Category: Monday

  • When Tinubu stopped Obasanjo

    When Tinubu stopped Obasanjo

    The following is an excerpt from my upcoming book, Forty Days and Forty Nights, that chronicles the life of Plateau State Governor Simon Lalong, and the national crisis that erupted in the Obasanjo years when six lawmakers impeached a governor in a gangster fashion. Lalong spent 40 days in OBJ’s gulag and it took the intervention of now President-elect Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu – then Lagos State governor – to plot his escape, underlining their long-drawn duel pitting his progressive forces against OBJ’s fascistic spirit. This excerpt begins in detention in Abuja by EFCC before Lalong ended up in Lagos.

    “He gave us tea. We relaxed,” Lalong said. He was referring to himself and his deputy, Musa.

    Later, Lamorde’s – EFCC’s operations director – men started interrogating them. But Lamorde said it was a political matter. “It is not us that brought you here,” Lamorde confessed. “It’s your political matter. Relax. Say what you want to say.”

    They gave them papers to start writing statements. But they were still not comfortable with them. Magu became another pain in the neck.

    “Do you know that at one point this Magu brought a plain sheet of paper for me to sign a specimen signature? Without a statement. That was when I abused him in that place.”

    Again, Lamorde intervened when he heard the shouts and quarrels between them.

    “I said, Look at this man. He said I should sign plain sheet. For what? I’m still speaker of the House ooo. I’m signing the destiny of Plateau State on a plain sheet for you? He said no, there were certain documents they wanted to verify. I said, bring those documents. If I am the one who signed I would tell you I signed. If it’s my signature, I would tell you it’s my signature. But I cannot sign my specimen signature on plain paper. I don’t know what you want to do with the people of Plateau.”

    It was then that Lamorde told Magu, “No, you can’t do that.” Not long after, they played host to a few guests, including Solomon lar and Bishop Hassan Kukah. It was after that, they flew them to Lagos, and the man in charge again was Magu. They took them to the EFCC detention centre on Awolowo Road in Ikoyi, Lagos…

    In detention were not only the two of them but at least 14, all members of the state house of assembly. Their mission was straightforward. They wanted Lalong, as speaker, to sign a draft impeachment notice. Who were those who drafted the document?

    “A prominent SAN today was one of them. I was there when he did same to Fayose. Gani Fawehinmi was the consultant to the EFCC. So all of them, Gani and this other lawyer, were the ones drafting.”

    Lalong said they were working together for their consultancy for the EFCC. He said he met the lawyer there. It was then that we got the information that they wanted to do the same to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was then the governor of Lagos. We were waiting to see if they would bring the Lagos House of Assembly. But they couldn’t because I think there were threats that if they tried it, they would bring the whole Lagos down. So, at the end of the day, they didn’t arrest anybody from Lagos. That was under Ribadu. Today, all of us are working for Asiwaju.”

    Lalong remained there for 40 days because they could not coerce him to sign the impeachment notice.

    It was Tinubu, who came to their rescue. The EFCC had said no bail was working because they said the people who brought land documents had fake evidence. So, it was Asiwaju who invited Fashola and Osinbajo. Osinbajo was the Attorney General of Lagos State. Fashola was the Chief of Staff. He asked them to process land documents, and they did in order to bail them out. They could not deny that land documents signed by Lagos State government were authentic.

    “Any other person who brought land documents from Lagos, and brought it to us to bail us, they rejected it but accepted for others. They left me and two others. So, the day they came out, the day Lagos brought those documents, they seized the documents from Lagos State government. They now realized there was no way to keep me. Then, they said they’ll release me but bring me back there.”

    Lalong was the last person they released. He had already signed to leave the jail. But when he was going downstairs, the EFCC was arranging for the judge to re-arrest him. But some persons, including policemen in the building, alerted him and asked him to take a way out before they got to him.

    “They got me out of the place, put me in a taxi. So, when the taxi dropped me out, in less than ten minutes, EFCC came and raided the place for me. They didn’t see me, of course,” he recalled.

    He said the fellows who organized his escape were his friends in the police and the SSS.

    “They came and said, this thing is not fair and that my offence was that I refused to impeach Dariye,” he said.

    They told him that the EFCC wanted to frustrate and leave him alone in detention and coerce him to sign the impeachment draft. They wanted to browbeat him to bow. They did not have the numbers. Out of 24 members, only eight of them signed the document. That was not even up to half of them, and so they did not have the numbers to impeach a governor.

    So, before they realized, he entered the taxi. They sold a dummy. The EFCC thought he was heading for the airport, and they ran there to ambush him. The reason was that their wives were going to the airport to fly to Jos.

    “So, they went to the airport to arrest us but they did not see us,” he narrated.

    Rather the taxi took him to Ibadan through the express, disguised. From there, he kept on changing taxis until he reached Ondo and Akure in the wee hours of the morning. He said they slept in Akure. He recalled they got to Akure at about three in the morning. For food, they bought stuff along the way. They slept for a couple of hours in Akure before heading north by road.  He was with a few others on the trip.

    When they got to Lokoja, they (SSS) realised that he had escaped and heading towards Jos. It was then they hurriedly rallied six turncoats in the house from where they hid in Abuja to Jos to impeach Dariye. They pulled it off around 6 am. They entered the house premises and barricaded it. It was a melee that involved shooting, and two persons died from gunshot wounds at the Plateau Hospital. They were patients. People were firing bullets at them. They even shot a policeman in their car.

    They came with soldiers as well. They performed the exercise and left.

    “By the time we arrived Jos, there was news flash that Dariye had been impeached…by the time they had impeached Dariye, they didn’t look for us again.” Dariye himself had fled. He was in Makurdi for a while and later he went to Lagos and Asiwaju picked him and gave him shelter.”

    Lalong mused that it was bad for conscience that the same Asiwaju was running for president, and Dariye was supporting Peter Obi of the Labour Party.

  • Beyond US visa restrictions

    Beyond US visa restrictions

    The government of United States of America (US) just made good its threat to impose visa restrictions on Nigerians it deemed to have undermined the conduct of the 2023 general elections. This did not come as a surprise because that government had warned of such consequences before the polls. US Consular General (Nigeria), Will Stevens did not mince words when in January, he told a town hall meeting of the Niger-Delta people in Asaba, Delta State that the government would deny visa to anyone who encouraged electoral violence or undermined the 2023 electoral process in Nigeria.

    “One thing we have done in the past and continue to do is that those who seek to undermine the democratic process can and will be found ineligible for a visa to the US”, Stevens had said.

    Secretary of State to the US government, Antony Blinken was only keeping to this tradition when he announced last week that they had taken steps to impose visa restrictions on specific individuals in Nigeria for undermining the democratic process during the 2023 elections.

    Those affected according to him, are individuals involved in the intimidation of voters through threats and physical violence, manipulation of vote results and other activities that undermine Nigeria’s democratic process. Blinken did not disclose the names of those affected.

    This is not the first time the US will be imposing visa restrictions on individual Nigerians it considered to have undermined the course of free, fair and credible elections in the country.

    After the off cycle governorship elections in Kogi and Bayelse states in 2019, similar restriction was placed on Individuals considered by officials of that country to have worked against the democratic process. Both the US and the United Kingdom (UK) similarly threatened same measures just before the Edo and Ondo governorship polls. The UK even expanded the scope of its restrictions to include denial of access to UK based assets and prosecution under international law.  

