of an uncertain world. Last week, he spoke with Kano State Governor Umar Ganduje. I presume he has been in touch with Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, who is holding the fort competently.

    A few days ago, his spokesman Femi Adesina posted online that the president called him. No problem with those calls. I wish the president could speak with the Nigerian people. The people need to hear from him. We don’t want filters. He was voted in without filters. If he could speak with national and world leaders, including his mouthpiece, let us hear a piece of his lips. He could do that by calling NTA and utter a few reassuring words, including his usual sense of humour.

    Some people may doubt, as they are wont to, the authenticity of his intervention. But he should not bother. He should do right by us and that should be enough for his conscience.  PMB was quoted as praising Adesina for defending him against mischief makers. That is not a presidential line, and Adesina should have protected the boss by not saying it. He probably did not mean it for general consumption. He should know that not all those who ask questions about the lack of transparency have mischief on their minds, while I admit that there are some out there. The President’s image should rise above the low tide of recriminations.  Last week, I sparred with Adesina on Channels Television Sunrise show, and I hope I am not one of those “mischief makers” in question. I want the president to be well, but my priority is the over 150 million Nigerians who have a right to know about their president’s health.

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  • PDP without the people

    With the ruling of the Court of Appeal in favor of Ali Modu Sheriff as the National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party PDP, a very dark cloud now pervades the future of the former ruling party. Even then, the appeal by the Markarfi faction at the Supreme Court against the ruling has further raised the stakes in this make or mar legal tussle.

    Arising from the turn of events is the seeming preference by the disputants for the final resolution of the case through the courts. As things stand, they have submitted themselves to the winner-takes-all scenario that is bound to be the final outcome of the Supreme Court ruling.

    For such a two party zero sum game, the options are very clear. So also, the pay-offs. One party is bound to win and maximally too while the other stands to lose completely. Ordinarily, rational calculations should instruct that such game scenarios could be very catastrophic. And a better situation would be that in which both parties seek solutions that will minimize their losses in the event of the worst outcome: a compromise position that is more likely to save the party.

    But events have shown the contending parties do not want a political solution to the crisis. And if such options had been on the table, they could have been activated to resolve the crisis while it was before the appeal court. Curiously, each party stuck to its own position awaiting the appeal court decision.

    Apparently, the Markarfi group believed it had better chances of winning the suit given that the convention in which the caretaker committee emerged was in keeping with the party’s constitution. It also had all the organs of the party: the board of trustees, the governors, its former ministers and the overwhelming majority of the party members including the state officers with it. They could not fathom how one man could impose himself on the majority.

    In the ensuing crisis, Sheriff remained essentially a general without troops supported by a band of people he appointed by himself. The source of his strength and confidence remained largely doubtful even as the other group severally accused him of being sponsored by the government in power to weaken the opposition. His conduct during the last governorship elections in both Edo and Ondo states went at lengths to give fillip to this accusation. All these may have embittered the Markarfi group to the extent of not having anything to do with him as he could no longer be trusted. The outcome of this loss of faith is the current situation in which the Supreme Court would have to resolve the legitimacy of the two groups to lead the party.

    But court verdict is unlikely to produce an outcome that will see the party regain its unity and strength so soon after, especially given that some governorship elections are around the corner. That is why political solution has been mooted in some quarters despite the intransigence and defiance of Sheriff.

    There were suggestions from some quarters especially those in Sheriff’s camp that the Markarfi group should not have appealed the judgment to allow common grounds to be evolved to move the party forward. While some of his loyalists had been bragging and arrogantly making uncomplimentary statements against key personages of the Markarfi group, Sheriff was also reported to have boasted how he will deny some PDP governors the ticket of the party in future elections.

    He was later to deny those statements emanated from him. He spoke very copiously in very reconciliatory terms of his plans to reposition the party and return it to the people. Which people? For him, the path to this lies in the organization of a national convention to elect national officers. But how can that stand in the face of the impositions that marred the congresses he earlier supervised?

    The Markarfi group is privy to his undemocratic credentials and would not trust him. Not after engaging the party in a protracted legal battle even when he does not enjoy the support of key party organs. Not with his posturing before the last convention of the party in which he contrived all manner of subterfuge to have himself returned unopposed as the party chairman with eventual eye to install himself as the presidential candidate of the party come 2019.

