Category: Monday

  • Two cable vandals held

    Rapid Response Squad (RRS), operatives have arrested a man for allegedly vandalising cables on Oba Akra Avenue, Ikeja.

    He was nabbed on Wednesday, barely 24 hours after a cart pusher, Bayo Agboola,  was arrested in the same area over the same act.

    Agboola was caught around 3:30 a.m. with an armoured saw and two sets of pliers trying to cut a cable from an unlit lamp post.

    Agboola, 30, said to be an ex–convict, attempted to flee before he was overpowered by the patrolling RRS operatives.

    He allegedly told his interrogators that he was trying to cut off a disused cable when he was arrested, adding that he came out early to pick metal to escape being arrested.

    The second vandal, Abubakar Usman, 27, from Jigawa State, was arrested around Akran near where Agboola was caught.

    He was found with a hand-saw and two pieces of cut cables measuring up to two meters each.

    In a statement yesterday, RRS said the suspects have been handed over to the Lagos State Environmental Sanitation and Special Offences Unit (Task Force).

  • Thanksgiving and thanksgiver

    Thanksgiving and thanksgiver

    W hen a thankful thanksgiver with a heart full of thanks organises a thanksgiving service, it should be expected that he would give a testimony. Former Delta State Governor James Ibori, who returned to Nigeria after serving time in the United Kingdom for corruption–related crime, gave a curious testimony at the First Baptist Church, Oghara, Delta State, on February 12, prompting reflections on thanksgiving.
    When is a thanksgiving service a thanksgiving service, properly so called? Ibori’s testimony was a testimony to the elasticity of the idea of thanksgiving. Ibori said: “Today, I have decided to speak for myself. I am not a thief; I cannot be a thief. Today is the day they say I should give testimony to God. For those who know me, you know that my life is a testimony itself. I have said it over and again that my life is fashioned by God, directed by God, sealed, acknowledged and blessed by God. I believe that since the day I was born. Like the Archbishop said, when this whole commotion started, what was most painful to me was the pain and suffering that my people were going through.”
    It is thought-provoking that information on Ibori contradicts his self-promoting twin claim that he is not a thief and cannot be a thief: “Ibori moved to London, England, in the 1980s where he married his wife, Theresa. Ibori worked as a cashier at Wickes DIY store in Ruislip, Middlesex.  In 1990, the couple were arrested for theft from the store, and fined £300. In 1991, he was convicted of handling a stolen credit card, and fined £100.”
    It is unsurprising Ibori brought God into the picture while giving his testimony; thanksgivers usually bring God into it when they express their thankfulness. But it is startling Ibori mentioned God because he has not demonstrated God consciousness, meaning his words are not enough to show he understands the concept of God and the demands of God consciousness.
    Ibori continued: “I drew my strength from God. So, somehow, I knew that God would stand by me. I knew that one day, this day would come. I am indeed very pleased that I can now stand before you and look at your faces, the faces that I have missed, and those of you who have indeed suffered the pains of my absence.”
    Ibori also said: “So, when I reflect, it gives me joy that all your prayers, God has answered them… If I am to give testimony of my journey, you will not leave here… The only testimony that I have is the fact that I am back and alive in your midst. And again, I say that I never had any doubt in my mind that I would get back home…I am happy to be home with my people. There is nobody who can battle with the Lord. An Urhobo adage says there is time for everything (okiemute). A day will come when I will tell my story and every one of you will hear me. Today is to thank God.”
    The background to Ibori’s thanksgiving is worth presenting in some detail because it definitely doesn’t reflect God consciousness on his part:  ”In 2007, the Metropolitan Police raided the London offices of lawyer Bhadresh Gohil. Hidden in a wall behind a fireplace, they found computer hard drives containing details of myriad off-shore companies, run for Ibori by Gohil, fiduciary agent Daniel Benedict McCann, and corporate financier Lambertus De Boer. All of these men were later jailed for a total of 30 years.  As a result of these corruption allegations, the United Kingdom courts froze Ibori’s assets there, valued at about £17 million ($35 million), in early August 2007…In an exclusive interview with CNN, Ibori denied allegations against him claiming they were politically motivated.”
    More information: “On December 12, 2007, Ibori was arrested by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at the Kwara State Lodge in Asokoro, Abuja. The charges he faced include theft of public funds, abuse of office, and money laundering…On December 17, 2009, A Federal High Court sitting in Asaba, Delta State, discharged and acquitted Ibori of all 170 charges of corruption brought against him by EFCC.”
    Further information: “In April 2010… Ibori’s case file was reopened. A new allegation that he embezzled N40 billion ($266 million) was pressed against him…. Ibori fled Nigeria, prompting the EFCC to request the assistance of Interpol. On May 13, 2010, Ibori was arrested in Dubai, United Arab Emirates under Interpol arrest warrants, issued from United Kingdom courts and enacted by the Metropolitan Police…Ibori’s case and extradition became one of the longest, most complex and expensive operations mounted by Scotland Yard in recent years.”
    Additional information: “On February 27, 2012, accused of stealing US$250 million from the Nigerian public purse, Ibori pleaded guilty to ten counts of money laundering and conspiracy to defraud at Southwark Crown Court, London. Following the guilty plea entered by Ibori, the EFCC brought before an Appeal Court the six-year-old ruling of a Federal High Court in Asaba which acquitted Ibori in 2009…A three-man panel of justices at the Benin Division of the Court of Appeal on May 15, 2014, ruled that the ex- governor has a case to answer. With this judgment, the coast is clear for Ibori to face further trial in Nigeria…”
    This is what followed Ibori’s admission of guilt: “On Tuesday, April 17, 2012, Ibori was sentenced to 13 years in prison by Southwark Crown Court for his crimes. Among possessions confiscated were: A house in Hampstead, north London, for £2.2m; a property in Shaftesbury, Dorset, for £311,000; a £3.2m mansion in Sandton, near Johannesburg, South Africa; a fleet of armoured Range Rovers valued at £600,000; a £120,000 Bentley Continental GT; a Mercedes-Benz Maybach 62 bought for €407,000 cash, which was shipped direct to his mansion in South Africa.”
    This is worth mentioning: “After the sentencing hearing, Sue Patten, head of the Crown Prosecution Service central fraud group, said Ibori had acquired his riches “at the expense of some of the poorest people in the world.” Ibori was released from jail in December 2016 after serving four years; he came back to Nigeria on February 4.
    It is curious that a man whose conduct as governor was unquestionably ungodly now wants the world to believe that he believes in God. It is a point to ponder whether Ibori has developed God consciousness, beyond his mechanical mention of God at his thanksgiving event.