    The latest measure like the one before it has elicited reactions from the Nigerian public with some asking the US government to make public the names of those affected by the ban. They consider such disclosure a more effective way of getting the offending people better feel the impact of the punishment. There are others who still want the US to come up with stricter measures because of perceived limitations of the visa ban.

    Yet, others question the propriety of a foreign government determining for a sovereign country the credibility or otherwise of its elections and the actions and inactions of certain individuals during the process. For this group, the question as to whether any group or individual rigged elections or undermined democracy can be determined not by any outside authority but by the tribunals or the courts in that country.

    The restrictions are thus considered unnecessary intrusion into the domestic affairs of a sovereign nation especially as the specific offences for which the restrictions were placed on the said persons were not disclosed. The key issue here hinges on fairness and the possibility of bias.

    The Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs shared some of these concerns in its initial reaction to US restrictions after the Kogi and Bayelsa governorship elections and threats of same consequences before that of Edo and Ondo states.

    In a statement then, the ministry had considered it, “disrespectful to the sovereignty of Nigeria for any outside authority to sit in judgment over the conduct of our citizens and apply punitive measures such as visa restrictions unilaterally”. This is especially so since there are ample provisions in Nigerian laws to sanction violators and perpetrators of election violence and fraud.

    Such have been the views even as there are others who would want the affected persons not to lose sleep after all, they are not under any obligation to travel to those countries. Its further extrapolation would imply that visa restrictions as a tool for discouraging all manner of infractions that undermine the sanctity elections may after all, prove ineffectual. Those banned may not really have to travel to either the US or UK to live a meaningful life. So what value will such ban really serve in redressing the perceived wrongs?  The US can as well go on with its restrictions while the suspects hold on tenaciously to their putrid electoral practices, the argument would further go.

    Unfortunately, ours is still a largely dependent country. Our leaders depend on foreign countries for medical tourism; as a source of quality education for their children and wards and as safe haven for hiding looted funds which access to political offices by hook and crook confers on them. They can ill afford to do away with foreign travels. That is where the merit of the ban comes in.

    By the same logic, that is where the argument on the sovereignty of the country as the basis for faulting the visa restrictions runs into troubled waters. Yes, Nigeria is a sovereign country. That should not be in doubt to the countries issuing the visa restrictions. But those countries are still within their rights to issue or refuse visa to any applicant.

    Even as they did not disclose the names of those affected, they could have quietly waited for such characters to apply for visa only to deny them without giving reasons. But they chose to make the decisions public to drive home their commitment to deepening democracy in this country.

    So the matter goes beyond pontifications on the sovereignty of the country and touted nationalism glamour. It is at the heart of democracy both as an ideological construct and development paradigm. It is about a system of ideas, rules and practices that lead to the approximation of the greatest good of the greatest number of people.

     It is all about public good in a world that has been reduced to a global community. The intention is noble and not meant to diminish the sovereignty of the country. It is all about peer review from a country considered the bastion of democracy across the globe.

    It would amount to blind nationalism to stop others from volunteering opinions on actions of individuals that continually stultify the country’s march to electoral stability, democratic growth and development. We will be standing nationalism on the head not to admit glaring shortfalls of our electoral practices and the incalculable harm they wrought on the sovereignty of the electorate just because a foreign country is working to discourage such unsavoury tendencies.

    The real concerns should be on how to ensure such brazen infractions are exorcized from a system where politicians are in constant search for loopholes to compromise and sabotage the electoral process. We are faced with the paradox of the man that fetched ants-infested firewood which attracted a deluge of lizards into his house. But instead of throwing away the firewood together with the ants to get rid of the lizards, he was busy chasing away the lizards. It is a wrong strategy incapable of offering durable therapeutic solutions.

    That is the challenge in stretching the argument on the sovereignty of the country and the rights of our courts to determine who electoral offenders are and the appropriate punishment for them. If we cannot put our house in order by guaranteeing the sanctity of the democratic process, a dose of sanctions including restriction of access to assets acquired from looted funds and possible prosecution under international law, may be the elixir.

     Such measures cannot be deemed to be in conflict with our national interest. Democracy as an ideological construct also contends with other contraptions including benevolent dictatorship keenly canvassed hitherto as a suitable model for Africa given their peculiar organizational structure.

    Nigeria has made a choice for representative democracy and must be prepared to play by the rules. There is nothing so sacrosanct about democracy or western capitalism to suggest it cannot atrophy when it no longer delivers because its rules are observed in their breach.

    That is the challenge. That is where the interests of other countries come in since events in Nigeria are bound to have far-reaching consequences for other parts of the world. It is in our national interest that this country is saved from its ruinous electoral tendencies.

  • Bawa: A question of credibility

    Bawa: A question of credibility

    It shouldn’t be business as usual at the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) after the embattled governor of Zamfara State, Bello Matawalle, dropped a bombshell that shattered the agency’s credibility. He not only made damning allegations against EFCC chairman Abdulrasheed Bawa but also claimed to have damaging evidence.  

    Hear Matawalle: “If he exits office, people will surely know he is not an honest person. I have evidence against him. Let him vacate office, I am telling you within 10 seconds probably more than 200 people will bring evidence of bribes he collected from them. He knows what he requested from me but I declined.

    “He requested a bribe of $2 million from me and I have evidence of this. He knows the house we met, he invited me and told me the conditions. He told me governors were going to his office but I did not. If I don’t have evidence, I won’t say this.”

    Given his status, the gravity of the allegations, and the sureness with which he spoke about them, the governor deserves attention. It is understandable that Matawalle, who is facing a probe by the anti-graft agency, is fighting back. But that does not detract from the seriousness of his allegations in an interview with the Hausa Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), which should be taken seriously.

    Understandably, the EFCC, in a statement issued by its spokesperson, described the bribery allegations against Bawa as “wild,” saying “Matawalle’s recourse to mudslinging is symptomatic of a drowning man clutching at straws.”

     The agency said: “But despite the irritation of his phantom claims, the commission will not be drawn into a mud fight with a suspect under its investigation for corruption and unconscionable pillage of the resources of his state.

    “If Matawalle will be taken seriously, he should go beyond sabre-rattling by spilling the beans – provide concrete evidence as proof of his allegations.”

    The governor should respond to the challenge. But the authorities should also respond to the governor’s accusations by launching an investigation.  When the leader of an anti-corruption agency is accused of mind-blowing corruption, the matter is not only about the supply of evidence by the accuser but also the pursuit of truth by the authorities.   

    It is a measure of the weight of Matawalle’s allegations that anti-corruption crusaders in the country led by the chairman, Centre for Anti-Corruption and Open Leadership (CACOL), Debo Adeniran, argued that “Bawa cannot remain in office with direct corruption allegations against him, he must step aside to be investigated.”

    They pointed out that Bawa’s predecessor, Ibrahim Magu, was “told to step aside” in the face of corruption allegations, and eventually faced a probe and had to leave the position.

    The anti-corruption activists also made allegations that should be investigated. According to them, “about 80 per cent of cases under EFCC investigation are not taken to court. EFCC offices now literally serve as courtrooms.

