Category: Monday

  • Wike’s challenge

    Wike’s challenge

    Nyesom Wike is a unique sort of orator. He does not command a bravura class of diction, or the magnificence of phrasing, the sweet bass, the rich sibilant or tenor. But his voice scratches its way to the people’s heart.

    He has become both speaker and singer, a stagecraft he tops with dancing. His walking stick is a character in the ensemble. To say he is a speaker discredits his dance. To say he dances undermines his throaty songs. To applaud his singing will draw a lash from his walking stick.

    His is a whole package onstage. No one compares with him today. Not even close. His is the emblem of the folksy performer as politician. Which may not be fair since Wike does not even perform in the sense of the actor. He is just who he is. A natural. A thespian art without the thespian act.

    When he appeared on stage last Saturday, his performance rang across to another stage in the Niger Delta. His stage was in Port Harcourt but he reverberated in Warri. An earthquake with a tremor on the other side.

    It was a piece of revelation. He had said it a day earlier, but he especially said it on live television. He said his series of projects he had been inaugurating, including 12 flyovers and cancer centre, came from the munificence of President Muhammadu Buhari. Buhari had released great tranches of billions, he confessed, that the federal government had been owing Niger Delta States since 1999.

    Back in Warri, former Edo State governor Adams Oshiomhole echoed Wike’s words. He localised it to Delta State, and said Buhari returned N250 billion to Governor Okowa. After that, he unleashed N60 billion, before two other tranches of N10 billion each. We have not seen onstage theatre talk to theatre onstage. Real-life theatre has upstaged performance theatre. It is only in Nigeria. We have seen plays talk to plays, or works of art talk to works of art. For fiction, it is called intertextuality. We have seen plays talk to fiction, like Shakespeare’s play, Antony and Cleopatra, talking to Roman writer Plutarch’s work on the lovesick pair. Soyinka’s Opera Wonyosi descended from Brecht’s Three Penny Opera that hailed from the ancestor of the tale, John Gay’s hilarious Beggar’s Opera. The stories of these operas, originally based on Prime Minister Robert Walpole, ring true to the skeins of extravagance, political whoring and corruption of Nigeria today. Wike’s revelation was no mean challenge in an age of financial haemorrhage of mythic proportion.

    We would have expected that one governor, especially Okowa, would come out and say, no it didn’t happen. Or he would use the familiar pidgin phrase of the day, if it didn’t dey, it didn’t dey. Obviously, Wike didn’t lie.

    Read Also; Fubara will succeed me, Wike boasts

    He said he has evidence of what he is doing with the money he received from Buhari. The only state that received huge chunks was Akpabio’s Akwa Ibom time before Buhari, and it was during  the days of Goodluck Jonathan.  Adams also announced that Edo collected N100 billion. The question is, what have the other states got to tell as their stories? We cannot say same of Edo State with the governor’s perpetual decibels of abuse. We have seen nothing in Bayelsa. In spite of the role a federal government plays in hemming in flood disaster, the state was not even ready for all its money. As for Akwa Ibom, we have seen huge investments. Governor Udom Emmanuel has a first-rate Ibom Air, unarguably Nigeria’s top airline that has just taken delivery of two airlines with about eight to join its sterling fleet. We have the Dakkada Towers, the smartest and tallest building in the region to draw in the oil majors. We know of the flour mills, Coconut factory, etc, and the plethora of road networks braiding the state. Even the consul general of the United States, Will Stevens, about a month ago lauded Gov. Emmanuel as the top state in the country in transparency.

    Now, what have the others to show for the money? Where is Okowa’s accountability? Apart from raking in over N300 billion from the Buhari government, it recently secured loans through a rubberstamp house of assembly of over N250 billion for what he said were projects. This is a man who cannot meet up with pensions. In Delta, we cannot boast of landmark work of infrastructure. We cannot boast of schools in top shape. Old students want take over schools owing to official neglect, but he would not yield. He presides over a rot. Okowa is a parable of how not to be a governor.

    Warri, the city that epitomises the state in history and resources because of the oil wells surrounding it, is a mockery of a modern city. It is dead. It is like  William Blake’s London ages ago when it was a slum.  The bard said, after going about the city, he saw “in every face I meet/ marks of weakness, marks of woe.” That is Okowa’s Warri, the once proud city of jocund youths with a greed for the future.

    He has now supported a successor for his party whose certificate is under question because it would seem he was already an elder when he was in secondary school and had an unusual miracle of two handwritings in his life time, one when he was writing university exam and the other when he left the exam hall.

    From Wike’s confession, there is one man to pity: Muhammadu Buhari. Today, many complain that he did not stimulate the economy. Yet, this man has released trillions to the governors who should have revived their economies by investing in people’s lives. It is a tragedy that he will take credit for their incompetence and ineptitude.  Shakespeare wrote: “We the greatest are mis-thought for things that others do; and when we fall, we answer others’ merits.”

    Buhari’s minders have done little to take the heat to the governors who have received so much and done so little. It is power failure on Buhari’s part.  Last year, he gave N565 billion in bailout funds to states. This year, he has given over N700 billion. This is not just Niger Delta. It is the whole country. We have more accounting to do. It is just a pity that Buhari cannot talk for himself, hiding under a taciturn brow.

    Wike has challenged his colleagues. Okowa, Duoye Diri and Godwin Obaseki should answer.

  • Labour pains

    Labour pains

    We have seen our fellow groan in a labour of lies. He is saying he never said he was Dr. Odili’s classmate and even schoolmate because, again, another lie bites the dust from his lips. This is what he said on live television. Why is he rejecting the fruit of his own lips? Granted he was misquoted, was he misquoted when he said some people do not have classmates but he has? Who was the classmate he was proud of? In what context did he say it? Was he not showing off his own classmate? Odili was in CKC when Obi, who COULD NOT gain admission to CKC in class one, had only a few years earlier been liberated from his diapers.