  • Between Shettima and Sheriff

    Between Shettima and Sheriff

    This year’s edition of the Murtala Mohammed memorial lectures should serve as a veritable food for thought especially given mounting security challenges stretching the nation to capacity.
    Not only is the title “Managing the Boko Haram crisis in Borno State: Experiences and lessons for a multi-party, multi-ethnic and multi-religious Nigeria” relevant to contemporary realities, it could not have had a better speaker than Kashim Shettima, governor of Borno State.
    He wears the shoes and should know where they pinch most. His take-off point was a recent statement by his predecessor, Ali Modu Sheriff in which he implied that at the time he handed power over to Shettima in 2011, Boko Haram had asserted territorial control and carried out its atrocities within Maiduguri only. Sheriff went further to assert that Boko Haram was not in control of any local government area then.
    But Shettima smelt a political shot to reverse or obliterate the true turn of events in respect of that uprising. He catalogued events that led to the birth, nurturing and maturation of the Boko Haram terror group during the period Sheriff held sway, disputing the claim that Boko Haram did not metastasize beyond Maiduguri while Sheriff was on duty.
    Here is his case: in July 2009 when Boko Haram launched its first concurrent attacks in Maiduguri, its cells also carried out similar attacks at Damasak, headquarters of Mobbar local government of the state. Cells yet to become active existed alongside visible followers in other local government. He said Boko Haram which had spread from Borno to Bauchi and Yobe states attacked targets in these states within the same July 2009 and that the terror group was by this time everywhere in Borno State. This was before he became the governor.
    He said he had restrained from blaming his predecessor for inaction that provided fertile ground for the spread of the terror group. But by failing to intervene in the crisis between some members of the armed forces and the insurgent group known then as Yusufiyya over the use of crash helmets, Sheriff cannot in all honesty, escape culpability for the turn of events that escalated the crisis.
    In 2010, a more vicious and radical Abubakar Shekau emerged on the scene as a catalyst and threatened reprisals that have left this nation in its current pass. Shettima wrapped up his narrative thus “the transformation from Yusufiyya to Boko Haram under Shekau, dispatch of outposts outside Maiduguri in Borno State to Yobe and Bauchi, all planned and coordinated from headquarters in Borno had become contrived fait accompli under governor Ali Modu Sheriff”.
    We have gone this far to put in perspective some of the issues that have been traded regarding the genesis of the Boko Haram insurgency. It is not for this writer to give an opinion between Shettima and Sheriff who is right or wrong. The issues canvassed are in public domain. If Sheriff is not done with them, the floor is still open.
    Perhaps, the import of the sequence of events highlighted will become handy after appraising the second strand of Shettima’s discourse – conspiracy theories and the praxis of inaction. In this, Shettima gave account of how emerging theories regarding the raison d’etre for the Boko Haram insurgency, its possible sponsors and overall objectives led to inaction on the part of the Jonathan administration culminating in the escalation of the conflict with dire consequences for lives and property.
    He said Boko Haram grew from strength to strength after the 2011 elections due to conspiracy theories that followed its attacks of the police headquarters and the UN building in Abuja all within the first three months of Jonathan’s swearing-in. Then, there arose a conspiracy theory that Boko Haram was set up by the ‘Muslim-majority northern leaders’ to target Christians and make Nigeria ungovernable for Jonathan.
    This theory latter changed from all northerners using Boko Haram to undermine Jonathan to a narrower theory of northerners in opposition using Boko Haram to destabilize the Jonathan administration. He said it provided an alibi for the federal government to justify its inability to take prompt measures to quell the rising insurgency.
    The same conspiracy theory was equally at play during the abduction of the Chibok girls. He said federal government’s initial response was that the abduction was a ruse. It was later reversed to the effect that the abduction was masterminded by the opposition to discredit the Jonathan regime. For Shettima, these were the issues that impeded quick response by the government and culminated to the monumental losses in human lives and damage to property of inestimable value.
    Shettima’s account of these conspiracy theories and their net effect on the overall fight against terrorism may not be in doubt. But he appeared to have skewed the theories disproportionately against the side of the Jonathan regime. That is not a proper representation of all there is to it. There were also more devious and invidious strands of similar theories from the northern elite including inaction and ambivalence that combined to produce the same situation he complained about.
    A few examples will drive this point home. The then governor of Adamawa State, Muritala Nyako had in a letter to northern governors titled “on-going full-fledged genocide in northern Nigeria” floated the theory that the so-called Boko Haram war was a subterfuge by the Jonathan regime to depopulate the north. Among other very damaging, unpatriotic and tendentious claims by Nyako was that the government was killing citizens and attributing it to the ‘so-called Boko Haram’.
    Nyako even sought his colleagues’ support for all those adversely affected by Boko Haram to ‘sue the federal government to court for full compensation for any loss of live and property’. The Northern Elders Forum also toed this line when it claimed most conflicts in the north were being engineered to weaken the north both economically and politically by interests who want to exploit them for political advantage.
    There was also the equivocation of the northern establishment in coming out clearly to condemn the murderous escapades of the insurgents. All these complicated the situation and adversely affected the prosecution of the war. How do you proceed with a war a serving governor had dubbed a subterfuge to massacre people of northern origin? That was the big question. Curiously, Shettima did not factor these in his conspiracy theories and praxis of inaction that followed.
    Even the Nigerian Army during the current regime, came out with its version of the theory when it sent a “very strong and serious final warning to some prominent individuals and political groups from Borno State in particular and North-east in general” for planning to undermine and scuttle the fight against terrorism. That was the army speaking and they were heard loud and clear. So the issues are not as plain as Shettima would make us believe.
    The point to note from Shettima and Sheriff’s narratives is that Boko Haram is a home gown radical religious ideology. It was born, nurtured and allowed full maturation due to errors of omission or commission by the Borno State government. It was neither engineered from the outside nor a contrived agenda to depopulate the north as events have shown.
    Admittedly, emerging conspiracy theories as unproven as they remain, imposed serious constraints to the overall prosecution of the war. But they cannot be entirely dismissed as the warning from the army had reinforced. More of the blame for the lethargy that followed should be laid at the shoulders of the northern elite for failing to unequivocally condemn the insurgency; and for actions and inactions that fuelled suspicion as to their tacit support for the group.
    It is gratifying Shettima came to terms with these realities when he declared “quality and affordable education is for me, the number one roadmap to addressing the Boko Haram insurgency”. That is the way to go rather than seek escapism in imaginary enemies.

  • Rumour

    Rumour

    At one time in the past week, some Nigerians were led to believe that President Muhammadu Buhari was almost set to return home. At around the same time, the same Nigerians were not so sure.

    The signs contradicted themselves. One reflected the end of a drama. The other skewed the plot. Nothing demonstrated this semiotic dissonance more than two news items. The one was a headline that told us that the presidential staff was on alert for his return. The other served us pictures of Senate president and House speaker ensconced in a sitting room with the president in London.

