Category: Monday

  • A man of the times

    A man of the times

    He is a man of certain height, a certain past, and a certain career and with a certain idea of a certain country. He is a warrior even when there is no war. A soldier in the eyes of some civilians, a civilian in the eyes of some soldiers. The definition of his uniform is anything but uniform because even that is in the eye of the beholder. Sometimes, his tune is regarded as at war with his tunic, and his tunic with his tune. It is part of the enigma of the person.

    His life comes to a boil when his country collapses under interloping soldiers. Unlike his mates who would cow under and even embrace the rape and rapine of the times, he takes them on. He is a man who never cowers to the jail man. He knows what it is   to be gaoled.

    The soldiers make the city and country crawl under the fierce rhythms of their jackboots, the syncopating roar of their martial voice, the loss of democratic favours. They impose a new weather system of fear and trembling. Some of his fellow men have become courtiers in a contrived inner sanctum of quislings, new blue-bloods when it is blues for the country.

    When others remain, he would rather die with a lion’s mane or find another shelter from where to wage a fight.

    They are after him. His own class and the class of the invading army mark him as a wanted man. If they get him, he not only returns to jail. He is a dead man, like others at home operating under ground, issuing out journalism and whispering to ominous caucuses. He has little time to consult with friends and family before he flees. A big war hero says he carries his country’s pride in that aircraft of escape.

    In the words of the poet, T.S. Eliot, a hard time he has of it. With him at the helm, in London, with his fellow rebels, he has to organise.  They have become refugees for national rebirth. The homeland invokes sacrifice. With a few men, they operate like a band of brothers. They are a grain of mustard seed. Courage multiplies little supplies into a surplus. Their voices, though few and puny, wax into arsenal. Love makes a few people growl into a battalion. Alienation knits them like a commonwealth. It is like the words of Isaiah: “A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.” God and time hasten it.

    He enjoys local cover, if not much of a resource. He organises a radio station with regular broadcasts where the people at home know they are only lonely but not alone.

    Since, he, as leader, is a wanted man, he imbibes a rebel’s guile. He needs to be alive for the cause and the caucuses.

    One of those he is in touch with is a well-known world literary figure, who would one day pay homage to his political soldiery.

    In the end, though, he and his colleagues prevail. There might have been some turncoats among them, but he returns home a hero. Not everyone thinks so. He comes into a high office, and later becomes in charge.

    He is seen as a fellow to dread and to love, a divisive figure. He helps to reorganise the politics of the country, refine its agenda, save its major city in a time of economic crisis. He invests and ferment political reforms, challenging some of the royals of the old order, the mensch of the old mess.

    He is stubborn, and very quickly creates a tendency in the political elite. He is regarded as a reference point in governance. He handles crises and survives the far left and from the far right.

    But so is the way of his life that those who love him band behind him and those who hate him want him dead. They have plotted his assassination. He seems there is never a time in his political life that he is not in a sort of storm. When he veers right, they say left is better. Some love the love of him. Some love the hate of him.

    Some hate him so much that they forget the very reason why he is hated. Some have devoted inks of bile to him. Some say openly that they wish him dead. Even if he dies, they will say the beast is dead but his poison lives on. They would want to recalibrate Christ and say they want to kill the flesh and would not be satisfied until they kill the spirit, too. In their writings, his opponents pour invectives like lifeblood. Some who were for him would turn away from him and devote their lives to opposing him until they turn to his side again with more powerful fervour.

    He is the only one in his drama, and he seems not to invite his worshippers to fanaticism or his haters to savagery. He is like an artwork of a famous artist whose light comes from within the work itself. This man creates the frame of reference of his interlocutors. He sets the context and they respond. He is never fazed though, like the mystic in Salman Rushdie’s Midnights Children who never feels anything, including a venomous snakebite.

    The man I write about here is not Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. His name is Charles de Gaulle, often regarded as the French man not only of the 20th century, but of all time, followed in the last poll conducted as 14 points ahead of the little general, Napoleon Bonaparte.  Andre Malraux, the great novelist and friend of the French avatar, wrote after De Gaulle’s death that he is a man of today and the day after tomorrow and a man of yesterday and the day after yesterday. In his latest book, Leadership, Henry Kissinger describes him as a man who invented the idea of ‘grandeur’ for France.

  • Division of labour

    Division of labour

    I used the phrase division of labour to characterise what is blowing into a crisis in the Labour Party where the mercurial Doyin Okupe, the candidate’s director general, is sparring with a faction of the party. The bone of contention is that no one knows who is the greedy dog. Okupe says he is innocent. Others say he cracked a femur. They want to extract his molars and incisors. I had tweeted that this was a division of labour. More importantly, it counters the LP candidate’s assertion of the dignity of labour. It does not dignify labour to scramble for leftovers.

    In these days when some contrarian persons are demonising the so-called Muslim-Muslim ticket and are saying Christians loathe an anti-Christian ticket, they are all welcoming the LP man to church conventions with applause. What point are the big bishops and pastors making? That we should privilege Christians over the Muslims and other non-Christians? Do these men know their Bible? Is it their version of the crusades and holy war?

    In churches, they herald him like the Nigerian version of Jesus Christ the super star.

    It would have made sense if the LP man can go to imams and also attend mosques and allow them to worship with him. He will then be a hypocrite in public, not only in private, for campaigning in both church and mosque. He is not interested in such dilemma. He would rather craft a platform of bigots than pretend a cooperative ethos.