    Read Also; Soludo’s brutal frankness vis a vis Ayo Adebanjo’s unilateral endorsement of Peter Obi

    The other point is for those who cannot reconcile their philosophical position with Ayo Adebanjo’s endorsement. When Soludo did same, it became tribal betrayal. When Adebanjo did it, he was a patriot.  Did Samuel Johnson not say “patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel?” Soludo exercised the courage of his own privilege as governor, a man with inimitable credential and bonafides, a man in control of his own facts. The Labour man could not fight but eat humble pies. He knew Soludo could make mincemeat of him with more weapons in his armory. Remember his essay was only the first part. The man with the feminine voice is afraid of a growl from Awka state house. The man’s boom voice may turn into a leonine roar. He could claw deeper. For instance, do you remember when Soludo swept out a church of the comic cleric often known as Ndaboski? It is what is known as the Nwangene/Otumoye creek. In two successive budgets, the then governor of Anambra Sate claimed to have spent billions to dredge it. Soludo did not have to make such grandiose claims with fancy billions not accounted for. He launched into work, inspired more by result than by financial antics. He started work on it because of its environmental menace.

    Those who were quick to invoke incongruous pens a few months ago are now quiet and cannot even engage the man on the seat who has vindicated this essayist on so many grounds. Their asinine souls have fallen short. Their tails wrap their hind legs and threaten a big fall. So, they whine, castrated and meek, in their cages. Their hoary hairs are now bleached by fear. No matter.

  • Nigeria-Cameroon bridge of cooperation

    Nigeria-Cameroon bridge of cooperation

    We have delivered. I can say with pride that our job has been done for the benefit of the people of Nigeria and Cameroon which the bridge connects,” said Minister of Works and Housing Babatunde Fashola at the inauguration of the Nigeria-Cameroon Joint Border Bridge and Joint Border Post. The 1.5 metre two-lane border bridge over the Cross River at the Nigeria/Cameroon border at Mfum/Ekok and the joint border post at Mfum are fruits of collaboration between the two countries.

    “The most important thing about this project is that the bridge not only connects Nigeria and Cameroon but it begins a journey of a Trans-Africa connection,” he explained at the ceremony on November 3.  He added: “The Nigeria/Cameroon Multinational Highway from Enugu in Nigeria to Bamenda in Cameroon is also part of the Dakar-Lagos-Mombasa-Kenya Trans-African Highway and this is the significance of this project.”

    President Muhammadu Buhari, who was represented at the event by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Zubairu Dada, observed that the bridge and joint border post “are proof that when African regions work with African institutions of standard, critical developmental projects can be achieved in record time.”

    The project started in April 2017 and was completed in May 2021. This means that it began in President Buhari’s first term in office and ended in his second term as the country’s helmsman. It is also noteworthy that Fashola was the relevant minister under Buhari throughout the project period. This explains his sense of fulfilment on the completion of the project.

    The project was funded by the governments of the two countries, the European Union (EU) and the African Development Bank (AfDB).  The inauguration was done after the defects liability period ended in October 2022.

    The Joint Border Bridge is one of five major projects under the Transport Facilitation Programme for the Bamenda-Enugu Corridor also known as the Nigeria/Cameroon Multinational Highway and Transport Facilitation Programme (NCMH&TFP).

    Read Also; 63% of Nigerians are multidimensionally poor – Buhari

    It is, ironically, a positive result of the Bakassi Peninsula border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon, on which the International Court of Justice gave its judgement in October 2002.

    Following the judgement, a summit was held in Geneva, in November 2002, which involved the then Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, President Paul Biya of Cameroon, and the then United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan.

    The participants set up the Nigeria/Cameroon Mixed Commission and reached a decision that Nigeria and Cameroon should have a joint infrastructural programme to link the two countries, and jointly implemented by them, with the aim of encouraging harmony between them after the acrimonious border dispute.

    This gave birth to the Nigeria/Cameroon Multinational Highway and Transport Facilitation Programme, designed to improve relations between the two countries by facilitating movement of people, goods and services between them.

    President of Cameroon Paul Biya, who was represented at the opening ceremony by the Cameroonian Minister of Public Works, Emmanuel Nganou Njoumessi, said the direct beneficiaries of the programme “are the transport services users, as well as the 11 million inhabitants ( three million  in Cameroon and eight million in Nigeria) in the programme area representing  seven percent of the total population of the two countries,” adding that the programme would reduce overall transport cost and improve the living conditions of the populations living in the area.

    He explained that the 443-kilometre long Bamenda-Enugu Corridor comprises the Cameroon Bamenda-Mfum-Ekok road sections, the Nigerian road sections of 240 kilometres, the bridge over the Munaya River in Cameroon and the border bridge Mfum-Ekok Bridge over the Cross River.

    It is also intended to be a major economic route connecting countries in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and their counterparts in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS).  It is expected to contribute to an increase in trade by road and strengthen cooperation between the ECOWAS zone and ECCAS zone in general, and between Nigeria and Cameroon in particular.

    The economic implications of the border bridge are important; and so are the security implications of the joint border post. President Buhari said the structures “will enhance security patrol and cooperation,” and “complement the current efforts of the Federal Republics of Nigeria and Cameroon to combat the scourge of terrorism and violent extremism in our region.” He noted that insecurity “has continued to threaten our economies and the maximisation of the potentials of our countries… as well as cause political upheavals in our region.”