    The background to this was the profusion of all sorts of pictures and stories on the state of the president’s health. Some said he was sick unto death. Some said he was actually happy, about to hop on the plane. Technology and imagination fed the plate. True pictures collided with concocted images. So much was the distortion that distortions seemed real and the real seemed distorted.

    A picture PMB took in London was read as the one he took in Aso Villa. Some of the pictures were believed to derive from three years ago, or six months ago, or even two months before he touched down in the Queen’s enclave. Online fizzes with pictorial potpourri. PMB on wheelchair. PMB jugging. PMB in fistic fury like Bash Alli. PMB wired like a patient at death’s door.

    What we are seeing is the imagination at war with reality. Is the president sick, very sick, convalescing? The situation has reached a stage where truth may never really win. This is because from the beginning, Nigerians were rigged out of the bare facts.

    No one was told what the real illness is, what the doctors said, what tests were conducted, and what the diagnosis and prognosis are. Some said that should have been done early and as the facts emerged. That way we can shut out the lugubrious mischief of what Soyinka called the “millipedes” of the Internet.

    The other view said, no, this is Africa. We are not the United States or Britain, where transparency also entails telling everyone even if you are dying of gonorrhoea. Just like Governor Mark Dayton of Minnesota who recently confessed openly that he had prostate cancer. That sort of openness, they say, is not for this part.

    This is responsible for the dissonance. We are embracing democracy of the 21st century but clutching at Kosoko or Uthman Dan Fodio. For us, democracy is the pie crust on a 19th century salad. That is why some are already seeing the Buhari story as a sort of Yar’Adua reborn. This is patently mischievous. There are no facts to bear that. Yet the absence of solid information has done little to stanch the imagination.

    We are not at the point where people will have to show public outpouring of sympathy for their president, other than the ones shown by APC bigwigs and other big names of society. It has made London a sort of medical tourism. You cannot really know how to sympathise when you don’t know how serious the matter is. Unlike the case of Ronald Reagan whose full situation after the assassination attempt was disclosed. He even spiced it with humour when he told his wife, Nancy that “Honey, I forgot to duck.” Or the case of Viktor Yushchenko of the Orange Revolution of Ukraine who was poisoned and filled the streets with sympathisers day after day. Or the story of Tancredo Neves of Brazil that led fellow citizens to keep vigil, in prayers and songs and enchantments. Or when Yugoslavia’s Josip Broz Tito was not ashamed to be quoted when he dramatically told his doctor to cut off his sick leg. His people grieved.

    These people were not forced to rely on the imagination. We are. That is why many are still asking questions. Those who pushed out information that presidency staff were on alert show great ignorance about modern medicine. The doctors will not tell any patient vague timelines about his health. If he will be in London for six hours or six months or six centuries, the doctor will let his patient know. So, as we speak, the test results have already apprised the doctors about how long he will be in London and when he will have to return. So, we should not be fed with fiction about the president coming back suddenly. Modern medicine does not work that way, and no one should hoodwink us.

    Imagination has now overtaken facts. Even if at this stage, the presidency tells us facts, many Nigerians will react with the incredulity of Thomas Didymus. If they say he is fit as a sky eagle, they will doubt. Even if they present the physician’s report saying, in great detail, his diagnosis, cure and his new impeccable physique, we cannot rule out apocryphal versions online.

    As the human spirt goes, the false report will go viral and the true one dismissed as not virile. If a true video is taken of him, some will deny every facet of his face and vowel of his voice. If he is jumping in the picture, some will say it was all another man’s features. This is an era of alternative facts, where truth is no longer beauty. The same Poet John Keats who said “truth is beauty, beauty truth,” had a prophet’s eye for this age when he wrote that “what imagination seizes as beauty is truth.”

    It is modernity catching up with our neo-feudal temperament. Some of us are asking the president to disclose every inch of his health. If they are in the same state, they may resist any disclosure with every fibre of their traditional being. Yet, we know that IBB in a pre-internet, military era disclosed his foot illness. Radiculopathy became a sort of chant when he was military president. And it took nothing from him. In a military era, health was unveiled without doubts. In our age, the democrat bows to feudal redoubts.

    Political philosopher Hannah Arendt lamented in her book, The Human Condition, how the modern state cannot realise the ideal of the Greek city state, where everything and everyone was held up to the light. The WikiLeaks hysteria is a global example. The sooner we clasp the modern ideal and not shy away from saying whether we have a headache or cologne cancer, the truer our claim to modern times. And it must start from the very top.

     

    More on the Brash boys

    In reaction to my column last week on the class of September 1973 of Government College, Ughelli, some readers wanted me to give them a sense of the accomplishments of my classmates and name some of them. That would give validity to some of my claims, they argued. Well, I said we had doctors and quite a few of them. At our reunion, I met Baldwin Maduagwu, who is medical director in Port Harcourt, at his own Kez Clinics. Also in Abuja, is Joe Agidee, a surgeon. We have a professor of medicine in Gabriel Egberue Ofovwe at the University of Benin. Ese Bright Atiyota, alias Ti-le, is a medical doctor in North America. Also in North America, Matthew Uponi is a senior contracts manager with Shell Energy, Canada. We also have a Senior Advocate of Nigeria in Omoruyi Omonuwa. He is also an OFR. We used to call each other “hello Baas,” mimicking a character in Peter Abraham’s novel “Tell Freedom.” Austine Emielu is a professor of music at Kwara State University.

    We also have entrepreneurs but I will just mention Ehi Braimah who is one of the top public relations and marketing men of this era. Clement Agege, an engineer, is the director of environmental services at DESOPADEC. I can go on and on. We also have the blessing of the holy spirit with a high-profile cleric, Bishop Chris Kwakpowve, who authors the international best seller, Our Daily Manna. He started when we were in school, making tracts with his little pocket money. Of course, Sam Omatseye belongs in that class. He has won multiple awards on three continents as a journalist and columnist, and is an honorary fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters. Need we say more about that distinguished school and class!

  • Ambode as resilience manager

    If resilience is elasticity to manage change, then the inclusion of Lagos State in the circle of 100 Resilient Cities (100RC), a project of the U.S.-based Rockefeller Foundation, is a testimony to the administrative adroitness of the Akinwunmi Ambode administration.

    As Governor of Lagos State at a historically significant juncture when the state is celebrating its 50th anniversary which will climax in May, Ambode is particularly positioned to manage its colourful complexity.  ”Being a part of the network of 100RC comes at a good time when our state is hoping to join the leading city-states of the world. We are open to new ideas, new technology and new methods,” Ambode declared while receiving the 100RC Certificate of Admission at the Renaissance Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, on February 7.  The 100 Resilient Cities include places in Africa, U.S.A., South America, Europe, Asia and Middle East.

    A report said: “President of 100 Resilient Cities, Mr. Michael Berkowitz, said out of the over 1,000 applications received and three rounds of selection process, Lagos was chosen for its innovative leadership, infrastructural strides and influential status not just in Africa but in the world.” Indeed, a city’s resilience is driven by its Chief Resilience Manager. In the case of Lagos, Ambode’s gubernatorial role makes him the chief driver.