    The Markarfi group knows his antecedents and anti- democratic credentials and would never allow that scenario. They are unlikely to take seriously any promise coming from Sheriff. His pledge to organize the national convention of the party will be taken as a disguise to install his stooges within the party hierarchy. If he succeeds in doing this, the party would have become his personal property.

    It is not surprising the group has gone ahead to appeal the judgment, thus foreclosing all the ideas being nursed by Sheriff until the appeal runs its full course. This has added new complications to the power tussle between the two groups. And as things stand, it appears to have foreclosed any political solution to the matter irrespective of on-going consultations by some of its leaders.

    If such consultations could not produce any result while the case was at the appeal court, it is doubtful given the intransigence and arrogance of Sheriff he will be cooperative now his position has been strengthened by the court ruling. He has even had the national secretariat of the party unlocked for him by the police.

    The Supreme Court will have to determine between Sheriff and Markarfi the authentic leader of the party. If the caretaker committee is given a clean bill of health, things will bounce back to normal. That is the group that has the backing of the governors, the board of trustees, National Assembly members and almost entirely all the state executive of the party. That is the PDP.

    But the situation will turn out chaotic if the ruling is in favor of the Sheriff faction. Sheriff will inherit the party without the people. He would proceed immediately to issue orders, directing all organs of the party to fall in line as severe disciplinary measures await all those who disobey his orders. He would have become all in all, acting in any manner that pleased him.

    Then, two of the tripod on which the party’s name- Peoples Democratic Party stands- the people and democracy would have taken flight. But then, if the party loses the people that make it up, it would have ipso facto lost its claim to any democratic credentials. And when these two key elements are exorcized from the party, nothing else would have been left. He could go ahead to rebuild the party according to his own terms and dictates but he is unlikely to secure the support of those he is edging out through the instrumentality of court ruling.

    The party will not fare any better. That is one dimension that could incapacitate the party. The second plank of the calamity that will likely befall the party will result from the refusal of the other group to have anything to do with Sheriff. There is the possibility of the other group ditching the party. Already suggestions have been rife to that effect.

    That will see to the emergence of a new political party only for Sheriff to be left with the carcass of the PDP. Thus, in all the scenarios should Sheriff emerge victorious, what has emerged is that the party would be worse for it. There is the potent possibility of disintegration with deleterious repercussion for democracy.

    Given the above, will the interest of democracy be better served by the disintegration of the former ruling party? And given the tendency in this clime for people to gravitate towards the ruling party for self-serving reasons, would it not amount to a quick sail to one party state in real terms?

    These are the issues to consider. They may not be part of the legal issues to be determined by the Supreme Court. But can the apex court afford to ignore the overall effect of its decision on the sustenance of democracy on these shores? And what role if any, should public or national interest play in the disposal of issues that have wider implications for the successful practice of democracy on these shores?

  • To blow or not to blow?

    There is no information about whistleblowers that have been paid for whistleblowing based on the President Muhammadu Buhari administration’s anti-corruption strategy for the recovery of stolen public funds. But there is news about a whistleblower that turned down the payment due to him because he considered whistleblowing a patriotic responsibility. Other whistleblowers may not be so selfless.

    Information by the Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed, suggests there were other whistleblowers that may have had no qualms about receiving the due payment.  He reportedly said the whistleblower policy had led to the recovery of US$151 million and N8billion. His words: “The looted funds, which do not include the $9.2 million in cash allegedly owned by a former Group Managing Director of the NNPC (which was also a dividend of the whistleblower policy), were recovered from just three sources through whistleblowers who gave actionable information to the office of the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of the Federation. The biggest amount of $136,676,600.51 was recovered from an account in a commercial bank, where the money was kept under an apparently fake account name, followed by N7billion and $15million from another person and N1billion from yet another.”