    Under the arrangement, there will be increased border security as state-of-the-art equipment will be installed at the Joint Border Post, and also the common control zone between the Joint Border Bridge and Joint Border Post will be better policed by the two countries.

    The Federal Government demonstrated focus and commitment in ensuring a smooth internal approval process regarding its financial contribution towards the border bridge project.  The Federal Executive Council (FEC) initially approved US$38,042,847.21 for the project, which was later revised to US$44,500,873.60 due to some changes in scope.

    Notably, Fashola continues to play a significant role in the infrastructure renewal, expansion and development programme of the Buhari administration within the country.  It is a responsibility that demands, in his words, “an expansion mentality.” His work, and the passion he brings to it, highlight the connection between infrastructure development and economic development.

    It is interesting that the international project reinforced his concept of “road economy” or “the economy of road construction,” which is about how road projects have a ripple effect economically.

    The economic advantages linked to the border bridge support Fashola’s argument that an improved road network will improve interconnectivity and boost economic activities; and also corroborates his emphasis on the importance of infrastructure as “the key driver” of development.

    It’s one thing to develop infrastructure, it’s another thing to maintain infrastructure.   The new bridge and joint border post will be maintained by Nigeria and Cameroon during their operational years, and the two countries are expected to work out an arrangement for this.

    Also, the two countries are required to maintain the single-lane bridge at the border, which is more than 70 years old, and keep it as a monument and a standby in case of major maintenance on the new bridge.

    This story of cooperation between Nigeria and Cameroon speaks volumes about the gains of such a collaboration.

  • Ehanire and doctors’ migration

    Ehanire and doctors’ migration

    Minister of Health, Osagie Ehanire must have underestimated the gravity of the challenge when he rationalized the emigration of Nigerian doctors as just part of the global trend.

    Answering reporters’ question, he said his contacts with health authorities in the United Kingdom, UK, indicated that their doctors were leaving for Canada, New Zealand and other countries that pay better. He further cited Ghana and Egypt as countries facing similar experiences even as European doctors move to countries in Europe where salaries are better. That may well be. Ironically, Nigeria does not witness the same influx of foreign doctors into its territory.

    The minister shocked many when he said Nigeria has a surplus as it produces 3,000 doctors every year while those leaving are just about 1,000. When this is juxtaposed against Nigeria’s doctor per patient ratio which stands at one doctor per 5,000 in contrast with World Health Organization (WHO)’s recommended ratio of one doctor to 600 patients, the claim of surplus turns out a tall order.

    How this statistics qualifies the country as having a surplus of doctors is left to be imagined. Why our leaders prefer medical tourism abroad in the face of the touted surplus, is part of the puzzle in justifying the mass exodus of our doctors on the mono causal explanation of the lure of high salaries.

    Perhaps, the minister tangentially touched on some of the other factors propelling the exodus of doctors when he said the federal government was only concerned with experienced medical doctors who leave the country. Hear him: “At a very senior level of those who have post graduate training, we are doing everything to improve their conditions of service. We are also talking about engaging those who have spent many years abroad; who are specialists and who know a lot of high tech medicine to work with us even if it is virtually, to do virtual consultations”.

    That would suggest other angles to why our doctors leave in droves to other lands. Obsolete healthcare facilities and equipment, poor conditions of service and job insecurity coupled with incessant strikes as governments fail to meet their obligation to health workers are some of the other reasons that encourage the flight of medical personnel from this country.

    It is not for nothing that the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) rated Nigeria as one of the three leading African sources of foreign born physicians. The reason goes beyond the world migration trend for medical personnel and points to systemic dysfunctions in the political economies of countries prone to emigration of its doctors.

    Read Also: Independence and the ‘Japa’ syndrome

    Off course, remuneration is a key issue. But we run the risk of ignoring the complex web of socio-political and economic challenges that generally add up to swell the urge by Nigerians to flee the country in droves if we just focus on that singular factor. Doctors’ emigration is just a tip of the iceberg of the large number of our citizens both young and old, professionals and the unskilled, regularly seeking all manner of means to flee the harsh living conditions in the country.

    According to a report published by the African Polling Institute in 2021, seven out of 10 Nigerians were willing to leave the country if given the opportunity. Back in 2019, the same report showed that only 32 per cent of Nigerians wanted to leave. That should be instructive of the roles played by government policies and a host of socio-economic factors in facilitating migration to other lands. We shall return to this.

    The above has a lot in common with a report by Afro barometer- a pan African and non-partisan research network which in 2018 showed that one in every three Nigerians considered emigration for better economic opportunities.

    Yet, the Federal Commissioner for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons NCFRMI, Sadiya Farouk revealed that over 17 million Nigerians are currently living in various countries of the world. Out of this, he said 36,000 arrived Europe by sea risking their lives through dangerous routes, long treks across the desert resulting in many cases to deaths.

    If these are not enough to demonstrate the desperation by Nigerian citizens to migrate to other countries in their numbers, emerging statistics from the government of the UK will drive this further home. Nigerian citizens are said to account for 40 per cent of all dependants who accompanied foreign students to that country in the 12 months to June.

    Incidentally, Nigerian students make up only seven per cent of all foreign students over the same period. On the average, Nigerian students bring in one dependant each compared with an overall ratio for foreign students of one in six. This has seen the authorities in the UK mulling the idea of placing restrictions on foreign students bringing dependants to the country.

    It is instructive that the new policy to limit the number of dependants brought into the country by students is borne out of the seeming abuse to which Nigerian students subjected the previous regulation. Does that say something about the desperation of Nigerians to flee their country through all manner of guises?