    It is a reflection of Ambode’s administrative innovativeness and infrastructural imagination that the eve of the 100RC ceremony witnessed the inauguration of a 12-member Economic Advisory Committee at the Lagos House, Ikeja. Ambode’s words to the team: “Let me crave your indulgence to present a picture of what we are confronted with. Our 2017 budget earmarked about N500 billion (about US$1.6 billion) as capital spending.  Whereas our recent infrastructure needs analysis shows that over $30 billion would be required to achieve the 30 most impactful projects for the state over the next five years. It is evident that government cannot address this from current resources. A key task of this committee is therefore to provide specific advice on the overall finance strategy to bridge the massive infrastructure gap.”

    A report provided further elaboration: “Highlighting some of the key functions expected of the Economic Advisory Team, Ambode said they would be expected to bring an independent perspective on economic and business issues with a primary role of offering advice to his administration under the four strategic 2012-2025 Lagos State Development Plan (LSDP) pillars of economic development; infrastructural development; social development and security as well as sustainable development. The governor said whilst the committee is independent and largely constituted by members from the private sector, the need for integration and collaboration to ensure that the views are taken on board necessitated in having three members of the State Executive Council, led by the Commissioner for Finance in the team.” Considering the country’s recession challenges, this move demonstrates Ambode’s resilience consciousness.

    On the eve of the 100RC event, Ambode also unveiled his administration’s plan to phase out yellow buses popularly known as Danfo. Hopefully, this is a well-thought-out plan that will reform the city’s public transport system without creating a crisis of reformation. Ambode focused on the challenges of urbanisation at the 14th Annual Lecture of the Centre for Values in Leadership (CVL) held at Muson Centre, Onikan, Lagos.

    Ambode observed: “The issues lying at the heart of urban policy making in any city, old or new, developed or developing includes infrastructure, employment, population growth, economic sustainability and environmental viability. In addition to these, there are the classic urban challenges of overcrowding, unplanned and chaotic growth, insufficient provision of municipal services, from policing to healthcare to education to electricity and sewage – all of which are top of the agenda in many African cities.”

    He continued: “There is perhaps no better classic example of where these challenges of rapid urbanisation come to life than in Lagos. It is estimated that 86 immigrants enter Lagos every hour -the highest in any city in the world – and they have no plans to leave… This ever increasing population of the state however means that we have to be “on our toes” to provide facilities for this more than 23 million population.”

    It is noteworthy that Lagos was in 2015 listed 12th among the world’s largest 35 cities.   Evidently, a megacity needs mega governance because it has to grapple with mega challenges. In the light of its status-related difficulties, Lagos also needs mega resilience. Indeed, its recognition as an important resilient city is evidence of the extent of its resilience.

    Designed to “help cities around the world become more resilient to the physical, social, and economic challenges that are a growing part of the 21st century,” the 100RC project has its definition of urban resilience, which provides a context for the listing of Lagos:  ”Resilience is about surviving and thriving, regardless of the challenge…  Urban resilience is the capacity of individuals, communities, institutions, businesses, and systems within a city to survive, adapt, and grow no matter what kinds of chronic stresses and acute shocks they experience.”

    For clarification, “chronic stresses” which are said to “weaken the fabric of a city on a day-to-day or cyclical basis,” include “high unemployment, inefficient public transportation systems, endemic violence, and chronic food and water shortages.”  Further clarification:  ”acute shocks” which are described as “sudden, sharp events that threaten a city,” include “earthquakes, floods, disease outbreaks, and terrorist attacks.”

    A list of resilience challenges facing Lagos: Chronic Energy Shortages, Coastal Flooding, Disease Outbreak, Infrastructure Failure, Overpopulation, Overtaxed/ Under Developed/Unreliable Transportation System, Poor Transportation System, Rainfall Flooding, Rising Sea Level and Coastal Erosion.

    No doubt, Lagos has its share of “chronic stresses” and “acute shocks”; but it is surviving, and it is thriving. At this point in its evolution, the centrality of a capable resilience manager cannot be overemphasised; and with Ambode at the helm, the signs are that the megalopolis will continue to survive and thrive.

    Less than two years in office, Ambode is impressively focused on remodelling Lagos and making it a model megalopolis. It is a reflection of the city’s resilience that the country’s other states cannot resist applauding Ambode’s governance model.  Lagos State is working because Ambode is working.

    The rhythm of resilience is the rhythm of dynamism; and only the dynamic remain resilient. In the final analysis, the internationally recognised resilience of Lagos is a useful lesson for the rest of the country.

  • The monsters we create

    Those who have followed events within the nation’s polity would obviously be wondering whether there are universal standards for appraising issues that impinge on the political realm. This trend is more perceptible when such matters relate to the policies and activities of leaders while presiding over the affairs of this country.

    It is common in partisan political activity for opponents to seek to fault the policies and actions of their rivals with a view to convincing the electorate they could do things better if given the mandate. That is the nature of democracy. Its strength and attraction lie in the plurality of views and alternative paradigms it offers.

    But, the expectation is that those hitherto in the forefront of criticizing policy initiatives of incumbents, will do things differently with better results given the opportunity. It is not envisaged they will turn around to implement the same policies even with the objective conditions remaining the same.

    Similarly, activities or policies with higher prospects for deepening democracy for which a government was rated low due to its inability to allow them flourish, are expected to have a field day when those in the vanguard of their promotion have the reins of government under their control. That is the basis for the preference of one political party over and above the other. That is the fulcrum on which democratic choice and action revolves.

    In our clime, it would appear this rule is in most part, observed in its breach. You get to find to your consternation, policies and actions that drew stern criticisms and condemnation when a particular government was in power being seriously implemented and justified as soon as the mantle of leadership shifts to another even with objective conditions remaining the same.

    And one begins to wonder the type of progress a nation that applies different sets of rules to the same phenomenon; a nation that places higher premium on political expedience over objective realities can possibly make. You begin to ponder whether such positions were for public good or to satisfy self-serving ends. Such has been the contradiction elevated to the front burner by events surrounding the nation-wide protests championed by a popular Nigerian musician, Tuface Idibia against the biting policies of the current government.

    The musician had called a nation-wide protest which at once drew the sympathy of many civil society groups that found ample justification in his course. But the police authorities were not favourably disposed to the protests citing the possibility of a break-down of law and order. They also claimed that a rival group had also slated its own demonstrations on the same day around the same venue and time, citing them as evidence that things will go awry should the protests be allowed.

    So much pressure was mounted on Idibia that he had to succumb and shelve the demonstrations due to security reasons. But other civil society organizations and interest groups already committed to the protests would not budge. They made good their promise to draw the attention of the government to the plethora of problems confronting the Nigerian masses on account of its anti-human economic policies.