    Have they taken the time to ask questions about whether this man is a true Christian or if he wants to, in the words of Apostle Peter, make merchandise of them? Did they ask whether he divided Catholics against Anglicans when he was governor? Did they ask whether he ever attended Pentecostal conventions when he was not looking for their votes? Are they pretending he is not campaigning in the guise of shouting hallelujah in their churches? Are they hearing the voice of the holy spirit around his bended knees on their altars?

    Why has he suddenly become a man who moves from house of God to house of God. He is campaigning, or is it the bishops and priests themselves that are campaigning vicariously through him?

    Is this not a Christianisation agenda of Nigeria that the LP man is fronting? What does he want the Muslims to think, or even the discerning Christians who have seen through him and the political clerics who desecrate their suits of worship? Did he not attend the church of a bishop who once said they should vote their faith against the electoral law?

    The LP candidate is probably like some of the bishops who have not answered, like the candidate, why he has offshore accounts in his name with his children’s names as well? Why will the LP candidate not be accepted as a kindred spirit among such men of God?

    This is actually the division of labour. In a smaller script, it is a division of labour within the LP. In the wider canvas, it is the division of labour in which Christians are on one side and Muslims and other non-Christians are on another side. This is an ominous, self-conscious division of the country by these clerics.

    If they know the Bible, they would know that James in the Bible frowns against special treatment to people who come in their midst. They do so to governors, presidents and others as though it is a political ground. According to the Bible, we are all one and equal in Christ Jesus. Did Jesus not say the servant is not greater than the master and the master is not greater than the servant. The Bible says let the wheat and the tares dwell together, not choke each other. They preach disharmony in the society in the name of growing their flocks. Jesus said, my kingdom is not of this world? Did they see that text?  They know the text but deny the context. This is an age of Pharisees and false prophets.

    Part of the division of labour is when he inspires otherwise intelligent men and women of the east who know him well but would rather forget their intelligence and deny what they know about the LP candidate. They inspire the Yoruba adage, Omo wa ni. Eje ‘ose. (He is our son, let him get it.) They cannot write one full-page essay on his time as governor and even give themselves a pass mark. It is an ethnic division of labour.

  • A governor and a state’s name

    A governor and a state’s name

    Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) caused a stir at his inauguration on November 27. It was dancing time for the politician who has a reputation for exhibitionistic public dancing. But he went beyond entertainment in his inaugural speech, which was controversial in some respects.

    He announced some directives, including “An immediate reversal to the constitutionally recognised name of our state, Osun State.” He ordered that “All government insignia, correspondences and signages should henceforth reflect Osun State rather than State of Osun which is unknown to the Nigerian constitution.”  He said the directives would be “backed up with appropriate Executive orders.”

    Notably, “The State of Osun” was a creation of the Rauf Aregbesola administration. Aregbesola was governor of the state from 2010 to 2018, and the name-change was part of his legacy.

    Adegboyega Oyetola, who succeeded Aregbesola and governed the state from 2018 to 2022, inherited the name created by his predecessor and kept it intact. Interestingly, his administration had reviewed some of Aregbesola’s policies but not the renaming of the state.  Both men are members of the same political party, All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is noteworthy that the Chairman, House Committee on Media and Publicity, Moshood Kunle Akande, who claimed to be speaking for the state’s APC-dominated legislature, wasted no time expressing its opposition to Governor Adeleke’s directive changing the state’s name.

    In a statement, he argued that “The usage of the State Anthem, Crest and Flag is an enactment of the law and as such, its usage is a matter of law and not choice.” He added that “The enactment ‘State of Osun Anthem, Crest and Flag Law, 2012’ assented to on December 18, 2012, contained in Schedule 1, II, III, IV and V, which carefully details every component of this law is not in ambiguity.”

    Importantly, he also said: “While we are aware of a court judgement in effect recognising ‘Osun State,’ the Assembly, pending the determination and exhaustion of all legal means, would not be drawn into this matter.”

    The statement was inaccurate and misleading. There are in fact two court judgements that recognised Osun State and not “State of Osun.”  Within three years, two law courts judged that “State of Osun” did not mean Osun State, and the constructions should not be used interchangeably.

    In June 2020, Justice Mathias Agboola of the Osun State High Court, Osogbo, had declared that, legally and constitutionally, “State of Osun” did not exist. He also declared that, under the Nigerian constitution, only Osun State could be said to exist.

    Justice Agboola, in his judgement in a case brought before the court by a lawyer, Mr Kanmi Ajibola, against the state government over a personal tax of N5.3m that the state Internal Revenue Service had asked him to pay, said it amounted to “artistic colouration” when Osun State is referred to as “State of Osun.”

    Ajibola had asked the court to declare the law upon which the tax was based as illegal since it was a law made by “The House of Assembly of State of Osun,” a body unknown to the constitution. “The issue of Osun State and the ‘State of Osun’ is a loud one,” the judge had observed.

    Before this, in December 2017, Justice Yinka Afolabi of the Osun State High Court, Ilesha, had taken the same position on the issue. Justice Afolabi’s words: “The executive governor of the state changed the name in 2011. The renaming of a state goes further and deeper for anyone to single-handedly do. To re-order the name of Osun State as ‘State of Osun’ is hereby declared as illegal, null and void.”

    The same Ajibola had instituted a case challenging the legality of the “State of Osun Land Use Charge Law.’’ He asked the court to declare that the “State of Osun Land Use Charge Law 2016,” having been enacted by a legislative body that is not known to the constitution and the state not known to the 1999 constitution, was illegal and unconstitutional.