    Yes, citizens of countries including doctors are bound to emirate for one reason or the other. Nigeria may not be alone in this. Yet, emerging statistics on the rate of this emigration in the last couple of years speak of citizens in serious existential distress.

    Scorching unemployment, job losses, debilitating poverty and high level of insecurity are some of the factors propelling the lure to leave the country. This is a country with many of the youths qualified and ready to work but cannot find anything to lay their hands on. Those who are lucky to find something doing, live on subsistence as their salaries can barely feed them.

    In the face of high level of unemployment, employers have become tin gods. The mood they wake up each morning, determines who retains his job and who does not. So even those that manage to secure jobs are not even sure how long they will last in those jobs. It is no longer news that Nigeria is rated the poverty capital of the world.

    Just last week, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) released a damning report in which it said of the about 200 million Nigerian population, 133 million are multi-dimensionally poor. The report further revealed that 63 per cent of Nigerians are poor due to lack of access to health, education, living standards, unemployment and insecurity.

    That in essence, captures the combination of factors that diminish the confidence of the citizens in the capacity of the Nigerian state to cater for its burgeoning population. And they account for the urge to flee the country in the hope of finding some respite on other shores.

    So we are left with the role of leaders past and present; their inability to turn around the great potentials (both human and material) which Mother Nature endowed this country bountifully for the good of her citizens. That is the crux of the matter-the failure of governance. That failure swells desperation in all ranks of the citizenry forcing them to seek both legal and the illegal means to exit the country even at the risk of death.

    It is the failure of leadership that accounts for medical tourism by those in positions in authority. Sadly, these are the very people with the responsibility to reverse the trajectory. The same explains the high preference for foreign degrees as our universities have become former ghosts of themselves due to incessant strikes on account of the inability of the government to fund them properly.

    The same top officials of the government both state and federal have been scandalously flaunting the graduation pictures of their sons and daughters from foreign universities. The message we get from this is a loss of confidence in the capacity of our educational and health institutions to provide quality goods and services.

    This country has passed through this route before. Faced with similar situation in the mid-80s, government’s response was to mount serious campaigns to restore the confidence of Nigerians in the capacity of the country to survive. We are at the same trajectory again. It is doubtful whether such campaigns can discourage the army of Nigerians seeking refuge abroad in the face of debilitating challenges constantly tilting the country to the brink.

  • Leave Soludo alone

    Leave Soludo alone

    I don’t see why some persons are not happy with Anambra State governor for saying what he knows about one of his bumbling predecessors who does not know how to invest. The governor did not originate the question. Why accuse him for saying what he knew. Chukwuma Soludo did not even show zeal about the subject. He was dismissive in attitude. He said the investment is worth nothing. Then the usual irate mob started lobbing stones. It is like Jesus said to the Jews, “You seek to kill me for telling you the truth.” The Labour candidate’s sin is bad enough, but that is not the fellow’s worst offence against Anambra. What of the investment of Anambra money in his family business, or his offshore account, or the NEXT supermarket built while on the throne?

    Read Also: FULL TEXT: Soludo’s statement on Peter Obi – History Beckons and I will not be silent (Part 1)

    Soludo is a man of accountability. A former CBN governor would not and should not have done less in his interview on Channels. Failed governorship candidate Babatunde Gbadamosi was being petty interrogating intent as a strategy rather than content of fact. The Labour presidential candidate has been exposed as lying about what he left behind. He played a fast one on Obiano by writing a deceptive letter about the accounts. Later, cheques materialised to dry up the juice. He blindsided the accounts.

    If that is not deceit or political conmanship, what is it? They can learn one or two things about investment from a former Lagos State governor. Against many naysayers, he invested Lagos State’s $4 billion and raked in $15 billion. Who is the great man for the economy? The man who invested for personal profit or the one who shovelled in the harvest for the state.

  • Lonely Old man

    Lonely Old man

    Recently when I think of Ayo Adebanjo, I remember Ernest Hemmingway’s novella, The Old Man and the Sea. It is a small but resonant epic. But it is a story that the Nobel Prize winner who died a suicide compels biographers to see as his self-portrait.

    When French hero and leader Charles De Gaulle stepped into his twilight, he recalled Hemmingway’s masterpiece and wondered whether he (de Gaulle) was not an old man who had only a skeleton to tell his sojourn on earth. I am beginning to view the old man of Yoruba politics in that light. Grouchy Adebanjo may be the old fisherman in the tale who caught a big fish in the rough and tumble of the high seas but only arrived home with a skeleton. A shark had made a mincemeat of his great catch.  He may end up like King Lear, who earned no love from his three daughters and no love for himself and went into that “good night” a loner.

    Many who follow his geriatric path must know that this man’s grouse did not begin with his endorsement of the Labour Party candidate. The endorsement is not an act of defiance. It is a symptom of a pathology. You can call it the contrarian syndrome. A man who must play spoiler in order to attract attention. His is an enterprise as stormy petrel. He is the public desperado banging his shoes to gain attention.

    Adebanjo has been with the Yoruba political establishment since the days of the great sage Awo. Awo had many with him since he set up the Action group. Sklar and other scholars who wrote of Awo and his associates noted that the man put together a variegated pool. Some on the right, some on the left, some vibrant, others with slow, burning elan, others with the passion of an undercurrent. But Awo, who would leave a legacy of a man of inflexible principle, managed to hug every hog and wine with the swine. It was an early avuncular virtue to create a big tent for his people. He paid for it later with some of the so-called big men looking the other way, one of them was a mensch for the bench, the great Rotimi Williams. Maybe when we shall write a work on the sage, his capacity for rigidity may be traced to his sense of the futility of embracing the opportunists. He may have read Henry David Thoreau, who was Gandhi’s and Luther King’s John the Baptist as an apostle of non-violence. But Thoreau’s relevant point here was when he said, “I am not a joiner.” Why? Because it is like a pig that enters “a sty in order to feel warm.”