    The demonstrations took place very peacefully in many cities including the federal capital territory, Abuja. But one significant thing that happened in Abuja was the appearance of another set of demonstrators apparently in sympathy with the policies of the government. They came to the streets to show solidarity with the government and its policies. True to the prediction of the police, they closely trailed those protesting against government policies to their venue but luckily kept some distance.

    The real motive of this group is largely unknown. It neither advertised its intentions nor the date and venue of its outing. They are entitled to their support of the government and its policies. Why they chose the same date and time and came close to confronting the anti-government protesters is a matter of conjecture. However, their conduct fuelled suspicion that they may have been hired to give a semblance of veracity to the claim of the police authorities. It looked in all ramifications contrived, sponsored and fake. Their tactics is not new. Not with Abuja as the theatre of their outing.

    Not surprisingly, the development has further fuelled speculations that the government put in everything to frustrate and deny the people their inalienable rights to peaceful protests against its debilitating policies. Ironically, this is a government that came to power riding at the back of such popular movements. It is a government that mounted a very serious and sustained opposition against an incumbent culminating in the historic defeat of a government in power in Africa.

    That singular feat has since had its domino fall-outs, first in Ghana and then in The Gambia. Such a government is least expected to place obstacles on the road to peaceful protests and demonstrations since, it is a huge beneficiary of such popular movements. It should not be seen to be taking devious steps to foreclose the opportunity to tap the temperament of the people on critical issues that affect their lives.

    Such a government should be interested in knowing the effects of its policies on the people with a view to taking remedial actions where necessary. For, bottled up anger which does not find avenue for ventilation could result to more deleterious consequences. That is the danger we face attempting to muzzle up dissent especially in democratic setting.

    Incidentally, this government had a lot of goodwill at inception that it ought to align itself with the people. That was why it removed the so-called fuel subsidy and nobody raised eyebrows. Attempts by the previous regime to effect slight adjustments in the pump price of the product had attracted a nation-wide shut-down in 2012 by the Occupy Nigeria group. Then, leaders of the present regime were in opposition and many of them had tacit support for that action.

    If the current regime removed subsidy without any challenge, then Nigerians believed that it had good intentions and should be allowed time to put things alright. But nearly two years thereon, the lot of the common man has grown from bad to worse. The price of every essential commodity has doubled making life short, nasty and brutish. There are no jobs. And those who hitherto were in employment, lost them in large numbers on account of the economic recession into which the nation appears irretrievably mired. In the face of this, all we have been hearing are promises that things will improve for the better. But there are no signs of respite in sight.

    Of late, we have started hearing of promises that the government intends to implement measures to force down the prices of basic food items. How such a policy will address the issues that gave rise to this increase including the rising cost of diesel which now sells at around N300 per litre and the supply side of the chain is left to be seen. How it intends to force down prices at the prevailing exchange rate in a country that largely depends on imports for its basic needs including food is left for the government.

    By the protests, the demonstrators and millions of others who did not participate have shown that they are quickly losing patience in the responses of the government and its capacity to ameliorate the debilitating living conditions of the people. They are saying loud and clear and have happily been heard by the Acting President, Yemi Osinbajo that they cannot afford to continue this way as any policy lacking in human face is not for the living.

    They are saying very unequivocally the government should do what it preaches both in terms of allowing democratic freedoms and enthroning fair play in its campaign against corruption. They want a government of example that lives by the sermon it preaches.

    Else, we create monsters that may turn around and begin to haunt us. And this should be instructive. Now Osinbajo has heard them loud and clear, we expect quick responses to the seeming duplicity in some of the actions of the government and immediate succour to the suffering masses.

  • Brash days forever

    Brash days forever

    Recently my classmates – the class of September 1973 of Government College, Ughelli – had our inaugural reunion in Lagos. Classmates, some of whom had not seen each other since we left school in 1978, gathered from across the world in a hilarious weekend full of laughter and recollections. This column pays tribute to that class as a metaphor to school time and power of memory.

    “I am a fag, (a bush man) a dirty, stinking fag. I am to be seen and not to be heard. As from this moment, I promise to discard all my rustic and outlandish ideas to become a true member of Oleh House, Government College, Ughelli.”

    I still recall that evening of odd foreboding in the common room of Oleh House. Usually the common room was prim with tables and benches and designed more for lucubration than celebration. But that eerie evening for me in Class One etched in memory my first consciousness of life as ritual.

    It was one of those rituals I recall with fondness today, a ritual of belonging to a school where I formed some of my enduring manners and habits, and of course some of my endearing friends.

    After that solemn declaration, every senior boy in the common room watched with contemptuous glee. The room was now clear of all tables, leaving mainly benches lined along the four walls. The seniors sat as spectators, cheering and jeering. A class five senior presided, a bowl of salt water in his hand.

    After the declaration of the class one student, he would answer some questions. Then the presiding senior would shout, “Brine or no brine?” That is, salt water or no salt water? And depending on how the class one student performed in questions propounded to him, they shouted “Brine!” or “No brine!” or a babel of loud “brine,” loud “no brine,” low “brine,” or low “no brine.”

    Because of a certain childish bloodthirstiness of the night, the seniors were more inclined to shout “brine.” That meant the class one initiate, his face smothered in powder and a wrapper dangling like a tail from his buttocks, would be plied with a concentration of saltwater, which he was obliged to drink, the cup sometimes “garnished” with powder flaking down from his face.

    The class one student was a bush man, like an animal, hence he tied a cloth that dangled down like a tail from his buttocks. A senior, stick in hand, would swing down with fury as though cutting off the tail. With mischief, the “civilising” stick landed often on the lower back and missed the tail.

    Yet after that night, we danced and sang and eventually took part in the tasty delicacies of the night. That was the beginning, in a rite that brought us in five years from class to class, to play hockey, sometimes hookie, tackle bullying seniors, play cricket and yowl “Howzat sir,” admiring those who marched as Man O War Trojans, playing soccer, preparing for general inspection, evening debates, doing “awoko” or lucubration for exams, salivating for “cuum” (beans and dodo) “A.G.G.S”, (Rice and dodo) double decker,” (beans and rice) and “obroshun,” (bread, egg, tea, butter and fish stew) and the inter-house sports, including soccer, and also looking the other way when you became a beneficiary of a mashed ration; that is, a prefect slamming a latecomer’s meal into another student’s plate.

    We all were doing all these because we wanted to become high school graduates and pass an exam to qualify us as undergraduates. Few of us thought beyond that.

    But we knew we wanted to be lawyers, doctors, engineers, pilots, journalists, teachers, etc., but we lived one day at a time.