    The judge had ruled in his favour. After the verdict, Ajibola had said jubilantly: “The judgement has pronounced ‘State of Osun’ dead and so be it. For now, the judgement subsists except there is any other contrary opinion by the higher court.”

    In a notice of appeal filed in January 2018 at the Court of Appeal in Akure, the then State Attorney General, Dr Ajibola Basiru, had raised eight grounds of appeal against the judgement, asking the appellate court to set it aside. Nothing has been heard of the matter since then. It is unclear if the Oyetola administration pursued the matter after inheriting it from the Aregbesola administration.

    These rulings invalidating “State of Osun” have not been overturned by a higher court.  Despite these decisions, officials of the state, according to reports, had continued using “State of Osun” in their official engagements and communications, which amounts to disregarding the law.

    Governor Adeleke’s directive reversing the name of the state is in line with the law, and he should be commended for respecting the law on this issue. Ironically, the reaction of the House of Assembly contradicts the law. It can be said that by opposing the directive, the lawmakers were breaking the law.

    The supposed response from the House of Assembly may well be contrived. A minority-party member of the legislature, Adewumi Adeyemi Irekandu, a PDP member representing Obokun State Constituency, denied that the Assembly had reviewed the governor’s inaugural speech and activities of the inauguration as Akande had claimed in his statement.

    In a counter-statement, Irekandu said “the Assembly has not met after the governor’s inauguration,” and “there was no place the resolution was passed by the Assembly.” So, who was Akande speaking for?

    The governor’s position on this issue should not be politicised by the lawmakers who are majority-party members of the legislature, and are not members of the governor’s party.   It is a matter of law and legality, and the correct position is not what the majority-party members of the Assembly believe or say, but what the law says.

    Those who are clinging to Aregbesola’s fantasy are just deluding themselves. It remains to be seen when they will wake up to reality.

  • Who’s the fairest?

    Who’s the fairest?

    A beauty contest enchants the hour. Three vixens entrance the runway. They preen and prance to bewitch our eyes. But who is the fairest of them all?

    For thighs, we ogle for text. For voice, we lust for clarity. Instead of bosoms, gait, hips, and the warmth of a pair of electric eyes, we want the full body of ideas. Rather than what they manifest, we flip the pages of the manifesto.

    So, we have them all now. The Labour Party, after shally-shallying, is no longer fighting shy. It has bowed to pressure and released its document of desire.  It had conflated off-kilter rhetoric for prose. We have seen that of Atiku’s People’s Democratic Party, and also the offering of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu’s All Progressives Congress. It now falls on Nigerians to compare, to see who flatters our secret hopes, whose drop of water banishes the thirst on our dry spot. They would now look at the three contestants and wonder who seduces our fancies, who lets “witchcraft blend with beauty,” apologies to Shakespeare.

    For this essayist, the PDP manifesto is so cliché, so humdrum, a jejune transcribing of our debates. It is like a secretary taking minutes of our dialogues with an imaginative play. A faithful scribe. What we want is not a faithful servant of our deliberations. We need a scribe of thought, a scribe with an attitude. So, PDP showing is a regular beauty, a boring beauty. Its eyes have no Shakespearean witchcraft allure, the ability to stun without a stunt.

    As for the LP, I will look at it for its pretension to originality, which is remarkable in itself. For one, it is a dodgy affair. It is called a manifesto of a Labour Party but manages to forget to say something that all labour people want to know: Subsidy. Where is its stand on oil subsidy? If its candidate removing subsidy against the stance of its philosophy of protecting labour from the wave of turbulence that it might bring? Is it philosophical cowardice? It cannot touch its own pulse, a labour movement’s reason of being?

    I looked at the whole document, and it is not even engaged on the question of oil and gas into which the APC manifesto immerses itself. Is it memory loss? For its candidate who suffers statistical amnesia, we may want to pardon it for forgetting its roots. Maybe, it is because the hours are hectic, especially with quite a few of its honchos hunched in open wrestling. The floor is dripping with sweat and swear words. Okupe, hefty and growling, against the others snarling to the media.

    They are no mean fighters. The internet is afire with their fumes and fury. I am not sure where to find the director general of its campaign, my good friend Doyin Okupe. We have not seen the presidential candidate who appointed him either. With his God-given twitters ( the bird sound,  not the social media platform), his voice is probably too thin to roar the fighters into line. He, a former governor who is supposed to be our mister clean without a skeleton in his cupboard. He who owned an offshore account while governor and set up a supermarket. He would not say a thing or two about suspensions and reinstatement and suspension of Okupe. It is over another memory loss about losing revenue to pay people to throng its mass rallies in the country. It is not about obeying the call of a nation. It is about obeying the call of filthy lucre. We were made to believe that the LP was a party of refreshing new persona, to invigorate new ideas, to stamp out the corrupt past. PDP has had its own stories about money changing hand. Rivers State Governor Wike lashed out at Ayu for handcuffing a billion Naira. The party gave housing allowances with nowhere to warehouse an explanation when the beneficiaries started turning it back. APC may not be pure. But we have not read a scandal on their presidential race. If they have had, at least they are not like PDP and LP where we don’t need to pry in order to see.

    Read Also: 2023 payback time for Tinubu – APC North East Youths

    How do we not distinguish document from the makers of document? The LP manifesto speaks of fighting corruption. Physician heal thyself.