    Men like Olaniwun Ajayi and Adebanjo survived because the party provided for him a home, a platform but, for most part, a career. And what a career it has been. But he never fought a good fight. Fighting a good fight is not part of the career. Adebanjo would rather fight an inconclusive fight. It provides a pretext to fight again, and that fuels the career. It allows you to hope for another day. The career is not about an ideological win. It is not about principle, except the principal thing is profit. It is all about the tension. With each battle, the career has hope.

    In his book, Participations, Chief Bisi Akande calls him “organising secretary,”  a euphemism for a party hustler. Recently, Chief Segun Osoba lashed out at him in quite the same strain. He unveils him as an electoral coward who would stalk in the shadows while others fight in an election. He is not one to test his mettle in a poll. He has no stern stuff for that. He has no grassroots credibility. He has no organising skill. But he is an expert heckler, a serial complainant, querulous and quarrelsome, skating, baying, baiting and hating.  As an old man you expect him to mellow. Rather he bellows. He is no Isocrates who warned Greece before it fell. Or the blind prophet in Sophocle’s plays who restrains kings. He is bitter and swaggers in it.

    But he is a schemer, too. When the group was in its tested hour, he was seen to work as a fifth columnist. No better evidence than one of the Afenifere’s best, the man Bola Ige. What this essayist wrote here on July 4, bears rehashing:

    “When Chief Bisi Akande wrote is memoirs, My Participation, parts of it raked up dust, and this essayist called it the book of the year. One of the storms derived from his claim that Chief Bola Ige tarred both Ayo Adebanjo and Olaniwun Ajayi as traitors at the home of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Adebanjo and his followers went to town to call Baba Akande a liar.  I was one of the few who stuck to the elder statesman’s veracity. A confirmation has come from an unlikely source. In his new memoirs, The Road Never Forgets, Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi  writes that he and his wife, Sade, were witnesses to the event, and he recounts in vivid  and dramatic detail what happened during a dinner at the chief’s Ikenne residence.

    Ige had just left jail, and paid a visit to Awo. Awo asked him to join them for dinner when he sighted both men. “Uncle Bola looked across the table, and as he sighted some of the seated guests… he stiffened himself up in anger and refused the offer of a seat from Chief Awolowo…he bellowed and screamed relentlessly! “My Leader, I would not sit down with you for dinner with these (pointing across the table) traitors! No. I would not do that. These are traitors, My Leader. They should not be here with you.” The words exploded on and on in the book.  Although Ogunbiyi does not name them, he does not deny it was them on my television interview. Adebanjo, over to you chief.”

    Indeed, when he complained about the Yoruba chieftains praying for endorsing Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, it was that same syndrome at play. He had been ignored. He was miffed. He probably wanted someone to knock on his door and say, Baba, let us talk. He looked out his window when a fly buzzed or a dog whined. But no human conciliator.

    He wanted to exploit his acting position.  He is like the fellow known as Ellsworth Toohey in Ayn Rand’s work, The Fountainhead. Toohey has been ignored forever by Roark, another character, who would not look his way. So, he approaches Roark and asks, “Why don’t you tell me what you think about me?” and Roark replies, “But I don’t think about you.”

    So, he thinks he can carry the Yoruba race because he is the acting head. And Fasoranti and the big wigs of the race just told him, Adebanjo may occupy the office, the soul, however, has abandoned him. The soul was present in the big names that went to Akure. He was invited but he “missed” his flight.

    He started shouting like a kid, and saying he is still Afenifere leader. A leader does not yell. The tiger was shouting its tigritude.  Paul did not need to show Peter the chief of the apostles. You don’t grab a leadership, you earn it. Awo never had to tell anyone his status in the land.

    But Adebanjo needs such vanity. He also has a delusion of grandeur of raising his spat with the elders to the status of a family feud. He has shown himself a nonagenarian but not an elder. Maybe he sees himself in the fights of such families like the Italians Nicoletti versus Castellani, who duelled for generations. Or the one told by Mark Twain in his Huckleberry Finn between the families Grangerfords and Sherpherdsons.

    Adebanjo should know he is not so important. Neither is his endorsement.

  • Gbajabiamila’s ASUU burden

    Gbajabiamila’s ASUU burden

    Certainly, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila played uncommon role in seeing to the suspension of the eight months strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities, (ASUU). Though the National Industrial Court (NIC) had ordered the union to go back to classes, Gbajabiamila and his colleagues were quick to give hope to the striking teachers that mutually acceptable grounds could still be reached on some of the issues in dispute.

    A number of meetings were subsequently held between the union and the House leadership on the one hand; the presidency and the House on the other. The meetings inspired so much hope after the court ruling that even the counsel to the union, Femi Falana, publicly expressed reasonable confidence that its outcome would yield positive results in the overall interests of ASUU and students.

    Equally upbeat at the prospect of the new engagement to resolve the “no work, no pay” debacle, the speaker had after a meeting with President Buhari said “the House has done its part to end the months long ASUU strike and Nigerians will hear the outcome of the deliberations from the President”. That raised hope.

    But the president was yet to be heard before ASUU announced suspension of the strike; acknowledging the efforts of President Buhari and well-meaning Nigerians including the speaker of House of Representatives, Femi Gbajabiamila. That perhaps, was indicative of the level of confidence they had on the outcome of the meetings they had with the house leadership on behalf of the government. ASUU president, Emmanuel Osodeke showed that much while commending the speaker when he said, if those in charge of education and labour had handled the matter the way he did, the strike would not have lasted more than two weeks or so.