    When we sat for the school certificate exam, we knew that our epic sojourn was at an end. We all parted ways. Some of us were never to see again. I have always wondered in my quiet moments at the whereabouts of some of my friends. Some remained in the Delta part of the then Midwest. Others moved away to the Edo part. Some, like me, hardly returned as I became a Lagos habitue. But my heart always throbbed with Ughelli, the plays, the fights, the pranks, the episodes of bravado and diffidence, the hungry moments when I and Victor Agbro and Bright Atiyota and Anslem Uduehi and Ebifegha Akangbou and Matthew Uponi hunted endlessly for fruits. I recall our staple of bread and groundnut, when it was three point two, meaning the bread was three kobo and groundnut two kobo; or six point four. Inflation damaged the equation and it was around nine point one when we graduated.

    Today we all have gone our different ways. Some have become bold who were shy at school, some have become great at science who looked locked in the arts. Some have become wealthy who did not seem to know how to make a kobo. Some became soldiers, others professors, others writers, others not so successful.

    Some have become household names, others have taken humble paths. Some have decided to win souls for the Almighty, while some have gone to the Almighty.

    Yet, we know who we are. If any of us is a mighty man today, a great CEO or a military general, or a great doctor or a tycoon with boat loads of cash, when we see each other, we see not the new man with great beard or wrinkled brow, or the fancy car or fat bank account, or the skewed accent, or the big government bureaucrat or the famous writer or the music maestro or topflight diplomat, it is the small boy running with smudged uniform we still remember. The boy who, in class one, answered “yes please,” to the bully who called him, “Class one…rotten dodo… ewa gutter…”

    You remember the struggles and triumphs in class, the rush to avoid the hooting of Principal Demas Akpore’s advancing SUV, the late-night reading to pass the next day’s test, the collective devouring of a bowl of eba and Geisha and the cheering on of the school in a match against Edo College.

    So, when we meet, it is not a reunion of superior with an inferior, but a reigniting of boyhood, of old times, of the brash innocence of a time when ambition was all about going through the routine glory of a day in school, of eating the eba and okro soup, avoiding detention from a sully senior, or going to bed as a way of counting the days when the term ended and we returned to our parents.

    We reunite as fellows and as brothers. The rich is not rich, the famous not famous, the heady not heady, but all of us in hugs and recollections of our times of innocence. That’s the value of this. It is a celebration of memory, of a time of sweet vigour and inestimable playfulness, and the beginning of a mighty dream.

     

    Lagos marathon

    They started as equals, their muscles at rest. An hour later, some hearts were racing, others flagging, others lagging far behind.

    The boys and girls knew who the masters of the race were at the 2017 Access Bank Lagos City Marathon. In the end, two sets of heroes emerged. The first were the athletes, like the first-place runner, Abraham Kiptum of the lean, bony vitality who breasted the tape, and collapsed to the floor, about a hundred kilometres away from Nigeria’s alpha Governor Akinwunmi Ambode, who would hand him a cheque of $50,000.

    The other, more authentic hero is Lagos. For the first time, Lagos is showing it is not only Nigeria’s city on the hill, but the country’s indispensable place. What a way to market it but an event of international charm like the marathon. Last weekend made it the second, and a much better performance in terms of organisation and buzz than its first. Lagos with its talent, imagination, business opportunities, cultural diversity and vitality, is the potential London, Dubai and New York. All those cities had the sort of humble beginnings with Lagos.

    The Marathon prompted CNN to ask: “is Lagos the next marathon haven?” With the marathon, Governor Ambode has sown the seed. His vision for tourism and hospitality can only make that dream blossom. Kiptum breasted the tape, but he ran roaring waves of the city. It is the first sure breath of Lagos in its marathon to join cities like Dubai and London as world’s elite cities.

  • Imo’s siege of the vampire

    Imo’s siege of the vampire

    Wikipedia defined vampire, as a being from folklore who subsists by feeding on the life essence (generally in the form of blood) of the living. In European folklore, vampires were undead beings that often visited loved ones and caused death or mischief in the neighbourhood they inhabited when they were alive.
    So when a man styles himself vampire, he is no less expected to re-enact the attributes of that being from which his name derives. That was exactly the scenario that played out in a very dramatic manner at the premises of the Owerri High Court, Imo State a couple of days back.
    It looked like fiction. It had all the attributes of vampires portrayed in very menacing forms with dire consequences for humans. But this time, it was no fiction. It was real and live.
    The vampire really gave a good life account of its self. It did not only suck blood; it caused mischief and left in its trail sorrow and awe before disappearing very mysteriously. It did not visit loved ones but the neighbourhood where he was being detained since he is not the typical vampire that is considered to be causing trouble from its grave.
    This very vampire is known; has a name and is mortal. He is a notorious kidnapping and armed robbery suspect who has been standing trial at the Owerri High Court for related offences. Accounts had it that heavily armed gunmen penultimate Friday, stormed the high court premises shooting sporadically killing two people with many others critically wounded in a bid to free a notorious kidnap suspect, Henry Chibueze, popularly known as vampire.
    The invading gunmen numbering about six stormed the court room where the suspect and 49 others were standing trial, opened fire and successfully ferried away vampire in a waiting SUV vehicle. It was a scene to behold as judges, lawyers and some security men scampered for safety. Three judges and one magistrate were reported to have sustained serious injuries and taken to the hospital.
    Coincidentally, vampire was arrested in 2015 by the DSS while planning to kidnap some judges who were in the state for a conference and has been standing trial since then. He is said to be linked to many high profile kidnappings, killings and armed robbery cases and had evaded security until the DSS succeeded in arresting him.
    With his escape, an uneasy air now pervades the state as there is palpable fear of an upsurge in kidnapping and related criminal activities. Nobody knows what will follow next given the dexterity and brazen impunity with which his colleagues in crime ferried him to safety. As usual, security operatives are said to be on “top of the situation’ to ensure there is no breakdown of law and order.
    Expectedly, they have commenced a manhunt to apprehend the escapee and clear the huge embarrassment the incident represents. This is more so given that the Owerri High Court is so strategically located that if the gun men could operate so freely in the manner they did, whisking away such a dangerous and high profile suspect, then Imo people have genuine cause to be apprehensive of their lives.
    For, apart from the high court being located close to the Government House and the official residence of the Commander of the 34 Field Artillery Brigade, Obinze, the area is heavily manned by soldiers and policemen with armoured personnel carrier stationed close by. It was therefore curious that the armed men could operate freely in the brazen manner they did without resistance.
    The state governor, Rochas Okorocha was reported to have placed a ransom of N5 million for any person that will volunteer information that will lead to the arrest of the escaped suspect to underscore the seriousness of the matter. But the state Police Commissioner Taiwo Lakanu in his initial reaction to the monumental challenge was unfortunately reported to have said it was the headache of the Nigerian Prisons Service.
    If by that statement Lakanu was implying that the siege occurred when officials of the prison service brought the suspects to court and are therefore culpable for mismanaging the situation, he could be understood. But if the purport of that statement is that the state police command has nothing to do with the embarrassing development, then he got it entirely wrong. Could it be the reason why despite the strong security mounted around the court premises, there was no challenge to the impunity of the bandits until they had fulfilled their mission and vamoosed into the thin air?
    Such a statement raises puzzles about the security architecture erected around the area and the synergy that ought to exist between the various security agencies in such emergency situations that miserably left them all gaping. One would have wished to find out the responses of the police and the military immediately the assault was going on.
    So the matter is not just the headache of the prisons as Lakanu would make us to believe but the headache of the entire security operatives in the state including the governor who off course is the chief security officer of the state.
    Now that vampire and some other suspects are at large, the state police command and other related agencies cannot fold their hands just because the unfortunate incident was mishandled by the prison authorities. The fact that armed criminals could brazenly assault the state and escape without challenge is enough worry for the police which Lakanu leads. He may now find out that much of the responsibility for tracking down and re-arresting vampire and his colleagues in crime would still rest on the shoulders of the police.
    Though there may have been dereliction of responsibility on the part of the prison officials for not making adequate security arrangements before conveying the suspects to court, it would appear the usual rivalry between the various security agencies may have had a role in bringing about the unfortunate pass. We say so given that the prisons did admit that they got a call that some armed men were in the court premises but presumed they could be officials of the DSS since they were conveying over 50 inmates to the court.
    And if one may wish to ask, what are the usual arrangements when such a huge number of suspects are to be brought to court? Why did the prison authorities presume that the armed men sighted within the court premises are officials of the DSS? And why did it not occur to someone to cross-check given the sensitivity of the assignment they were to embark upon? These are issues that should be established through a thorough and very serious investigation involving all arms of the nation’s security agencies.
    This reality speaks volumes and only a very detailed investigation could unravel why armed men were sighted within the court premises and nobody raised eyebrows. It is also a big puzzle how such a contingent of armed men arrived the court premises without being noticed by the security agencies within the area. And when actual shootings started, why was response zero?
    Suspicion of connivance between some prison officials and the criminals has been raised. More so with reports that a prison official had in the past been caught sharing kidnapping information with some suspects and that such a plan was even executed by some suspects while in detention. These are very troubling developments that out to provide quick lead to the direction of the probe.
    Given all the issues that have been traded, the federal government should set up a high-powered investigation team involving all arms of the security agencies to get at the root of this national embarrassment. Definitely, there is more to the escape of the suspects than ordinarily meets the eyes. The impression fast gaining ground is that there is an official dimension to the escape of vampire and his accomplices.