    We cannot read the LP manifesto and not see the imprimatur of Prof. Pat Utomi, and one might giggle at the use of the phrase “state capture,” one of his favourites, as though his biography does not yawn with yarns of state capture since his NPN days.

    They may not have had time to do this manifesto, especially when it seemed the public browbeat the LP to produce one. Perhaps that accounts for some grammatical and spelling stumbles in what is supposed to be a great document on the Nigerian condition. They could not even spell Oronsanye’s name. They use words like “potentials.” It asserts that “Nigerian people… are awaken…,” transform the live of its people,” “leverage on.” Etc, etc. That’s by the way.

    But its lack of rigour makes the document more critique than agenda. When it seems to come with a new idea, it is muffled. For instance, it will establish a special counsel to prosecute corrupts office holders. It is a mockery of the American model, nurtured by law and accepted by tradition. LP does not show who will appoint, and how does that position shield the presidency from such action. What is its place in the constitution, and how does it relate with the EFCC and ICPC? It is the same thing in its decision to remove 68 items from the exclusive list. It states it as though it is the job of the executive, rather than that of the legislature. It has to engineer it. It cannot just do it. The document has no such nuance.

    Citing the World Bank report, it denies the role of Covid-19 and Ukraine war on the economy. Is that how to interrogate a society. Its tone also tries to whitewash the Jonathan era while saying the era of Buhari is worse.

    But the APC manifesto has such original ideas as credit scheme, revolutionising budget anchor from dollar to the entire economy, creating economic hubs, fighting corruption by credit, education student loan. For me, the most fundamental factor in this season of ideas is Tinubu’s release of credit into the economy. The United States economy did not blossom until its finances worked through credit. This began with John Pierpont Morgan who released finance for rail projects and even for the Panama Canal. He predated the Reserve Bank. He inspired the formation of American Central Bank under President Woodrow Wilson. He had bailed the government out under President Theodore Roosevelt.

    America became a country in which big capital let ideas turn tame industries into giants. One of such was Sears, a supermarket that was a small-time player. Henry Goldman collaborated with Phillip Lehman and Samuel Sachs to put Sears on the stock exchange. Sears had been ignored because of its Jewish heritage. Goldman had no such issues, he being Jewish himself. Sears festooned into a behemoth overnight, and became a phenom with stores everywhere because it raised on one fell swoop an equivalent of a billion dollars. It is what grew Goldman Sachs from a staid enterprise in a giant today. We can do same today. Sears is an ancestor of such big names like Wall Mart.

    We can unleash such ideas here. For instance, we waste about 60 percent of our produce yearly. If there is credit, there are many with entrepreneurial brio who can make silos and turn the oranges into juice and the yams into dundu for packaging.

    Prosperity is not what you have but what you can make. In school, I was taught that economics is a study of what is and not what ought to be. It is what ought to be that inhabits dreamers. You are not for progress if you don’t dare the imagination. As Einstein wrote, “imagination is more important than knowledge.”

    The LP candidate says he would “create wealth through…frugality and enterprise.” They don’t belong together. His pastor friends should show him Proverbs 11: 24 and 25. “There is that scattereth but increaseth. There is that withholdeth than is meet, but it tended to poverty. A liberal soul shall be made fat and he that watereth shall be watered also.” When the poor groan, it is for lack of grains locked in the barn.

    Whose idea will bring gain to all of us? Solomon’s lines mark the difference between LP and APC manifestoes. One coils, the other dares. I would go with courage any day.

  • One question for Okowa

    One question for Okowa

    The story is all over the place and we need the governor of Delta State, Ifeanyi Okowa, to respond. Who owns Premium Trust Bank? There have been reports that he, and the Central Bank Governor, have stakes in it. Meffi again? It is reported that PDP presidential running mate has hit a brick wall because his government has asked its agencies to move their accounts to that bank in order to boost its profile. Shall we hear what the governor has to say for himself? The stories also say that the banks who loaned his government over N250 billion have frozen the money because they believe Okowa wants the money to go into Premium Trust as a way of enriching it. The consortium of banks does not want to work for the birth and nurture of its competition. That, the reports say, explains why he cannot help the Atiku campaign.

    All we need is for the governor to state its side of the story. Citizens of the state ought to know. As a Delta State citizen, this essayist is worried for the state’s “patrimoney.” It is about Premium Trust Bank, but more about trust.

     

     

  • Rising poverty and the blame game

    Rising poverty and the blame game

    Perhaps, recent Multidimensional Poverty Index, (MPI), report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) which gave a stunning figure of 133 million or 63 per cent Nigerians suffering from poverty is beginning to give serious concern to the federal government.

    A breakdown of the damning report showed that of this 133 million poor people, 86 million live in the northern part of the country while 47 million live in the south. The report showed that poverty is higher in the rural areas where 72 per cent of the people live compared to 42 per cent in the urban areas in addition to wide disparities between states.

    This is against 40.1 per cent poverty level recorded on the 2018/19 national monetary poverty line by the same NBS. Nigeria’s poor standing in the poverty index is nothing new. In 2018, a report by the Brookings Institute had declared Nigeria the World Poverty Capital, taking over from India in that unenviable position.

    No significant progress was made in redressing the situation such that in 2021, 93.9 million Nigerians further went into the extreme poverty ladders going by World Bank data quoted by Bismark Rewane of Financial Derivatives Company FDC.

    The staggering NBS poverty data has drawn reactions from officials of the federal government and Nigerians alike. President Buhari last Thursday pointedly accused governors and local government officials of pocketing local government funds leading to poor governance at the grassroots. Some of his ministers had reacted in like manner.