    That was the mood of the union as it looked forward for the payment of the backlog of salaries of member withheld during the period of the strike. But this optimism was jolted when Falana called on Gbajabiamila and all those who pressurized ASUU to call off the strike to mount similar pressure on the government to implement all the agreements reached with the union. He gave no details of those agreements. But behind the call lay the suspicion that all was not well with the agreements brokered by the House leadership.

    The payment of October salaries ‘pro rata’ was all needed to prove conclusively that nothing really changed as the government was bent on extracting a pound of flesh from the lecturers for daring go on strike. That may have been the foreboding signal Falana got before his exhortation. And he has been proved right.

    ASUU has complained bitterly that her members are being treated as casual workers by the manner of that salary payment. And this has again stirred up a crisis of confidence between its members and the government. For a group that has been without salaries for eight months, it was not funny receiving partial payment for work done.

    This prompted an emergency national executive committee meeting of the union to take a position. Though the union has ruled out another round of strike, it feels sufficiently betrayed that all the assurances that its members would be paid backlog of their salaries were after all, a subterfuge to get them back to classes in the face of the court order.

    And if the government could not pay then fully for their services in the month of October, further hope of getting the eight months arrears would amount to an exercise in wishful thinking. So what was the benefit of the intervention of the House leadership? Was the speaker really sincere in his dealings with ASUU or he got betrayed by those on whose behalf he engaged the union? How did things get out of hands such that the union failed to get any reprieve on the issue of salaries?

    These searing posers beg for reasonable answers given reports that, the speaker said during the negotiations there was no need to sign any agreement on the promises he made on behalf of the government because it was all about trust.

    So where is that trust now?  That is the burden Gbajabiamila will have to live with for now. The speaker was not under any compulsion to wade into the ASUU crisis as it was not really within the purview of the National Assembly. But he must have been spurred by the effects of the lingering strike in the face of the inability of the labour and education ministries to find mutually acceptable solutions to issues in contention.

    Unfortunately, the turn of events has begun to raise questions as to whether anything was really gained from that intervention. It was nonetheless good he intervened. But such intervention will only have meaning if it is a marked improvement on the status quo. That has failed to happen.

    Apparently to save his name, Gbajabiamila was quick to issue a statement in which he sought to give hope to ASUU that decisions on issues to the strike are getting appropriate hearing.  He spoke on increased allocations to the education sector in the 2023 Appropriation Bill, the progress in UTAS/IPPIS payment systems and their intention to organize a National Summit on Tertiary Education. Though some of these are not anything new, the speaker’s plea for calm is noteworthy in view of the bad blood generated by the salary payment pro rata.

    But he must have disappointed many when he sought to justify the contentious pro rata salary payment thus, “the executive’s position that it is not obligated to pay salaries to lecturers for the time spent on strike is premised on the law and government’s legitimate interest in preventing moral hazard and discouraging disruptive industrial actions”.

    The legal dimension on “no work, no pay” is nothing new. That was the basis for not paying the lecturers during the strike. It is not also in doubt that the government has very strong aversion to strikes. These positions were there before the intervention of the House leadership. It is preposterous to turn around and deploy them as justification for not getting any concession from the government on the lecturers’ salary payment.

    The speaker’s claim that interventions have been made to explore the possibility of ‘partial payment to the lecturers and he looks forward to a favourable consideration by Buhari who manifested desire to what is prudent and necessary to resolve all outstanding issues’ is full of sound and fury but signifies little. The mind-set of the government has already been exposed by the partial payment of the October salaries and reasons to justify it.

    The government has taken a position. That seems to have foreclosed any hope of partial payment to the lecturers. The president has had sufficient time to take a decision on the issues presented to him by the House leadership. If after all these, he approved the pro rata payment, what is there again to repose hope on?

    The impression is that of a government bent on playing for time with the agenda of throwing the union under a moving bus for daring to go on strike. It may have been buoyed by the ruling of the NIC which ordered ASUU to resume classes. But that is not all there is to issues of this nature. Viewing the crisis from the prism of a zero sum game misses the point and could prove counterproductive.

    We are dealing with human beings; intellectuals for that matter. Yes, the court can compel them to go back to classes. But the same courts have no way of getting the best out of them. A highly demoralized, hungry, frustrated and unmotivated teaching force is all that is needed to finally decapitate the university system in this country.

    It is doubtful if that is what the government wants of our university system. The government has also registered two other university unions to possibly supplant ASUU. Their effect on labour harmony is a matter of conjecture. The posturing and temperament of the government may provoke another round of crisis with devastating effects on the future of this country. We shudder at such prospects.

    A responsive and patriotic leadership would go beyond legalism; muster the necessary will to save the university system from the precipice into which it is irretrievably headed. The law on ‘no work, no pay’ should be made to wear a human face. After all, the lecturers are already covering up for lost grounds.

  • Future floods

    Future floods

    One saying strikingly captures the country’s flood experience this year: It never rains but it pours.  The troublesome floods brought many troubles.

    Sadly, devastating floods in Nigeria are still hitting the headlines. This year’s floods have been described as the worst in the country since 2012. Many parts of the country were affected. Indeed, reports said the floods affected 33 of Nigeria’s 36 states. Official figures indicate that the floods displaced more than 1.4 million people, killed more than 600 and injured more than 2,000.

    In addition, flooding destroyed vast agricultural land, disrupted fuel supplies, and caused food price increases. Also, it caused contamination of water sources that led to a cholera outbreak in the northeast of the country, which took more than 60 lives.