  • Progressives need progress

    Progressives need progress

    Surely, it is a sign of the times that Afro-Pop artiste Tuface is set to lead a protest march against hard times and the federal government’s alleged mismanagement of the country’s economic crisis.
    A January 31 report said: “In a video on his Facebook account, which racked up more than 21,000 views after just an hour, the singer urged his compatriots to stand up in a “peaceful and articulate manner.” “The need for urgent solutions to the challenges facing Nigerians has become very clear,” Tuface, whose real name is Innocent Ujah Idibia, said in the video. “Things are not getting better for the majority; we are still where we are, poor and desperate. I will no longer be quiet.”
    It is interesting that based on this song of bitterness, a sort of protest movement developed leading to a plan to protest on February 6 at the National Stadium, Lagos. “It’s crazy, we didn’t have a clue this would happen,” Efe Omorogbe, Tuface’s manager, reportedly said. “It was very spontaneous, we didn’t plan it.” In other words, the plan was unplanned, meaning that the planners may well have no plan.
    Interestingly, after an initial disagreement, the police and the protesters reached an agreement. Lagos State Commissioner of Police Fatai Owoseni said: “We had a meeting with the protesters and we explained to them why we advised against the protest. A pro-government group wants to protest that same day and we don’t want a situation where there would be friction. We also don’t want hooligans to hijack the process and injure the protesters.” He continued: “After explaining to them, they said they will go back and discuss with others. They said if they decide to go ahead, they won’t demonstrate but would assemble at a point and read their demands. That notwithstanding, we have resolved to provide security for them. It is our responsibility and we won’t shy away from it. We will ensure trouble makers do not hijack the process.”
    Obviously, this is a developing story, and there will be further developments. At this stage, the publicity has helped to highlight the scale of sourness in the public space concerning the shape of the country’s economy and the need to reshape it. There are many voices complaining about the recession and how the federal government has allegedly lost the plot.
    Indeed, there are many critics of the federal government who insist that President Muhammadu Buhari is clueless about how to redeem the rot. It is a simplistic perspective. It has been said that insight is often accompanied by sightlessness. Those who believe and claim that the Buhari administration has failed, or is failing, seem to have lost sight of the reality that the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), cannot be isolated from the administration’s performance.
    If Buhari is a failure, it cannot be said that the APC is a success. If Buhari is a success, it cannot be said that the APC is a failure. Correcting the country’s economic crisis is too critical to be left to the Buhari administration without critical input from the ruling party.
    The recent intervention by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, an APC leading light, demonstrated the necessity for the party’s involvement in the effort to rescue the country from recession. In a bold and brilliant lecture at the National Defence College (NDC), Abuja, on January 25, Tinubu declared: “We have to criticise ourselves when it is necessary, speak truth to power. We are the power; we will talk the truth to ourselves…The challenge before us is a difficult but not impossible one. If we stick to the progressive beliefs of the APC, we shall overcome these difficulties to place the economy on surer permanent footing.”
    Tinubu’s talk, titled “Strategic Leadership: My Political Experiences,” provided nuggets of political and economic wisdom that the Buhari administration would do well to absorb. Tinubu observed: “There cannot be strategic leadership without a conscious objective. Political leadership in Nigeria generally has fallen short in this regard. Leadership has been short-sighted and fixed on narrow, immediate objectives. Because of this, leadership has been more transactional than strategic in nature. It has been more focused on the retention of power and control than on the substantive results and long-term consequences of its policies and actions.” There is a point where presidential teachableness meets party guidance. There is a lot to be gained by the Buhari administration if it develops a teachable spirit.
    It is easy to see that the Buhari administration’s concentration on its anti-corruption campaign is helpful to the anti-recession campaign because the recession is not unconnected with political corruption. An alarming report by the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACAC) last year made the point that “corruption brought Nigeria to its knees.” The report covered August 2015 to July 2016. PACAC said: “For example, it is widely believed that insecurity escalated because of the massive embezzlement of $2 billion through the Office of the National Security Adviser under the leadership of Col. Sambo Dasuki, who allegedly diverted the money appropriated to fight insurgency. The problems in the downstream sector of the petroleum industry reached the zenith with multi-billion dollars subsidy scams while President Jonathan looked the other way.”
    The most chilling aspect of this report highlights the size of stealing by some people in power during a particular period and how political corruption has so terribly short-changed the country. PACAC was quoted as saying that using World Bank rates, one-third of the N1.3trillion allegedly stolen by only 55 people in seven years could have provided 635.18 kilometres of roads, built 36 ultra-modern hospitals in each state, built and furnished 183 schools, educated 3,974 people from primary to tertiary level (at N25.2 million per child) and built 20,062 units of two-bedroom houses.
    If this level of development could have been achieved with just one-third of the allegedly stolen money, how much more could have been achieved if the entire alleged loot was used for the country’s development? Who are these alleged 55 thieves who stole so much from a 2016 estimated population of over 178.5 million? How were they able to steal as much as has been alleged? Why did they need to steal as much as has been alleged? What did they do with the alleged loot?
    So, the anti-corruption crusade is crucial. So is the recession resistance. The bottom line is that the Buhari administration and the APC should make things better for Nigerians.