    “Some of the commission’s officials simply negotiate with suspects, get assets and cash retrieved and do plea bargains. This opens limitless opportunities for corrupt bargaining and self-enrichment by the operatives of EFCC.”

    They added: “We are also aware that in December 2022, the Bawa-led EFCC announced its plan to sell forfeited properties. It also announced later in January that about 12 bids were made for those properties and, later, that six of those bids were successful.

    “No details of this were made public, either to know successful bids or rejected ones. This was a ploy, in our opinion, to make the processes less transparent and, therefore, facilitate corrupt mismanagement of the proceeds or ensure that only their corrupt allies got the opportunity to purchase the assets at giveaway prices. The processes were rendered opaque and that’s very suspicious.”

    They called for a thorough investigation by “a technical Commission of Inquiry,” which would “dig into the modus operandi of EFCC investigations in the last three years by thoroughly analysing records of arrests, investigations, outcomes and final closure of each incident and individual suspects and how the matters were eventually dispensed with.”

    The anti-corruption crusaders also said “all seized assets need to be forensically audited with a view to recovering all assets re-looted or auctioned in suspicious circumstances.”

    On the performance of the EFCC under Bawa, they faulted his claims that the agency had secured 98.93 per cent of convictions in 2022, losing only 1.07 per cent, and noted that most of the convictions involved online fraudsters, and that high-profile political players were treated as sacred cows.

    The agency has not responded to the activists’ allegations. It is disturbing that there were more allegations against Bawa after the governor publicised his accusations.      

    Matawalle’s accusations led to further allegations. So, the matter is beyond the governor’s accusations. This is why the authorities should look into the matter.

    Interestingly, the EFCC is carrying on with its business as usual.  It alerted the public about “plans by some of the alleged corrupt politically exposed persons to flee the country ahead of May 29” when a new president will be inaugurated.  The agency added that it “is working in close collaboration with its international partners to frustrate these escape plans and bring those involved to justice.”

    Is the agency believable? This question is triggered by the unresolved issue of Matawalle’s allegations, and other allegations that resulted from them. These allegations discredit the agency’s role, as well as its operations and methods, under Bawa.   

    The outgoing president, Muhammadu Buhari, made a lot of noise about fighting corruption, but positive results are hardly visible.  It is unclear how the incoming president, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, will approach the question of corruption. But there is no question that Nigeria needs to fight corruption.  

    It is counter-productive for the country to have an anti-corruption agency that lacks credibility. This is why the authorities need to address the EFCC’s credibility problem.

    The anti-corruption war cannot be won with corrupt fighters. The war demands credible combatants. Without credibility, the EFCC is clearly a   caricature of an anti-corruption agency.  That isn’t what Nigeria needs to fight corruption, and win the anti-corruption war.

  • The Eagle and the snake

    The Eagle and the snake

    This is not the time for some naysayers to hope. They are the vipers on the path of this democracy. They have nightmares over May 29. Some of them are otherwise wise people. They are lawyers of apparent substance. They are clerics with claims, however dubious, of hugging the Comforter.  Some are writers who manage to believe God endows them with force and elegance. Professors as protesters, pastors lacking pastures, SANs sans sound, and those who write without light. Many of them, however, belong to a coven of miscreants. They are the sort that makes a crowd without eyes or ears but only a tongue of the profane. To paraphrase Shakespeare, they are spendthrift with their tongues.

    Their point is simplistic: they should not swear-in Asiwaju Bola Tinubu as president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria because someone or other is challenging the legitimacy of his victory at the polls. They say the matter should be adjudicated and the winner determined before he can mount the seat. This view would have been wise if it was not dubious. It would have made sense if it was the first time a man would win an election in Nigeria and if the law forbade such an investiture.

    It might have made sense if those making the claims did not vote against Tinubu, or if they have not confessed their aversion to his candidacy. If they were neutral, or were strangers to the Nigerian history, we might say, well, they mean well. But they are pharisaic bunch.

    But these men and a few women, who utter such pretensions, have made themselves serpents of the transition. Some of them are writers. They think because they have a platform to write essays, they have become servants of justice. But they are false savants. They decree victory without scoring. They anoint a pretender to the throne. They conjure figures, invent voters, charm geopolitics into being and believe them enough to make them into gospels and breed goons of believers. They rarefy their choice candidate’s drivel as oratory, refine his backwoods logic into classic philosophy, don him with a cassock. They have made a faith for themselves and revel in the fanatics they have bred. It brings to mind Shakespeare’s line on cheering fans of the Roman ruler, “If Caesar had stabbed their mothers, they would have done no less.” It is the sort of loyalty, as Shakespeare says, that makes “our faith folly.”

    So, they suffer from what some sociologists call status anxiety. What will become of them when Tinubu says, So Help Me God and Shettima follows suit? What will turn in their stomachs, especially those of the Christian faith who would not tolerate any other when they show allegiance to another faith? They were here when President Goodluck Jonathan did this to his own God. It seems anathema to accept it in another even if Jesus Christ had admonished wheat and tares to dwell together. They will have duel in the hearts. They are imagining a Tinubu in Aso Rock and Remi Tinubu as first lady. They are unable to accept the fact of a majority vote unless it is their majority, or reality unless it is their reality. They want to sing Wike’s song, As e dey pain dem, e dey sweet us. They are afraid, some people will sing it at their expense. But Tinubu has not given a hint of gloating. He wants a rainbow nation of cooperation. They don’t want to accept his love. Somehow, hating him feels like a spiritual thirst.

    So, it is not because they believe that it is wrong to swear anyone in before dispatching the cases in court. It is about the person, not the law. If it is about the law, they know they are wrong. They know that the law is clear about how many days a case can last in court. It is, on the whole, 180 days. They knew this before the election. Like poor EPL fans, they want to discard the referee and change the rule before it is 90 minutes.

    Read Also: 10th NASS: Dont succumb to pressure, APC group urges Tinubu, NWC

     Maybe they did not know. Or when they knew, they decided to reimagine what they knew. The Poet Shelley urged everyone to reimagine what we know. By doing that, we expand the frontiers of our imagination. As Einstein said, “knowledge is limited. But imagination encircles the earth.” He further says

    “imagination is more important than knowledge.” So maybe they are expanding their knowledge. But this is a fake version of the imagination. You cannot say you are reimagining it when the law is clear. You can only do same when there are caveats and windows. But the law is what it is. Some of the clerics should remember Paul who wrote, “for we can do nothing against the truth but for the truth.”

    They know that they are full of mischief. This is not the first time since 1999 that we are having presidents sworn-in while challengers are wailing in the court room. Tinubu himself is a paragon of judicial endurance. We and a few of these clerics were in this country when he waited for close to four years while Oyinlola puffed in office. He won the case for Rauf Aregbesola. Adams Oshiomhole waited while Osunbor peacocked in office before the courts overturned his reign. We were all witnesses when Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) proclaimed, “one by one by God.” It came to pass in Ekiti and Ondo as well.

    OBJ will not have the courage to join the raucous chorus because he was sworn in while Olu Falae challenged his victory at the polls. Muhammadu Buhari became a citizen of the court three times. He, too, exercised patience while May 29 elapsed. Jonathan was the only person who did not summon SANs for a pay day. He had no bloodlust for office after six years. He knew he would lose as others had done. He had misgoverned enough.