    The Federal Government blamed the disaster on unusually heavy rains and climate change.  That was convenient, and gave the impression that the main contributory factors were beyond the control of the authorities. But it doesn’t tell the whole story.

    The authorities glossed over an important point, the fact that the Federal Government’s non-completion of the construction of the Dasin Hausa Dam in Adamawa State had aggravated the flooding. Nigerian authorities had an agreement with the Cameroonian government to build the dam in order to contain the overflows resulting from the recurrent release of water from the Ladgo Dam in Cameroon.

    The construction of the Lagdo Dam started in 1977 and was completed in 1982. It’s puzzling that Nigeria has not fulfilled its own side of the agreement between the two countries 40 years after as the Dasin Hausa Dam remains uncompleted.  The Federal Government should be blamed for such an inexcusable delay that worsened flooding in Kogi, Benue and other states in the northeast this year.

    Other identified problems that exacerbated the flooding were arbitrary construction on natural flood plains and storm water paths, and poor drainage systems, which were compounded by weak enforcement of environmental regulations.

    The problem is not over as flooding is expected to continue this month in Anambra, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta and Rivers states.

    Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development Sadiya Umar Farouq was reported saying “there was enough warning and information about the 2022 flood,” and alleged that local governments, states, and communities failed to act on the warnings.

    Interestingly, the Director General of National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Mustapha Mohammed, echoed the minister’s words when he appeared before the Senate Committee on Special Duties, on November 7, to defend his agency’s 2023 budget proposal.

    He also warned: “This flood is still coming in 2023.” He said his agency had written to states several times, adding “They must be advised early to set up State Emergency Management Agencies (SEMAs) and local emergency committees and fund them adequately.” The NEMA boss said states had “ignored” early warnings concerning this year, suggesting that the destructive consequences could perhaps have been avoided.

    His words imply that there are still states lacking emergency management agencies. Notably, in May 2016, NEMA had supplied information that there were no emergency management agencies in 11 states. It is unclear if the information is correct today.

    At the time, the agency’s then director general, Sani Sidi, represented by a deputy director, Kayode Fagbemi, was reported to have said on the sidelines of a workshop in Abuja: “Each state is expected to have its own State Emergency Management Agency and NEMA has been advocating this by visiting governors to draw their attention as to why it is very important.

    “Many have seen the need to build their SEMAs. But we can’t force them because we are in a federation and the state governors have their own executive powers and budget. But they need emergency response agencies, because it is very important. There are 25 states that currently have SEMAs in Nigeria.”

    The importance of disaster preparedness, disaster risk reduction and disaster response cannot be overemphasised, particularly concerning a perennial problem like flooding related to the rainy season. The three levels of government in the country, federal, state, and local governments should be involved in dealing with such flooding emergencies.

    It is noteworthy that the Bayelsa State Emergency Management Agency (BYSEMA), for instance, said 1,344,014 people had so far been directly affected in the state by this year’s flood.  The agency also said 1,210,183 people were displaced from their homes. The data, dated November 4, showed that 96 deaths had been recorded, and Yenagoa Local Government Area had the highest fatality figure.

    BYSEMA Chairman Walamam Igrubia noted that the flooding affected several communities across the state’s eight local government areas, destroying farmlands, school buildings and health facilities among others. He stressed that reports and data indicated that Bayelsa was the most flood-impacted among the states in the country.

    The questions are: Did the state get any warning from federal authorities as alleged by the minister and the NEMA boss? What did the state government do to prevent the flooding or to lessen its impact within its territory? These questions also apply to other states affected by the floods.

    It may well be that federal and state authorities failed to learn the right lessons from the consequences of the 2012 floods which then President Goodluck Jonathan had called “a national disaster.”

    The floods that year were described as the worst in 40 years. At the time, NEMA said 30 of the country’s 36 states were affected. The flooding killed more than 350 people and displaced more than 1.2 million people. Jonathan released N17.6bn to various states and agencies for damage response, flood relief and rehabilitation. Indiscriminate construction, deficient drainage systems and regulatory inadequacies had contributed to the disaster then, just like now.

    NEMA has sounded the alarm on flooding in 2023. It’s not too early to start planning how to tackle floods in the country next year. The rainy season comes and goes. Today’s floods outstripped yesterday’s; and tomorrow’s floods may well surpass today’s.

    Why floods happen, how to possibly prevent them, how to prepare for them, how to respond to them and how to minimise their impact are among vital questions that demand answers.

  • Mefi’s beauty

    Mefi’s beauty

    Godwin Emefiele must think himself a great economist and stylist. Or maybe he sees himself as a sort of reincarnation of Steve Jobs, the Apple avatar who brought design to the service of technology. Mefi, as his acolytes call him, must believe he wants to bring style to the service of the economy.

    So, to do this, he goes to the president, and tells him it is an elixir of good news. Mop up the naira and the politicians who stashed away money will groan. It will smoke out bandits from their barricades. The naira will neigh like robust horse. Inflation will bow. The common folk will renew “Sai baba” chants. His unsung legacy on song.

    Then he, the naïve maven, announces it. The naira flies off the handle. By the last check, it is a little chasing 900. But he thinks it will all blow away. But a topsy-turvy policy meets topsy-turvy market. It is what fela calls dead body get accident.

    It is also a clash between the fiscal and monetary. Mefi handles monetary. The rest lies in the hands of the economic team with the budget directors, the finance minister, et al. Finance minister denies knowledge, even though her permanent secretary is on the CBN team. Did Mefi act without consulting, or did the finance minister deny as a show of protest?