    Perhaps, the Minister of Agriculture and Rural development, Mohammad Abubakar had the high poverty level in mind when he said Nigeria has enough food to feed all its population. Though he admitted the high cost of basic food items, he rationalized that on inflation and the COVID 19 pandemic that forced many countries including Nigeria to shut down key economic activities for several months.

    “We have enough food to take care of Nigerians. We are producing food across the country and we will continue to do so to feed Nigerians in line with our mandate and expedite the transformation of the rural communities”, the minister said.

    The claim of food surplus seems contradictory as it runs against the law of demand and supply especially given extant realities in the country. If we have enough food to feed the country as the minister claimed, that should be enough to force down prices of basic food items. But facts on the ground are that basic food items have overtime, skyrocketed to levels that are beyond the reach of a majority of the citizens. A surplus would have seen prices of food items tumble.

    Yes, food items may be readily available in the marketplace. But their availability counts for nothing if they are beyond the purchasing powers of the generality of the citizens. The truth is that majority of our citizens are increasingly finding it extremely difficult to afford one full meal a day. Hunger is a key index of extreme poverty.

    A combination of government policies have eroded the value of the Naira, stifled employment opportunities and reduced our people to the poorest of the poor. It is contradictory to talk of food surplus when a people are hungry. In saner climes where such surpluses really exist, governments release them to force down prices.

    Read Also: Poor food combination, poverty, fueling malnutrition in Bauchi- Experts

    It cannot be forgotten in a hurry how mammoth crowds besieged warehouses looting food items across the country during the confusion crested by the EndSARS riots. The uncontrollable crowd was angered that such food items (termed palliatives) were kept away from the public even with the scorching hardship created by the pandemic. Some people lost their lives to the stampede as they struggled to cart away some items. It takes very desperate people to embark on such risks just for food.

    If the claim by the minister of agriculture does not represent a direct reaction to the stunning data on the poverty level in the country, the Minister of State for Budget and National Planning, Clement Agba made no pretences in heaping the blame for the high poverty level at the door steps of state governors. He had after the Federal Executive Council FEC meeting told state house reporters that state governors are to blame for the rising poverty in the country.

    His reason: they only operate in the state capitals building flyovers, airports and high rise structures without paying attention to improving the living standard of people dwelling in the rural areas. Apparently citing the NBS report, the minister said the fact that 72 per cent of the poverty in the country can be found in the rural areas shows that they have been abandoned by governors. He has a point there. But that is not all there is to it as the federal government shares a bigger part of the blame.

    It is true many of the governors are more concerned with impressionistic projects that may not in any way have direct bearing on the lives of a majority of their people struggling to eke out a living. Desirable as flyovers and airports may be, they stand as services that have more appeal to the affluent.

    So there is a point in project prioritizing such that places more emphasis on those that have maximum impact in improving the living standards of the people by extricating them from the debilitating poverty they are inevitably ensnared. That is yet to happen. Little wonder the high level of scorching poverty in the country especially in the rural areas.

    But the issue is more fundamental than the picture Buhari and his ministers sought to present. The matter is at the centre of the inherent contradictions in the federal system of government we currently operate.  Any attempt to blame state governors for the high poverty level in the country immediately throws up such unresolved national questions as devolution of powers, fiscal federalism and restructuring.

    Admittedly, state governors have serious roles to play in alleviating poverty within their constituents using the resources available to them. Many have also not shown prudence in the management of funds due to incompetence and official corruption.

    Yet, it will be wrong to solely hold them responsible for the abject poverty in the country when the federal government still has disproportionate control and share of the national purse. The whole agitation for balanced development is predicated on financial independence and greater roles by states and local governments in the management of their affairs. The allegations against governors and local government officials could ostensibly, stand as counter argument for more funds to those tiers of governance.

    But the federal government is not insulated from allegations of financial impropriety either. It is touted to have invested hugely in poverty alleviation through its intervention programmes. Unfortunately and as admitted by Agba, there is no reflection of the huge investments in those areas. Or is it not an irony that a government which promised to lift 100million Nigerian out of poverty has at the twilight of its regime, rather sent a whopping 133 million people into extreme poverty?

    Agba  captured this contradiction when he said,” at the federal level government has been putting out so much money but not seeing so much reflect in terms of money put into poverty alleviation” Who to blame?

    The same centre that accuses governors and local government officials of poor governance has variously been fingered for influencing the emergence of buccaneer leaders that parade as governors. What do you expect when leaders are imposed on an unwilling people even as others emerge through hook and crook? There is urgent need to re-jig our political recruitment processes to reflect the collective will of the people if we expect better outcomes.

  • Photo proof

    Photo proof

    It seemed like yesterday when Lagos youth invented the chant. Sanwo eko! The streets throbbed as a moment of affection morphed into a momentum of change. Not many knew him. Not many had ever seen him, even though the fellow had been one of the technicians of an evolving city.

    He had just earned his nomination as frontman of his party. He had been around. He was there on creation day in the party as it started to reengineer the state. He had hands in the new architecture, in renewing the environment, in how the folks moved from point A to point B, in braiding the roads and remaking the homes, in pushing the frontiers of vision, in breathing anew a city going down to the dungs. He belonged to the trust, to a family born not of flesh of blood but a creed of dreams. Gov. Babajide Sanwo-Olu – the BOS of Lagos – was one of the courtiers of the new vision.