    Some lawyers have said it was a misnomer that a few men who call themselves justices would sit and determine the fate of a people. One of the lawyers called for a change of that order. He has a point. But he was echoing Bibi Netanyahu, the Israeli leader, who wants to upturn the finality of supreme court verdicts. He wants a rubberstamp legislature to cancel a court pronouncement if it runs counter to his interest. He is a subvert of justice. He is undergoing a corruption trial, and the prospect of a guilty verdict terrifies him.

    Our lawyers should not be turning matters upside down. They are saying the right thing for the wrong reason. Like Netanyahu, such lawyers want to compromise the inviolability of the court verdict because they do not want a Tinubu presidency. They know the consequence of undermining the court: anarchy. Hence, Israeli streets erupted in protests. Our mob without eyes and ears are becoming gangsters of the law.

    Soyinka called some of them fascists. It is strange that some clerics have joined them in calling for the subversion of the law. They are, in essence, calling for the army. Some of the clerics were in this country when soldiers made us serfs in our land. They were the days of decrees and gulags. This writer, as managing editor of Abiola’s Concord Newspapers in Abuja, was stalked by two SSS cars every day until I escaped in the heady era of June 12.

    Some of the mob without eyes and ears are so sure that the 25 percent view of Abuja will nullify the victory. Hence, they just want that aspect to be ruled upon. This is without merit because even the LP and PDP did not isolate those cases. They cannot eat their cake and have it. These “25 percent And-ers” are a desperate bunch.

    They want to ambush the constitution. They think they are wise. They don’t even know how to keep supporters. Their chief apostle is on a mission to reconcile. He even tweeted a reconciliation, but our avatar said he did not reconcile. The literary patriarch who could have been their friend they abused and mocked out of their orbit. They turned his affection for them into what Shakespeare called cold fire, wolvish-ravening lamb, fiend angelical.

    They cannot, no matter how much they try, upturn the constitution. They are the vipers slithering inside a tall grass waiting for the venom moment. But the law, bearing Tinubu, is a bird stalking the sky with its bold, piercing eyes. The bird sees it. The snake thinks it is ambushing the rabbit, but it is  the prey, a prey of its self-destruct conscience. The bird, in its benevolent majesty, would just soar ahead. And the Nigerian bird is the eagle, regal, gorgeous and, where necessary, ruthless.

  • Whither new naira notes?

    Whither new naira notes?

    National newspaper recently came out with a searing front page lead, “Where are new Naira notes? The poser arose from the outcome of investigations by the publication across some major cities in the country which showed the new notes are virtually not in circulation several months after they became legal tender

    They are neither being dispensed by the Automatic Teller Machines (ATMs) of depositors’ banks, nor are they available at the Point of Sales POS outlets across the country. The situation is even compounded by the near disappearance of the new currency notes from the daily commercial and other transaction activities of the citizenry.

    That the scarcity of the new notes has persisted even as the currency in circulation is reported to have increased from N982.09 billion in February to N1.6 trillion at the end of March is even more confounding. Faced with this inexplicable situation, it was only logical for the publication to interrogate the whereabouts of the new naira notes.

    The findings should also evoke the concomitant question of what has become of the Naira Redesign and Cashless Policy of the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN.  Is it still on course or jettisoned overboard by the contradictions that trailed its faulty implementation?

    This immediately throws up issues as to what has become of its high-minded objectives? What has become the fate of such policy objectives as the imperative to take effective control of the currency in circulation, address the hoarding of the Naira outside the banking system and check the increasing counterfeiting of the high denominations of the Naira?

    The CBN had in October last year introduced the newly redesigned notes and gave January 31, 2023 as the deadline for the use of the old currencies. But President Buhari officially unveiled the new N1000, N500 and N200 currency denominations in November with the same deadline for the old notes to cease as legal tender.

    Within that time frame, both the old and the new currencies circulated together. But as the deadline for the old currencies to cease as legal tender approached, the situation became chaotic as the new notes were nowhere to be found even as people made to deposit their old currencies to beat the deadline. Apparently sensing danger in sticking to the old deadline in the face of acute scarcity of the new notes, the CBN had to extend the deadline to February 10, citing the approval to that effect by the president.

    But nothing substantially changed as the situation unleashed such excruciating hardship on the citizenry that compared with the sufferings and untold dislocations experienced only during war situations. People found it extremely hard to access basic necessities of life as the old notes were being rejected even when the redesigned currencies were virtually unavailable.

    Soon, the Naira began to sell against itself at very ridiculously discounted rates. Faced with serious hardship, some governors went to court to challenge the Naira redesign and cashless policy even as allegations of political motives were freely traded. The timing of the policy close to the general elections was further touted as evidence of an agenda of a political hue.

    The Supreme Court came to the rescue when it gave an injunction for the status quo to be maintained pending the determination of the substantive case. The implication of this was that both the new and old currencies should circulate contemporaneously until the final ruling in the case. Before the apex court gave the final ruling, President Buhari in a national broadcast countermanded the injunction.

    Buhari had given approval to the CBN to release the old N200 bank notes back into circulation as legal tender with the new bank notes for 60 days from February 10, to April 10, when the old N200 notes will cease as legal tender.

    Read Also: CBN authorises foreign banks to give loans in dollar

    The president’s directive only succeeded in injecting further confusion to a hopeless situation as the cash squeeze got to an alarming dimension. The reintroduction of the old N200 notes made a near zero impact on the biting cash squeeze.

     There was a heavy sigh of relief when the Apex court gave the final ruling directing that both the old and new currencies should circulate concurrently till December 31. But that was not the end of the matter as both the federal authorities and the CBN kept mute for days over the implementation of the court order.

    Feeble attempts by some depositor’s banks to pay in the old currency notes were resisted by their customers on account of the inability of President Buhari and the CBN to come clear on the Supreme Court order. The situation lingered. But the citizenry were obviously at the receiving end.

    It took accusations and counter accusations for the president to wash off his hands from the inability of the CBN to implement the apex court’s ruling. In the midst of this, allegations arose that the CBN was about to inject large quantities of the old naira notes into the banking system to mitigate the untold suffering unleashed by its policy.

    But this did not come into full force until the Nigerian Labour Congress, NLC threatened to picket all the branches of the CBN across the country if the situation did not improve. Apparently fearing the warning by the NLC, the CBN began to release substantial funds to depositor’s banks. The NLC had to call off its scheduled occupation of CBN offices citing improvement in the cash situation.

    But those who went to the banks to cash some money soon discovered that depositor’s banks were only paying out the old notes. Customers withdrawing money from the ATMs and POS were paid in the old Naira notes. Cash transactions across the country, as I write, are also virtually done in old notes. This has raised curiosity as to what has become of the new Naira notes-an integral part of the Naira redesign and cashless policy of the government. It was out of the puzzle generated by this development that the said publication embarked on investigations which revealed that the new currencies are not really in circulation. That is the unfortunate situation on ground.

    So what happened? What of the December 31, deadline for the old currencies to cease as legal tender? Why are the new currencies not circulating with the old ones to make for ease of transition when the old notes eventually go into extinct? If it has taken these months without the impact of the new currency notes being felt, what guarantee is there that any magic will happen in the remaining months?