    But Mefi, a naïve economist, sells an idea. Muhammadu Buhari, not a naïve economist but no economist at all, romanticises it. He is like a little boy eyeing a shop of lollypops. The prospect of the decision: politician’s feet in heady scramble to banks, or bureaux to change and bandits running out of cash. What a great morning in Nigerian ethics. What a wonder. What a populist hour.

    But then he did not ask the right question: what is the cost? Trillions to mop up trillions? How much is the money in the banks and how much are we chasing? A N47 trillion economy looking for about three trillion.

    What are the statistics, though, of the politicians’ money outside? No numbers. Of the money with bandits? No data. As for inflation, how do you spend trillions of naira to capture trillions of naira? Where is the antidote to inflation? An economist without number. Pythagoras will swear at Mefi? Did the Greek philosopher not say civilisation depends on numbers?

    Now we are seeing two funny things at play – the conflict between economics and society and the conflict between law and society. The former is catching up with the latter.

    Regarding the law, EFCC launched raids of bureaux de change, and arrested quite a few operators. On what law did they do that? Are people not supposed to patronise the bureaux de change, and are the bureaux not supposed to oblige? Apparently, they did not anticipate this. Poor EFCC. The agency will have to scramble to justify why those who were doing their jobs are doing it. No doubt, there will be scramble, and there are thieves who want to ferret their money out of dungeons: burial grounds, cesspits, houses built as vaults, deep freezes. Whatever the fortunes of these raids, how will that affect the larger economy?

    Read Also: CBN leading economic diversification – Emefiele

    For one, we do not know whether the politicians have more errant cash than the informal market? If our economy is largely informal, logic suggests that a lot of money skulk under-beds, pillow cases, bags, cupboards, inside bras and blouses.

    Many of them hate banks. They coy at digitalisation. If, in the end, they get their money into the banking system, will the money remain there? Not a chance. They will only replace their money with the new ones, and cash returns to familiar habitats in bras and cupboards. So, we have merely effected a merry-go-round, a futile rigmarole.

    Also, as markers of the conflict of economics and society, dislocations are coming from climate change and flood as well as the insecurity and fear of movement. With flood affecting 22 states of the federation, many people are out of the loop of the so-called modern economy with its financial institutions. How will those cooking Kosei in Jigawa or Ogbono soup in Bayelsa access banks wiped out of contention by the unthinking might of a flood? Or an ancient town like Lokoja. With the fear of bandits in the shadows of northern bushes, how are the men and women who own fifty thousand naira as life savings, or even less, going to trust the streets between their homes and their banks? How sure is the trader with N20 million in the Southeast that the local militias will not mark him out on his way to his bank?

    What Mefi has done is to invent a puzzle inside a confusion. The result is chaos. The January 31st deadline will ultimately be postponed, and that will inevitably still fall in the hands of the politician he is trying to upend. You don’t want to heal the whole by killing a part. In the end, the whole dies.

    Advanced economies redesign currencies in part, and they do it in formalised systems. So, it is easy for the money to return “home.” But we are doing this in a largely informal economy, and we want the result of a formal economy.  Former French statesman and Prime minister Georges Clemenceau once said, “war is too important to be left in the hands of generals.” Echoing him during the 1982 world recession, Henry Kissinger wrote that “the economy is too important to be left in the hands of economic experts.”

    Mefi is trying to conjure a miracle without being a god. He is a prophet without the gift of prophecy. Mefi does not understand the economy. No one knows an economy who does not know the society. Economies are slaves of culture. A purist economist from Harvard will lu le if he does not first study the society. That is the theme of the great economic anthropologist Karl Polanyi in his classic, The Great Transformation.

    Mefi, who thought he was the Emilokan candidate of the Buhari establishment, was sorely disappointed after his mock rice pyramid campaign and many posters. He is perhaps on a revenge mission against his political foes.

    But this is not a way to do it. Maybe his personal ego is at stake. It is the life of a whole country. He will give contracts for this decision, and quite a few persons will benefit while trillions flush the economy into an Emefiele inflation. He may hear hallelujah from his amen corner today. But the hungry will be the last testament.

    If Mefi thinks he is following the principle of creative destruction by economic theorist Joseph Schumpeter, his shock is just starting.

    Maybe, his aim is beauty. As Pastor Adeboye has noted, maybe he wants to beautify the naira and become the great artist of the Nigerian economy. Beauty, wrote Dostoyevsky, will save the world. Not Mefi’s beauty.

     

     

     

     

  • Atiku’s ten virgins

    Atiku’s ten virgins

    Atiku Abubakar may not be a funny character. But he may now show a tragic side. In the past week, his spokesman, Kola Ologbondiyan was reported to say Atiku is wooing five APC governors to compensate for the G-5 now out of his hands. Atiku’s math is of Biblical proportion. First, remember the story of Jesus who said if he lost one sheep, he will leave the rest? He would find the lost sheep, and bring it back to the fold, so that there will be one flock and one shepherd. Well, Atiku is a lost shepherd himself. He has not only lost five sheep, he is not going to get them back. He prides himself, it seems, on losses. Now, he wants to go, not for sheep, but on a wild goose chase. It is more like another parable of the bible: of the ten virgins. They were waiting for the bridegroom. Five had oil on their lamps, five had none. So, the five virgins, who had oil as torchbearers whom the bridegroom welcomed, are not for Atiku. He is following the uncertain five virgins without oil of support. The bridegroom, in the end, told the five without lamp oil, “I know you not.” In the end, five are lost. In Atiku’s math, he will lose five and lose five. The first five he had. The second five he never had. Five minus five equals zero. So, he had ten virgins, none of them his own on the wedding day – the election day.