    The minister presented a picture of the role of the whistleblower in the case of the over $9 million allegedly hidden in an uncompleted house in Kaduna by a former NNPC chief executive:  “Somebody gave us the information; we went there and saw the money loaded in fridges and boxes and the owner has admitted that the money belongs to him. He said the money was given to him by friends after he retired and we want those friends to come forward.’’ It is interesting the minister didn’t give information regarding whether the whistleblower in this case got the due payment.

    Mohammed observed that the approach was working, considering the harvest within a short period. He said: “Well, the whistleblower policy is barely two months old and Nigerians have started feeling its impact, seeing how a few people squirrelled away public funds…Yet whatever has been recovered so far, including the $9.8million by the EFCC, is just a tip of the iceberg.”

    Clearly, Mohammed expects more whistleblowing. Indeed, there may well be more whistleblowing. The question is whether more whistleblowers will follow the example of the one who rejected the payment for whistleblowing.

    Mohammed highlighted the case of the perhaps unexpected selfless whistleblower: “I want to put on record that the fellow through whom we recovered N1 billion, in an account, told us he does not want any commission from government because that was his contribution to the country. But, I can assure you that we are not going to renege on our promise of the appropriate commission to anyone who gives us information that leads to recovery of money through this policy. ‘’

    This policy, unprecedented in Nigeria’s political history, presents two choices: To blow or not to blow. It may not be as easy as it sounds.  Where the whistleblower blows the whistle, it reflects a decision that whistleblowing is what to do in the prevailing circumstances, whether in obedience to a  “categorical imperative,” or in obedience to less noble influences. Where there is a deliberate decision not to blow the whistle, it may well be that there is no burden of responsibility, and there is no desperation to make easy money.

    Possibly to prompt further public action, Mohammed reiterated the basics of the policy for public consumption: “The whistleblowing policy is a very simple policy through which we encourage Nigerians who have any information about the violation of our rights, commission of a crime, fraud or corruption or any Nigerian who knows where certain money is being held or kept to anonymously contact us. We will protect his or her identity and if the information leads to the recovery of money, he or she will be entitled to 2.5 per cent or 5 per cent of the money recovered. We have three channels of passing the information which could be through dedicated SMS, a portal and an e-mail address and all of them are secured.’’

    Against the background of whistleblowing and whistleblowers, it is pertinent to note that information by the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) indicated that about 45 high-profile corruption cases had been taken to court. A report said: “The cases stated in the document exclude the $153m recently forfeited to the Federal Government by Diezani Alison-Madueke; the $9m case involving Andrew Yakubu; the prosecution of a former Director-General of the National Broadcasting Commission, Emeka Mba (N2.8bn); as well as all retired military officials (N40bn).”

    Further report: “Some of the high-profile cases stated in the document include an alleged N36bn case involving a former Governor of Jigawa State, Saminu Turaki; a fraud case involving a former Governor of Gombe State, Senator Danjuma Goje (N25bn), and a former Governor of Nasarawa State, Aliyu Doma.”

    Additional information: “Other prominent cases listed include the Chairman of Atlantic Energy Brass Development Limited and Atlantic Energy Drilling Concept Limited, Jide Omokore, who is standing trial for an alleged $1.6bn fraud; a former Director-General of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, Patrick Akpobolokemi, who is standing trial before two different courts for alleged N1.6bn fraud and N754.7bn fraud. The committee also listed the case of the President, NLNG Staff Bonny Co-op Investment and Credit Society Limited, Julius Peters, who is being tried for an alleged N207bn fraud.”

    High-profile corruption cases, according to the committee, are cases in which any of the suspects is “a politician, public officer or judicial officer; a person elected or nominated to a public office or position and where the subject matter of the case involves government property or funds.”

    How will the corruptly acquired funds recovered from the corrupt be spent? This is a serious question, and it deserves a serious answer. A report quoted “a top government official” as saying: “The National Economic Forum has been meeting and we are looking at the idea of investing the recovered funds on the social intervention programme which will gulp hundreds of billions of naira.” Specifically, the official “said the money would be used in paying the N30, 000 monthly stipends to beneficiaries of the N-Power scheme, the job creation programme of the President Muhammadu Buhari administration; as well as the school feeding programme.”

    The point is that there is no point in encouraging whistleblowing and whistleblowers if the harvest will not serve socially useful purposes.