    These questions and more point to the impending danger in the CBN having the old currencies circulate to the near exclusion of the new ones. It is not clear why the situation has remained so even as speculations abound.

    There is the theory of hoarding of the new notes by the rich. There is also the dimension of a deliberate action by the CBN to control the cash flow outside the banking system. Sabotage has also featured as a possible reason for the scarcity.

    Even as hoarding cannot be ruled out, the banks should be held liable if that is a major cause for the scarcity. At no point since the new policy did the commercial banks pay the new notes through the ATMs in substantial quantity. Had the banks been paying the new notes through the ATM galleries, acute shortage would have been a thing of the past.

    It would appear the scarcity is a matter of deliberate policy by the CBN. It is part of the measures to achieve the objectives of the Naira redesign and cashless policy of the government. But it is a potent danger to allow the situation to persist.

    There is the frightening prospect of the odious experiences faced at the earlier stages of the policy repeating. That prospect is very high unless substantial amounts of the new notes are injected into the system to circulate with the old ones to make for seamless transition.

    But nothing should again be done to take the citizenry through the excruciating hardship they faced on account of poor conception and implementation of the policy. It is hard to fathom the positive impact of the policy so far, if all we are left with is the old Naira notes as the medium of transactions.

  • Census in crises

    Census in crises

    President Buhari just postponed the 2023 census. No reasons were given except the new date will be determined by the incoming administration.

    When last year, the government scheduled the census a month after the 2023 general elections, I had in this column on April 25, 2022 under the above title raised issues on the propriety of the timing given extant realities. The postponement has just given ample credence to issues raised then. I hereby reproduce the article:

    Reservations trailing the decision by the federal government to conduct a national population census immediately after the 2023 general elections are not unexpected.

    This is more so given the history of past censuses marred by intense controversies that rubbed off negatively on their overall outcome and acceptance. With this contentious background, the minimum expectation was that the authorities should have taken measures to eliminate all stumbling blocks to a credible and generally acceptable national headcount.

    But this projection appears not to have been properly factored in when the Director-General (DG) of Nigeria Population Commission (NPC), Nasir Isa-Kwarra, announced after the National Council of State meeting that the exercise will be held a month after the 2023 general elections. Curiously also, the agency intends to hold a pilot census this June after the primaries by political parties.

    The NPC boss sought to justify the imminence of the census on the grounds that extant population data are obsolete projections and estimations with questionable value for planning purposes. It is an open secret that this country has no reliable census data. It is also not in doubt that previous attempts at reliable census data were dogged by intense controversies, sometimes leading to the rejection of their outcome.

    So, the issue is not as much with the justification for a reliable national headcount as with its timing. Why the NPC scheduled its pilot scheme after primaries by political parties and the national census after the general elections remains unclear. Is there anything in the conduct of elections that promises to enhance the success and credibility of a national headcount? There is no evidence of that. Rather, the two engagements share common traits in their capacity to divide the country along the line. They are potentially rancorous and explosive.

    Being potentially controversial and explosive engagements, there is the mortal risk of effectively managing eventualities arising from their outcome. Ours is a country where elections are synonymous with violence of unimaginable proportions leading to loss of lives and property. In some previous instances, it took considerable time before the crisis escalated by such elections could normalise.

    It remains puzzling how a national census that may divide people along the line will fare immediately after usually disputed and rancorous polls. The probable scenario is one that will re-ignite the misgivings and distrusts usually generated by the outcome of such elections.

    Their combined outcome will likely produce consequences nobody can predict. In effect, having the two incongruous and controversial national assignments close to each other may ignite a crisis of proportions that will make a child’s play extant insecurity in the country.

    Even now, many local government areas across the country are inaccessible on account of festering insecurity levied by all manner of non-state actors. There are genuine worries on the prospects of elections holding in those communities and local governments if insecurity remains in its current form. It is for the same reason that many well-meaning Nigerians have expressed doubts as to whether the 2023 polls will even hold.

    Even if we manage to gamble the elections as INEC has vowed, it will be counterproductive to treat a national headcount similarly. It will make a mess of the entire exercise if people in crisis-torn areas are neither reached nor counted. The suspension of the continuous voters’ registration exercise by INEC in some local government areas should drive home this point most poignantly.

    When you add up the potentially disruptive effects of do-or-die elections to the unceasing insecurity that has reduced the worth of human life in this country, one is not left in doubt that the proposed census is ill-timed and ill-advised. It is loaded with frightening prospects for sliding the country closer to the precipice.

    The country is currently assailed by existential challenges from all fronts. It is more divided and fragmented than ever before, with rising suspicion and mistrust among the constituents. Such misgivings are bound to exacerbate, given the high premium the constituents place on the headcount. Things are not remedied by the fact that both revenue sharing and representation in national and state legislatures are based on population.

    The two last censuses in 1991 and 2006 did not mark any departure from previous ones as they were equally embroiled in intense disputes as sections sought to gain advantage over others. But while that of 1991 posted a figure of 88.9 million people, its 2006 variant came up with 140 million people.

    Even then, the unreliability of these figures was brought to the fore by a former chairman of the NPC, Eze Festus Odimegwu. He had told officials of the INEC who approached his agency to officially release some certified data to them to assist in their planned constituency delimitation exercise that there was no officially certified data for all the localities in the country.

    Hear him, “the enumeration centres we have, some of them do not exist in reality, some politicians bought them the way you will want to register voters and some people will buy voters’ cards in order to have advantage”. He said those who bought these enumeration areas raised the figure from about ‘250 to 500 and if you later count and discover that the population is 10, they will say no, but we gave you 500, you have to raise it to that number that we gave you.’

    Odimegwu lost his job for coming clear on the monumental fraud past censuses had been. But the issues raised illustrate how desperate our people can go on such issues, and a measure of the level of controversy they engender. We can do with less of that crisis now.

    Unless there is an agenda that must be executed before this administration exits, the census should wait for the next government after it has satisfactorily addressed subsisting security challenges.

  • Educator

    Educator

    The Port Harcourt visit threw up a lot to cherish.  A marvel of a flyover, a pageant of dancers and songs, a kaleidoscope of fashion, a bonhomie of national unity.

    But the social media did what it often does best: invent a lie and run with it.  President-elect Bola Tinubu turned it into another teachable moment. At the banquet, he responded with the quip: “Get educated.” The next day, he reminded the people that he was only a president-elect, not president. He explained that the request from Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike was a policy request. He was not in a position to act on a policy. That would make him a subvert.

    He was not like some people who wanted President Muhammadu Buhari to upturn the law and not swear him into office.  In his own case, he did not want to act as though the justices had already sworn him in. He had no conscience for such impunity of impatience. His meal is coming to his dinner table. He does not need to crane and peer at the kitchen. The aroma signifies a promise and coming destiny.

    President-elect is not an office. If an office, it is in the offing. It is a title of expectation enshrined in the people’s verdict. It is a promissory status. So, if Governor Wike said out of half-humour and half-gravity that his note was ready for him for May 29, Tinubu responded in the same temperament. When he said, “I owe you nothing,” Wike shook with laughter. His internet interpreters frowned with malice. They were having a headache on the governor’s behalf.