    By that nomination, he was merely being asked to walk all the way to the front row. It was time to bow his head, wear the crown and preen.

    Since then, he has had no need for introduction. He has waxed into the BOS of Lagos. He, a skinny, tall and folksy man. He, a voice perpetually boyish. He of understated energy. He who has combined the will to work and the will to feel.

    But it was a four-year of defining events. To chaperon Lagos is to master a fate. Any day can be an epoch. In a city of over 20 million persons, where area boy contends with royal, where the billionaire must amble along as a collaborator with a mechanic, Lagos is not just a city and state, it is the cornucopia of Nigeria. All ethnicities thrive, the Igbo, the Fulani, the Birom, the Urhobo, the Efik, the Ibibio. They all meet the Yoruba. Even among the Yoruba, there is a theatre of variance and harmony. It is whirlpool. Yet, it is the job of the chief executive to rise above cant and tribe and show all can dwell together in peace. He has to entrench a big tent.

    When the chants ushered him into the limelight followed by an emphatic win both at the primary and the election, few expected a disease was crawling in the shadows, a set of savage police officers would set off the city into a boil, that a city intersection would provoke a maelstrom of international puzzle, that a panel would engender discordant voices, that he would become a youth messenger, scurrying from state house to Abuja state house. Yet, few would have known how much mettle he would command at every turn.

    Few expected that they had another name in the offing for him. That he would assume a title of martial resonance when a disease named after a year would distort or refashion everyone’s face. Covid-19, though, did not distort the handsome architecture of the face. But hearts and lungs heaved and expired. Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu became known as Incident commander, but he never amassed soldiers or battalions but confronted millions upon millions of an army no one saw but shot down lives and shut down the city.

    He showed himself a leader not of the state alone. The nation looked up to him as the helmsman of the nation’s significant state to subdue the invading soldiers. It was one of the extraordinary moments of leadership in the nation’s history, at a time when the White House – the world’s landlord – tenanted a fraud.

    That had hardly died down when the state broke down. Youth rebelled and it was the rage that followed police officers who did not see an error in extorting the young at gunpoint and ATMs. It began like a revolutionary hour before it collapsed into a city of miscreants. Patrimonies like buses and precious buildings, including this newspaper, were torched. An innocent police officer became a vision of horror as they gouged his eyes. It was a failure of a generation, when the sublime young reminded one of a line in William Wordsworth’s famous line: “Bliss it was that dawn to be alive/ to be young was very heaven.” They could not get a hold of their dream and it crumbled. It was not the beginning that mattered. As Tocqueville wrote, “In a revolution as in a novel, the most difficult part to invent is the end.”

    Partisan noise crowded out the main issues. And an international news outlet joined in professional naivety to project a bogus narrative about Lekki and the dead some called massacre. They invoked the spectre to turn down the word and invoke a distorted semiotic. It was like a United States founding father, Samuel Adams, who accused England of fomenting a massacre when five people died at an incident. Those who wanted to demonise the Brits found an ally in the rabble-rouser. Historians mock him today, including in the latest book by one of the best biographers of the moment. Stacy Schiff’s book is titled The Revolutionary.

    Gov. Sanwo-Olu cruised through the storm. That is the mettle of the BOS of Lagos. In spite of all these, he has shown himself a man of projects. This was showcased in a photo exhibition by ace photographer Dayo Adedayo in Lagos recently.

    Whether it was schools or roads or hospitals, Adedayo displayed them for the records and for the eyes. It is a sweep of achievements in less than four calendar years. Going from photo to photo is like moving from time to time, a kaleidoscope of colours. The power of the eyes cannot be underestimated. You cannot deny Akintan Junior Grammar School or the boats at the jetty or sprawl of Ibeshe Housing Estate, one of several such feats, noting that Governor Sanwo-Olu has surpassed the feat of the great Jakande in that department. Novelist Joseph Conrad said the first job of the writer is to make the reader see. As they say, seeing is believing. In his classic, The Prince, Nicolo Machiavelli wrote: “Men in general judge by their eyes rather than by their hands; because everyone is in a position to watch, few come in a close position to touch with you.” Lagos takes for granted the first task of government. He was governor when the bandits reigned and reined in the country. Even southwest neighbours. Lagos remained an oasis of peace.

    Yet he is one of the connected chief executives in the country. He is governor but also very human. His buga moves are part of the signature of the man.

    It was not the dance that drove him to Teslim Balogun Stadium last Saturday to seek a second term, but the march of his stewardship. Yet he is not done. The world awaits the redline and blue line trains. He has done well, and he whets the appetite…

  • Accounting Biri biri

    Accounting Biri biri

    A United States sports manager once said he could turn a million dollar profit into a million dollar loss in his account books. That is accounting biri biri in Hausa language. I am referring to the language of one of the soldiers who guarded us during our youth service in Wudil, Kano State.

    That seems to be what is coming out of Delta State in the aftermath of Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike’s revelations. The press statement came from Governor Ifeanyi Okowa’s spokesperson. The governor should come out in his own words and let us psychoanalyse him as he defends himself. His mouthpiece said he never collected N250 billion, or N60 billion, and so on. He said he discounted some of the money. That is when you know they are taking us for a ride. You discount what they are owing the state to the tune of about N150 billion. Who asked for your mercy? Did you ask the state’s citizens?

    To make matters worse, you discount the money, and you go around to take loans of over N300 billion. Where is that done? I think the governor is giving himself a room of escape, hence he is not saying it in his own words. Edo State government has said the same. Facts will soon become airborne when the federal government reveals facts to everyone.