  • A light touch

    A light touch

    Driving the other day in the Abule-Egba axis of Lagos State, I ran into a sort of traffic snag. I was forbidden to take my usual route to Otta, and I had to negotiate a diversion. It was a laborious engagement. With the diligence of ants, vehicle trailed vehicle in an eternal slog through serpentine roads.

    Suddenly the sight ahead absorbed the driver. A flyover. The structure is a high curve towering over all, and with workers furiously at work. Ahead was a chaos of industry, of working to meet a deadline dangling like the bridge. The chaos of men, machines, engines revving, men hollering orders to others who obey with their bodies buried in white dust.

    Suddenly the vehicular ache was no longer a scandal. The architectural marvel ahead reminded one of what used to be at that same point. That is, another anarchy of horns, or cars ramming into cars and sometimes into men. It precipitated a paralysis of movement.

    The contrast of optimistic chaos against paralytic anarchy brought to mind a line I read in William Wordsworth’s immortal poem, Intimations of Immortality. “The things I have seen I now can see no more,” wrote the bard. It reads like a religious, out-of-body experience. It is, however, a sort of ecstasy of miracle from human hands.

    The flyover, now a seeming bridge between earth and sky, promises to connect people to people and place to place with a lightness of touch. It is not just the work of money. It is the triumph of thinking. How much difference one contraption can do to the lives of millions who live in that part of town!

    That is a big snapshot of the style of Nigeria’s alpha governor, Akinwunmi Ambode. His is an administration powered less by money than the force of mind. As Einstein once said, “imagination is more important than knowledge.”

    If the Abule-Egba is money, less money is about to turn gridlock into ease in Lekki merely by doing away with the onerous roundabouts. Or is it the near-miracle drive through the Third Mainland Bridge by constructing a layby on a tract of land which seemed invisible until his eyes look. Many of such are sprouting in major centres of the state.

    He will have to do that, he knows, against the ambition to turn many pot-hole ridden inner roads into mercies for cars and commuters. Last year he redeemed 114 roads. He plots 181 for 2017, and it is not to save roads for saving sake, but to link them to major arteries. That betokens more traffic and better traffic management. He is looking at many major areas, such as Agric-Isawo-Arepo Road in Ikorodu, Ajelogo-Akanimodo Road in Epe, Oshodi to Murtala Airport Road and Ketu-Alapere Inner Road Phase II.

    It is often said that administrators should restrict themselves to one passion, and if they do it well they endear themselves to now as well as after. Legacy is assured. George Bush Sr. said he wanted to be known as the education president and unleashed the phrase, “a thousand points of light.”

    The risk, often, is that things may not work for that one dream. Finance and the concourse of events may overwhelm the leader’s plans. As Richard Nixon once asserted in his autobiography, “history affects us more than we affect history.” That pushes leaders to move from one interest to others. Obama just ended his reign doing things other than health care and pulling troops from Iraq and Afghanistan. For instance, he became the enabler of the greatest environmental agreement in history, a feat Theodore Roosevelt would envy in his grave.

    So, the alpha governor is looking at other areas. One of the most cheering for me has been the launch into the arts. He is now at work on theatres across the state. This is counterintuitive. We are, by all accounts, at our philistine nadir. The arts, including drama, are places where governments pay next to no attention.

    But Governor Ambode has worked up his bona fides for such an undertaking. With his security measures, Lagos is bubbling back to night life, and theatres are an important part of it. But this is no arts as snob. Each part of Lagos will express its sensibilities. So, he is not offering the eyebrow variety, keyed to the Victoria Island brood.

    While digitalising modern-day libraries for schools, he is also rejigging the environment with a new cleaning programme that will disrupt the swagger of the accustomed and contracted firms and make the exercise more accountable.

    The Christmas period was marked by the rise of rice, or what many called LAKE rice. If that was more than a little surprising in itself, it was even more so because of what it means if we take our jobs seriously. This was just one season. The deal between Lagos and Kebbi only came to light a year earlier and we already reaped the fruits. This makes nonsense of many years of dilating over locally grown food that continues to cost us billions of dollars a month in foreign exchange.

    As he keeps working, Governor Ambode is making governance look easy because he is a creative dynamo. He knows, just as the artist Pablo Picasso said, that “everything you can imagine is real.” His imagination is becoming every Lagosian’s reality.

     

    Okowa, Okubo and $10 million mistress

    Last week, the news media online buzzed with speculations about Delta State Governor Ifeanyi Okowa over this newspaper story about a governor that laundered $10million to a mistress who escaped with the loot. Even the APC in the state railed at Okowa, asking him to own up. The Delta State governor’s media team harped that their boss is innocent of the charge.

    This newspaper did not mention Okowa. It merely stated that the suspect is a governor in an oil-rich state in the Niger Delta.

    But I was quiet until I read a Facebook comment from one Festus Okubor, who accused me of being behind the news story, and that I was working with social media woman Olunloyo and a third person that courage fails Okubor to mention.

    Okubor was information commissioner under James Ibori and chief of staff to Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan. I wondered why a person who has held such responsible positions could act so irresponsibly. One, I am not the owner of The Nation as he claims. He said: “Sam Omatseye’s paper published…” Two, on which source did he conclude that I was behind the story?

    Three, the newspaper did not mention Okowa’s name. It only said the suspect was in an oil-bearing state in the region. Is Okowa the only governor in that region?

    Four, I can authoritatively say it is not Okowa, and all the facts based on our sources point to someone else. So, how come an Okubor could accuse me of such fiction? He was an information officer of the state and he is the exact mockery of information management. He traded in fantasy in the name of sycophancy. He had served Ibori and Uduaghan, now he is grovelling to Okowa and he is even praising him for a non-existent infrastructural stride.

    He even vouched for Okowa, saying “he has no girlfriend, whether Ika or Itsekiri, anywhere in the world.” Who asked him if Okowa has a Fulani or Yoruba or Ibibio or Turkish mistress somewhere in the world? He is a serial doormat and lickspittle, and Governor Okowa should be aware of such crawlers around him.