    When Tinubu said Wike would have to lobby him, it was a statement of temporary impotence. He could do nothing now. Even when that time came, he would have to look at the state of the exchequer. He was wise. He was not going to concede right away. It was a testament to Tinubu’s presence of mind. Nothing testified to such prescience than what Ebonyi State Governor David Umahi revealed at the banquet. The governor, now senator-elect, revealed that when Wike made the request, Jigawa State Governor Mohammed Badaru was clutching a sheet of paper with his own list. And another governor had followed suit. But once Tinubu responded to Wike, the two governors tossed their sheets of demand. So, it was an elaborate joke. The internet parade was not in on the laugh.

    Again, Governor Wike had at the banquet chided the internet worms to go beyond the surface and probe the spirit of the exchange. Tinubu had come in a spirit of reciprocity, what Wike had popularized as Iyendeba, Iyendeba.  So, we saw two men banter, and the internet in a stutter. Tinubu remarked the next day, in his first response to internet worms, that they have called him different sorts of names. But what struck this essayist was that since the election period, the president-elect has been imparting knowledge to his traducers.

    Read Also: Wike declares holiday for Tinubu’s visit

    We cannot forget, for instance, the moment he promised to recharge Lake Chad. This was when he visited Borno State. In their ignorance, they revealed their narrow understanding of language, a lack of grasp of the power of metaphor. If you can charge a glass of whiskey with just a shot, when you release thousands of gallons into a lake, what would you call it? It was in Borno State, the state of now vice-president-elect Kashim Shettima, who as governor, pointed out the lake as a main source of the state’s unrest. The same crowd revealed their fashion ignorance when they saw suit over sneakers at the NBA conference. That was until a flurry of international pictures with models in the same outfits exposed their outdated eyes. Shettima won, the internet zero.

    The other one was his comment about poisoned communion and church rat, and rather than understand the intricacies of his metaphor, they revived their so-called Muslim-Muslim prejudice. They, including Christian clerics, who saw nothing wrong in one other candidate who placed a Christian as a subordinate candidate but chuckled over a Christian candidate subordinating a Muslim, thought Tinubu’s metaphor was irreverent. Tinubu educated them on the value of environmental nationalism, and how we cannot run our economy on a Western clock. If they abused the environment to make wealth, we have a right to abuse it too, hence the poisoned communion. But if they want to retain the sanctity of the green earth, they have to pay us. The roughneck who becomes a priest has no right to condemn other rough necks in the street who would be priests later without giving them holy communion first.

    Tinubu taught. Some understood. Most of the howlers did not understand it. They do not have the subtlety to grasp the interstices of the logic. They now fear his mind. Rather than acknowledge, they pelt abuse.

    This shows that we need a conversation on how to save discourse in this country. Free speech is good. It is a tenet of democratic progress. But we can sometimes mistake stylized chaos of a fascistic liberty for free speech. Isaiah Berlin, the philosopher, worried that freedom means different things for good and bad people. Boko Haram, for instance, may see their butchery as freedom to entrench a theocracy.  We are seeing those who desecrate liberty today. Freedom to push ethnic agenda. Freedom to turn church into a magisterial pulpit for Christ’s kingdom on earth. In between, we have the nasty, brutish voices who celebrate misery, skew facts, upturn order, flay the innocent, sacralise the deviant, defy logic.

    The law must come to play in this area, where those who libel must pay in the court of law. And those who peddle cancerous untruths must suffer the consequences. Recently, a toxic television station Fox News was humbled for working with the Trump group to deny that President Joe Biden won the polls. They brayed that the company known as Dominion had twisted the figures. They were forced to settle out of court after paying close to a billion dollars. Another company, Smartmatic, is also in court. The main culprit, one anchor, has been fired. It was a humbling moment for a peacock station that thrived on lies. This is a cautionary tale. The best way to temper the rabble on television and the internet is to hit them at their raw spot: their pocketbooks.

    Some of the internet worms have no money. If they know there is consequence for foul speech and lies, they will not poop in public if they know they will be pooh-poohed.

  • Where was Harry?

    Where was Harry?

    That was the question I asked myself of the English royal who abandoned family and followed the coattail of an entitled American wife who cut him off from crown and home, and they became homeless. Harry was on a humiliating third row wearing a regular suit when his brother William was on the front row and playing a role. Harry was a bystander and spectator in his family day of glory. All because Meghan complained royalty was racist and did not treat her with respect. Harry collapsed rather than fight for his right in the home.  He looked like a dud of a man at the ceremony. If royals were nasty, why did he not fight from within, and enlist the world? Rather he left the palace to its own infamy. Now, his children may not forgive him and Meghan for cutting them away from what might have been their rights. I am not a royalist, but a person must stand and fight from within. It is better to be a Gorbachev and wait for the moment to change things. It might not be him, but his son. Or it might even be William if he put much heat on his brother.

    Read Also: Prince Harry, Meghan Markle announce first project for Netflix

    The other thing that struck one was the lie that British told themselves that, somehow, King Charles is a divine king. We have forgotten the era of the divine rights of kings. Even then, we saw slaughter in Europe that saw monarchs as neither divine nor kings. The evocation of scripture, application of anointing oil and wearing of the crown have no place in Christian doctrine. It belonged to the Old Testament, and every Christian is now king and priest. Christians cannot have a man anointed as king over them by another priest. It is subversion. There was no king in the New Testament, except Jesus. I enjoyed the spectacle and solemn grandeur. I hope the new king will look at the reparations agitation and pay Africa what they owe us for making them a wealthy empire and America great.

    For us Nigerians, no one gave a prophecy that the day would not come. Or that the army would truncate the process. It happened in the past, though, in the days of King George IV, who said his wife Caroline, should not be allowed to appear in his investiture. He accused her of many offences, including adultery, but she made it and became queen. And she was popular with the people. So, Nigerian naysayers, take note.

  • Arbitrary charges can’t enhance public confidence, says Idowu

    Arbitrary charges can’t enhance public confidence, says Idowu

    Regulation of the Fintechs has created a level-playing field for players in the industry, ensuring that they operate within a framework that promotes transparency, accountability, and consumer protection. Managing Director, Sofri, a Digital bank susbsidiary in the DLM Group, Funsho Idowu, speaks with Assistant Business Editor COLLINS NWEZE on its operations, the industry and the need to tackle arbitrary charges.

    Nigeria has a lot of challenges facing its e-payment industry, led by commercial banks, Fintechs and other financial institutions like poor network quality. How best do you think these challenges can be tackled to enhance the confidence of the people in the financial system?

    The challenges facing Nigeria’s e-payment industry are certainly significant, but there are several strategies that could be employed to address them and improve public confidence in the financial system.

    Improving network quality is a critical step that must be taken to ensure that electronic transactions are completed reliably and efficiently. This will require investment in infrastructure, including broadband internet access and mobile networks, as well as efforts to ensure that network outages are promptly addressed.

    Also, e-fraud is a growing concern for consumers and businesses alike, and combating this problem will require a multi-pronged approach. This would involve the use of advanced fraud detection and prevention technologies, as well as stronger regulatory frameworks and increased public education and awareness campaigns.

    Arbitrary charges by service providers must be addressed to enhance public confidence in the financial system. To tackle this challenge, it is necessary for regulators to introduce tighter regulation to prevent abuse of market power and encourage transparency and healthy competition in the industry.