  • Election violence: The governors’ angle

    Election violence: The governors’ angle

    The danger posed by political violence to the current electioneering campaigns was brought to the fore by the Inspector General of Police IGP, Usman Baba at a recent meeting with leaders of political parties.

    The IGP took time to identify all forms of political violence with a view to highlighting how manifest intolerance of opposing views and violent infractions negate virile democratic engagement. But he left a damning verdict when he unequivocally accused unnamed state governors of being the main sponsors of electoral violence across the country.

    “We have been receiving reports of some state governors who encourage political thugs and sub-national security outfits under their control to disrupt seamless and statutory campaign activities of parties and candidates with whom they hold opposing political views,” he told his audience.

    Before the IGP’s parley, the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC, Mahmood Yakubu had alerted on the dangers of rising political violence across the country warning that such tendencies run against the electoral law. He was pique by the denial of access to campaigns facilities and attacks on political parties campaigning in states of opposing political persuasions. Similar alarm was also raised by the Christian Association of Nigeria CAN and the Sultan of Sokoto,  Sa’ad Abubakar 111.

    The issues raised by the IGP are two folds. The first speaks of the deployment and use of political thugs by governors to attack, harm and disrupt the campaign activities of opposing political parties. The other which is a concomitant of the current state of insecurity across the country is the deployment of sub-national or regional security outfits under the control of the governors to partisan political purposes.

    Both manifestations are serious as they portend danger to the unfolding political competition; free, fair and credible elections. Political violence is not an entirely new story as the history of elections in this country has been a tale of sordid infractions. Since the commencement of electioneering campaigns on September 28, 52 cases of politically motivated inter-party and intra-party violence have been recorded across 22 states. This is in addition to other unrecorded election-propelled violence in various parts of the country.

    In Maiduguri, Borno State, the campaign train of the People Democratic PDP presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar was attacked even as a similar act of pre-meditated violence was re-enacted when he campaigned in Kaduna State. Though the Borno State police command initially denied the incident, events were later to show clearly that many vehicles in his convoy were damaged with people sustaining degrees of injury.

    There have also been reports of disruption of campaigns and damaging of campaign billboard in Enugu, Ebonyi, Rivers and some other states. The state office of INEC in Ogun State was also burnt and electoral materials destroyed. All these have raised fresh fears of violence as the elections get underway.

    It is good a thing the security agencies are seriously challenged by the rising tempo of political violence and have pledged to stem the tide. Ours is a system elections are prosecuted as a matter of life and death because of the easy access to wealth and unlimited opportunities they offer.

    Each round of elections has remained a tale of sorrow and awe as lives and properties of inestimable value are lost due to the inordinate desire by politicians to undo their opponents by all means.  More than 1,149 persons including INEC staff were reportedly killed in the three elections held in 2011, 2015 and 2019. INEC was estimated to have lost 9,836 smart cards readers in more than 42 violent attacks on its offices in three years.

    A former IGP, Hafiz Ringim said 520 persons including nine National Youth Service Corps NYSC members died in Niger, Jigawa, Bauchi, Kano and Kaduna states following the violence that trailed the election of Jonathan in 2011. These are just a fraction of the unmitigated harm wrought on lives and properties of innocent citizens by political intolerance incited and promoted by cut-throat politics sustained by the refusal of political leaders to accept defeat.

    With this sordid political past, the alarm by the IGP and other concerned citizens can be better contextualized. The danger of escalated violence is even more potent now given the governors’ angle to election violence and the unceasing insecurity in many parts of the country that has overstretched the capacities of security agencies.

    The observation that some governors deploy regional security outfits to attack and disrupt the campaign activities of those who hold opposing political views should not be taken lightly. In the wake of the escalating violence that has defied reasonable handle, some state governors were compelled to set up security outfits ostensibly to protect their people from the violent attacks of sundry marauders.

    While some of these have been performing on their mandate, in some other states, the story has been a different kettle of fish. Copious allegations of the deployment of regional security outfits to serve selfish political objectives have been rife in the southeast. We have seen one or two governors in that zone accusing the opposition of being behind the cycle of unending violence in their states. With such a mind-set, the attitude and disposition of those security outfits to opposition can be better imagined. They may get even more deadly during elections.

    There is the temptation to view the IGP’s statement as part of the ploy by the police establishment to suffocate the rising demand for state police. Ironically, the action of the governors seems to lend credence to the abuse of the mandate of the regional security outfits. If they can deploy these security outfits to partisan ends, they are ipso facto confirming some of the fears of those opposed to state police.

    In all, the danger of heightened violence before, during and after the general elections can only be ignored with dire consequences. Even with the Abdulsalami Abubakar National Peace Committee which committed the parties to a peace agreement at the commencement of the campaigns, there is nothing to indicate the parties are prepared to take that undertaking seriously. Their actions are beginning to convey the miserable impression that the accord is not worth more than the piece of paper on which it was signed. Or how else do we account for the escalated violence in parts of the country on account of hate speech, fake news and political intolerance?

    Other incubators of violence are built in the pattern of the unfolding political competition, the actions and inactions of the electoral body as well as the ruinous culture by politicians to deploy hook and crook to sabotage and frustrate innovations aimed at enhancing the overall credibility of elections. Such negative tendencies are already manifesting.

    They are evident in the manipulation of the voters’ register by inserting fictitious names, underage and double registrations among some other high-wire infractions. They could also come in the form of denying registrants access to quick collection of their voters cards under sundry guises. Some officials of INEC have been found complicit in these manipulations and we are told they will face the full weight of the law.