    Overall, improving the e-payment industry in Nigeria will require a collaborative effort from all stakeholders, including commercial banks, Fintechs, and other financial institutions. By working together to tackle these challenges head-on, it is possible to build a more robust and reliable financial ecosystem that serves the needs of all Nigerians.

    Have you considered the challenge of facilitating payment for people in the rural areas or those that work remotely whose KYC may be difficult to ascertain. How are you dealing with that?

    As a modern and forward-thinking institution, we understand that financial inclusion is essential to fostering economic growth and social development. One approach adopted by Sofri is, leveraging emerging technologies such as biometric identification and digital verification to make the KYC process more accessible and seamless for these individuals. This reduces the barriers to entry for individuals who may not have traditional forms of identification, such as a government-issued ID card, and enable them to participate fully in the financial ecosystem.

    We also recognise that effective communication and engagement with our customers is key to understanding their unique needs and challenges. As such, we invest in training and equipping our customer service teams with the tools and knowledge they need to engage effectively with individuals in rural areas and remote workers, to ensure that they feel heard, understood, and supported.

    Our goal at Sofri is to create a financial ecosystem that is inclusive, accessible, and empowering for everyone, regardless of their background or circumstances. We are committed to working tirelessly to achieve this goal, and we are confident that we have the expertise, resources, and dedication to make it a reality.

    The payment industry has seen rise in the use of unofficial channels to send and receive money due to high cost of sending funds to receivers in remote areas through the official channels. How is your company dealing with this challenge?

    With the Sofri mobile app, what you see is what you get. The app makes it easy, convenient and cost-effective for customers to send and receive money. All that is required is an internet enabled mobile phone and data to use the app. We are working on launching the Sofri USSD service to make our services accessible for customers with limited access to the internet. We also encourage our customers by offering incentives or rewards.

    This includes lower fees for repeat customers, cash-back rewards for using the service regularly, and discounts on our other products or services. As a bank that gives back, this is one of the ways we help to improve financial inclusion for the financially under-served persons.

     Are Fintechs under any regulation and, if yes, how is that affecting your operations?

    Yes, Fintechs are under regulatory supervision in Nigeria.The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) is the main regulator responsible for overseeing the activities of Fintechs in the country. Others such as the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) also have oversight responsibilities for specific areas within the Fintech industry.

    I would say that regulatory supervision has had positive and negative effects. On one hand, it has helped to create a level-playing field for  players in the industry, ensuring that Fintechs operate within a framework that promotes transparency, accountability, and consumer protection. This has helped to build trust and confidence among consumers, leading to increased adoption of Fintech products and services. On the other hand, it can sometimes be restrictive. Overall, regulatory supervision has brought some needed structure and stability to the Fintech industry in Nigeria, helping to create a more sustainable and competitive environment.

     What advice do you have for start-ups and other entrepreneurs who complain of getting funds, and difficult operating environment?

    Securing funding and navigating a difficult operating environment are common challenges that many businesses face. Hence, it is essential for entrepreneurs to remain flexible and adaptable in the face of challenges. My advice would be to start where you are, with what you have.

    Rather than giving up or becoming discouraged, they should be willing to adjust their approach as needed and continue to learn from their experiences. It is important to build a track record and stay focused and consistent, to maintain that record. Potential investors want to see that you understand your business intimately as that would make them comfortable enough to trust you with their funds. By remaining determined and persistent, start-ups can overcome obstacles and achieve success.

    How does being a member of the DLM Capital Group influence your operations and competitive edge in the marketplace?

    Being a member of the DLM Capital Group has a significant impact on our operations. We are able to leverage DLM’s strong reputation for providing innovative financial solutions to its clients, as well as a wide range of financial products and services, including debt and equity financing, securitisation, among others. The combined experience of our colleagues at DLM leaves Sofri at an advantage.

    What is the relationship between banks and Fintechs and how best could it be improved?

    The relationship between banks and fintechs in Nigeria is complex and multifaceted. While there has been some competition between these two groups, there have also been some positive collaborations and partnerships that have emerged in recent years.

    Fintechs have disrupted the traditional banking landscape in Nigeria by offering innovative digital products and services that are more convenient, efficient, and accessible to consumers. This has put pressure on banks to adapt and innovate in order to remain competitive. However, banks have the advantage of established infrastructure, regulatory compliance, and a large customer base, which can be leveraged to support fintechs in scaling their operations. Improving the relationship between banks and fintechs in Nigeria will require a collaborative and innovative approach, as well as a supportive regulatory environment that fosters collaboration and growth.

    This will have them play on the same team, and not as competitors.

    What steps do you think that Fintechs should take to promote savings and investment in the economy?

     Fintechs can play a significant role in promoting savings and investment in the economy by creating user-friendly digital platforms and mobile applications that make it easy for consumers to save and invest; providing educational resources and tools to help consumers better understand financial concepts and make informed decisions about savings and investment; leverage data analytics and machine learning to gain insights into consumer behavior and preferences, and use this information to develop personalized savings and investment strategies; partner with banks and other financial institutions to offer savings and investment products that are backed by regulatory oversight and institutional credibility.

    What is Sofri five-year vision, on expansion, profitability, and product development plan?

    Our brand name ‘Sofri’ is derived from the pidgin English expression ‘Sofri-Sofri’ meaning ‘easy’. Our brand name connotes our willingness to use mobile banking as a tool for making living and working in Nigeria easy. Nigeria is a vibrant and diverse country with many opportunities and challenges. We must continue to support and empower our Nation in creating a more prosperous, and sustainable future for everyone.

    At Sofri, our vision is to make life easy for the average Nigerian. To achieve this, we will continue to expand our digital presence to reach new markets and customers. We are particularly interested in Nigeria’s unbanked population and the financially under-served especially with the enforcement of the new cashless policy by the Central Bank of Nigeria.

    As such, we would prioritise optimizing our operations, improving efficiency, investing in technology, and exploring new products and services to better meet the needs of our customers.

    As a digital bank, how is Sofri providing financial services in our Cashless Nigeria?

    The recent Cashless policy by the Central Bank of Nigeria is compelling people to use their smartphones for daily cash activities. This includes Banking and other financial services. By developing a top-of-the-line mobile app that is easy to use, secure, and offers a range of financial services, Sofri is making banking more effortless to Nigerians. By leveraging our digital channels, such as the Sofri MasterCard, Sofri Mobile App (on Android and IOS), We are bringing financial services closer to all Nigerians and helping them achieve their financial goals.

    Sofri is a one-stop-shop digital bank with a vision to become an enabler of financial liberty as well as providing easy access to financial products. How are you able to achieve these goals?

    Sofri is providing convenient Banking beyond the banked population, to the financially under-served persons. Our Mobile App allows Nigerians to open a Sofri Bank account in less than three minutes, transfers are instant and hitch-less and we provide 24 hours live customer support. Sofri also provides financial education and resources as we align with the CBN Cashless Nigeria. Our savings plan and investment opportunities help Nigerians in achieving their financial goals and promote financial inclusion.

     Tell us about some of the products and services that you have deployed to bring financial services closer to the people?

    On the Sofri Mobile App, Nigerians can now make instant payment for their utility bills such electricity, water, cable TV etc. In two clicks, you can recharge your airtime, and select from the diverse bouquet of data bundles across the different mobile networks in Nigeria. These services can also be performed for other persons, family and friends. Sofri prides in the instant person-to-person and person-to-business transfers.

     What differentiates Sofri from other Banks in Nigeria?

    Sofri is uniquely recognized as the ‘Bank that gives back’. Our weekly raffle draw is widely followed by a lot of people, as we give N10,000 to 100 lucky winners. We also add strength and vitality to our customers by corporate contributions, and social recognitions etc to well deserving persons. Recently, we paid a courtesy visit to Justina Rita Omogabai, the policewoman, whose story went viral for her voluntary care to young school Children passing her duty post at Sabo Yaba. She redresses them properly and gives them school materials when necessary. Sofri appreciated her with a sum of N200,000 as a token of gratitude and encouraged her and others in the Police Department to continue their duty of upholding peace and order in our society.

    Giving back to Nigerians is how we invest in the future. Therefore, Sofri supports the society by creating a more prosperous, stable, and sustainable future for all. We enjoin other financial institutions to participate in the ‘giving back’ practice so together, we build stronger, more cohesive societies.

  • Citizen Atobiloye’s death

    Citizen Atobiloye’s death

    If not for the contentious explanation by Ruth Awi, spokesperson for Zone 8 Police Command, Kogi State, the death of a police officer, Taiye Atobiloye, in a police cell may have been passed off as one of those unavoidable incidents that characterise our justice system.

    But such a stance runs the mortal risk of oversimplifying the larger issues thrown up by the detention and eventual death of the police officer. What are the issues? Atobiloye, who served at the Kwara State police command, was said to have been posted on a special duty tagged ‘quick intervention’ to Kogi State for one month.

    After reporting for duty in his new post, the police officer was said to have absconded from duty and was nowhere to be located for two days until policemen found him drunk.

    The police spokesperson captured the situation thus: “He reported at the Zonal Headquarters and then disappeared into thin air. He did not only stay away from work; he was drunk when he was found. For the effect of the drink to be cleared, the boss said he should stay in the cell for two days until he is fit for interrogation to explain where he went and where he was coming from.”

    So, he was detained at the D division for two or three days “after which the news came to us that he gave up,” was the way she captured the situation

    But the family has cried foul. They are dissatisfied with the cloudy circumstance of the sudden death of the police officer.

    In a Facebook post, a relative of the deceased, Femi Igbekele, while lamenting his death said for the “past eight days all family members were calling him but no response from his phone as the phone was ringing but nobody picked. His wife called him but nobody picked the call until the information reached the family that he was detained at the D division in Kogi and died in the cell.”

    It is hazy how the family eventually got the information of his death after eight days of fruitless efforts to reach him on phone. At issue also is, who had the custody of his phone while he was being detained and why no effort was made to reach his family even with the torrents of calls coming to his phone.

    It is also unclear whether the eight days the family members were calling him without anybody picking the calls included the two days he was said to have absconded from his duty post. Why it did not occur to those who detained him to reach his family, especially with several calls to his phone, is at the heart of the suspicion of foul play.

    These gaps together with others from statements by the Zone 8 police command reinforce the suspicion that there is more to the death of the police officer than ordinarily meets the eye. The scenario painted by the police command on how he absconded from duty, later discovered drunk and sent to the cell for the alcohol to clear before interrogation is fraught with its own contradictions.

    It is very questionable whether detention in a cell for the touted effects of alcohol to clear, is the appropriate therapy for someone found in the mental state he was seen in. Even at that, how did his boss come to the conclusion that alcohol was responsible for whatever state of mind they found him?

    Why rule out other possible options? He could also have been attacked or drugged especially these days kidnapping, ritual killings and all manner of atrocious acts have become part of our daily lives. But then, who tested his mental state to come to the conclusion that he was the way he was found because of the effects of alcohol?

    If actually he was drunk, was his boss right to have drawn the conclusion that remand in the cell is the best therapy? Why did it not occur to anyone that he should be taken to hospital after disappearing for two days only to surface in the manner he was found?

    There are other issues relating to his stay in the cell – the suspicion of torture and negligence. Was he alone in the cell, given that the cell in which he was detained was meant only for erring police officers? If the answer is in the affirmative, was someone detailed to supervise and provide for him? How did he feed in the cell and how regularly was he visited during his incarceration?

    If he was regularly visited, someone would have noticed his situation and taken him to hospital before he deteriorated to the point of death. It is highly improbable that his situation could deteriorate to the point of death within two days in detention without anyone noticing. That would seem to suggest the eight days the family members were unable to reach him, may coincide with his period of detention.

    The officer cannot be brought back to life to ascertain the number of days he was actually detained. And in situations like this, it is common for those responsible for events that culminated in this avoidable pass to seek ways to cover up their acts of omission or commission. But the uncanny irony is that the family has lost their breadwinner, children have been rendered fatherless and a wife has suddenly become a widow.

    Atobiloye is not alone in this predicament. Erasmus Emhenya, suspected to have stabbed and killed one Blessing Ogbu in Abuja, died on April 6, while being detained in police custody at the Federal Capital Territory FCT. This generated suspicion and serious controversy. The command had to deny that he was tortured to death while in detention.

    The command claimed preliminary investigation showed that the suspect was not tortured to death by the police. It said that discrete investigations to unravel the cause of the death had been ordered.

    There was also the case of a suspect identified as Uchenna, detained at the police annex Awkuzu, in Anambra State, where he died last January. Reports had it that he was arrested with two other persons for alleged fighting and detained. The suspect’s father was said to have gone to bail him but was asked to bring N150, 000. He was still scouting for the money when his son died in police detention in controversial circumstances.

    The police authorities, however, claimed after the death that he was arrested for robbery and that the suspect confessed to the crime as they saw evidence of violence on the body of the other party. But as usual, they denied that his father was asked for money to secure his son’s bail.

    But the furor generated by Uchenna’s sudden death is yet to settle. The family suspects foul play, especially given the claim by the police that he confessed to robbery even when the issue was initially that of fighting. The family suspects that he may have been tortured to death as the police sought to extract the ‘confessional’ statement from him.

    These are just a few of the deaths in police cells in the last few months. Across the country, a litany of deaths in detention abounds. And each time they happen, the police are quick to deny they had a hand in the circumstances leading to such deaths. They are also quick to promise discrete investigation and autopsy.

    But in most of the cases, nothing comes out of them. This seemed to have emboldened its operatives to torture and snuff out life of suspects all in the name of extracting confessional statements from them. Something really urgent has to be done about the frequent death of suspects in police custody.

    The case of Atobiloye mirrors very vividly the sad experiences of suspects detained in police cells for one offence or the other. Unfortunately, such deaths are becoming a recurring decimal in the country’s justice system. If a police officer could be so treated, it remains to be imagined what the ordinary citizens pass through at the hands of law enforcement agencies. Sadly, such brutality gave birth to the ENDSARS riots. It seems the bitter lessons have not been learnt.

    The Inspector General of Police should order a high-powered inquisition into the circumstances that led to the death of Atobiloye and others who died in police cells in very questionable circumstances. There should be no cover-ups. Those found complicit must be made to pay for their acts of indiscretion. This is a sure path to restoring the waning confidence of the people in the police.