    It is imperative to figure out how they intend to deploy those fake and fictitious names during the elections proper. Allegations of high wire vote buying and sundry strategies to compromise the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System BVAS have been copiously traded. These should be interrogated further.

    The success of the coming elections will hinge essentially on the determination and commitment of the electoral umpire and security agencies to play by the rules. INEC must work with security agencies to arrest and prosecute all those bent on inventing devious strategies to compromise the integrity of the coming elections.

  • Governance-driven poverty

    Governance-driven poverty

    Poor governance provides enabling conditions for multidimensional poverty, which is beyond monetary poverty. This is the essential takeaway from the national Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on November 17. Importantly also, poor governance in the country is attributable to multidimensional authorities.

    ”In general, the incidence of monetary poverty is lower than the incidence of multidimensional poverty across most states,” according to the report.

    The report also said: “Over half of the population of Nigeria are multidimensionally poor and cook with dung, wood or charcoal, rather than clean energy. High deprivations are also apparent nationally in sanitation, time to healthcare, food insecurity, and housing.”

    The report said 133 million Nigerians were multidimensionally poor. This figure represents 63 percent of the country’s population of more than 200 million.  Three out of five Nigerians live in poverty, according to the report.

    The survey found that multidimensional poverty “is higher in rural areas, where 72 percent of people are poor, compared to 42 percent of people in urban areas.” Also, the report said 65 percent of poor people – 86 million – live in the North, while 35 percent – nearly 47 million – live in the South.

    Interestingly, the Minister of State for Finance, Budget and National Planning, Clem Agba, observed in a defensive article: “These rural areas contributing the most to the country’s poverty status are outside of the Federal Government’s obligations but sit squarely within the jurisdiction and legal responsibilities of sub-national government, that is, state governors and local government chairmen and councillors.”

    He also noted: “The surveys conducted were at Primary Healthcare Centres for the MPI health dimension, and in primary schools – for the education dimension. PHCs and primary schools are the responsibilities of the sub-national government.”

    This was part of Agba’s response to “the idea that the Federal Government has thrown 133 million people into poverty after committing to lift 100 million people out of poverty in 10 years,” describing the view as “false and misleading.”

    The junior minister’s observations show that tackling poverty in the country demands contributions from state and local governments too. He argued that “It is patently unfair to leave the Federal Government alone to take on the task of poverty alleviation in the country.”

    Certainly, it is important to ask what state and local governments have done, and what they are doing, to tackle poverty in the spaces they govern.

    The MPI data is based on a survey conducted from November 2021 to February 2022, and which sampled over 56,000 households across the 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory. Unlike Monetary Poverty Measurement (MPM), it uses “deprivations in basic amenities” as a means of assessing poverty. Based on this new perspective on poverty, it provides new insights into the issue.

    It is noteworthy that though MPI and MPM present different results, the former does not replace the latter, and they together give a holistic picture of poverty in the country.

    The Nigeria MPI (2022) survey involved the NBS, the National Social Safety-Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI).

    This underlines the reliability of the findings. The findings are extremely bad news. At the beginning of this year, there was bad news that the number of poor Nigerians had increased to 91 million. The World Bank had estimated that an additional one million people were pushed into poverty in Nigeria from June to November 2021.

    The poverty figure had jumped from 83 million, the number of poor Nigerians according to the NBS in May 2020. This number was from its 2019 report on poverty and inequality in Nigeria.

    These were disturbing results of Monetary Poverty Measurement (MPM). The latest Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) data, which transcends the MPM, is no less worrying.  The data from both sources calls into question the anti-poverty efforts of the Federal Government, and also raises questions about the seriousness of state and local governments in the fight against poverty. It can be said, ironically, that poverty in the country is governance-driven.

    Notably, President Muhammadu Buhari, in his national address following the 2020 #EndSARS protests and the resulting anarchy, had boasted that “No Nigerian government in the past has methodically and seriously approached poverty-alleviation like we have done.”

    Also, in September 2020, when Buhari inaugurated a National Steering Committee to oversee the development of the ‘Nigeria Agenda 2050 and Medium-Term National Development Plan (MTNDP),’ he mentioned the objective of lifting 100 million Nigerians out of poverty ”within the next 10 years.”

    It is easy to identify the markers of poverty.  The United Nations (UN) defines extreme poverty as ”a condition characterised by severe deprivation of basic human needs, including food, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, health, shelter, education and information. It depends not only on income but also on access to services.” This definition captures not only monetary poverty but also the concept of multidimensional poverty.

    Too many Nigerians are too poor, both in monetary and multidimensional terms. The authorities have a duty to find solutions to mass poverty in the country. This demands more than lip service. That is a lesson the relevant authorities in the country need to learn.

    Agba highlighted the value of the MPI, saying, “The Federal Government has now, with the deployment of the MPI measurement tool and these findings, placed in the hands of state governors, LGA councillors, the legislature, private sector, and other key stakeholders, a policy tool to help address the overlapping, multi-sectoral deprivations that people face.”

    He added: “It is only when the sub-national government collaborates with the Federal Government and adopts this data-driven and evidence-based approach to governance that we can truly and positively change the trajectory of poverty in our country.”

    Indeed, data is useful in tackling poverty. But action is far more important. The MPI is a call to action. Poverty is unacceptable. So is the failure of the federal, state and local governments to deal with the problem using good governance.