Category: Monday

  • Atiku’s idol of tribe

    Atiku’s idol of tribe

    Since independence, since the colonial era, have we ever heard the following from the lips of anyone seeking the votes of all Nigerians?

    “I think what the average northerner needs is somebody from the north, and who also understands the other parts of Nigeria and who has been able to build bridges across the rest of the country. This is what the northerner needs. He (northerner) doesn’t need a Yoruba candidate, or an Igbo candidate. This is what the northerner needs.”

    We have had bigots. We have had northern haters. We have had southern haters, Yoruba haters, Igbo haters, Itsekiri haters, Ijaw haters. We have not had a hater like Abubakar Atiku. He has made a canon of hate. A disgrace of candidacy. Vermin of love. The video and audio are out there. It was not a slip of tongue. The sentences unveiled with the method of a thinking man, and a thinking head inside a white cap that presided over his white overall. The only thing: it is thinking as contamination.

    This is not the first time Atiku has invoked his tribal hubris. In his interview with Reuben Abati on Arise TV, he turned the screw on that same theme. He boasted that he would fatten on Hausa-Fulani votes.

    He spoke without guile. He spoke the truth of his heart. He spoke the truth of infection. He called for cynical truce with his people, his tribe. No hypocrisy in his soul. He smelt the metal of prejudice in his blood. The mettle of a divider. If Atiku was this biased, why did he wait till today to refresh us with his sincerity. It is such sincerity we want in politics. A man that speaks truth to his own hurt. A man who is so reckless that he wants to profit from division. A man who loves to hate others in order to fire a love of his own kin. A man who would kindle kinship by skinning others. To your kin, kindness. To others, servitude. Kind only to his own kind.

    We have been following his public fight with Wike and company. Wike has said that Atiku Abubakar wants to turn his PDP into a regional stronghold, a northern barricade like the great wall of Constantinople before the fall of the Holy Roman Empire. Atiku has stayed the course. He has made Wike a righteous man. Wike tells the truth about Atiku’s mind, which is the fact that Atiku has no qualms about northern tyranny. But it is Atiku’s truth. Let the south be damned, so let Atiku be. He wants to threw red meat for perceived northern dogs. He loathes the commonwealth of Nigeria. He wants his own wealth.

    This essayist has called him peripatetic, and pathetic at that. A nomadic politician blending into every shrubbery. But Atiku has a constancy: a tribal lodestar. He is not only dyed in hegemony, he is its evangelist.

    Read Also; Atiku and the Gang of Five

    When he ran for president, he said he wanted a level playing field when even the political class agreed that it should rotate to the south. All southern governors held a meeting in Asaba and reached a pact: the next president shifts south. It was a bipartisan moment.

    His running mate, Ifeanyi Okowa, the man without scruples and traitor to pacts and peers, hosted the charade as Delta State governor. Okowa is acting like the proverbial man in Achebe’s A Man of the People who would not spit out a sweet morsel that good fortune has thrust in his mouth. Hence Atiku and Okowa see nothing wrong for a party chairman and presidential candidate to come from the north. Atiku does not think an agreement means anything if the north has to keep faith. It diminishes the north.

    But Atiku is no friend of the north. He paints the north as a grasping region. He makes the north an open enemy of the south. He turns his people into a cold war at a time we sorely need to unite. When he says he built bridges in the south, he needs to explain it. Granted he did. From the tone, it means he builds the bridges in the south to enhance his northern control. Is that fair? So why is he pitching himself as anti-Buhari, who has ruled like a hegemon?

    Is building bridges in the south to enhance northern power his unstated philosophy of restructuring? He wants to restructure the south for the north? Or is it because he married wives across tribes? Wives who are northernised? Is his romance another way of going to bed for Nigerian power? From bedroom to boardroom.  A bed as bed bug. He is conflating romantic liaisons with political power.

    In the past, families married off daughters to enlist alliances in wars, like Henry VII’s daughter with a Spanish prince? That was cynical love. But Atiku is not that kind of lover. Is he not exploiting the north for his own personal interest? He claims to love the north. It is not that he loves the north a little, but that he loves Atiku more. He is trying to ride regional chauvinism to serve one man’s ambition.

    So, we can recall he did not want Obj to be president. He said it was the north’s turn, and that turn was Atiku. A magnanimous Obj embraced him and made him vice president, and what a vice he became. After Yar’ Adua took ill, he challenged Jonathan, saying it was the north’s turn to complete the Katsina man’s term. And that north was Atiku. At that time, it seemed he angled for justice. Yar’Adua’s death almost ruined the northern run at Aso Rock. Jonathan invited him to parley, but he showed the president his back.

    The north snatched its turn under APC. He, ever a roamer, had ditched PDP and AC, and come to APC.  Again, it was north and it was Atiku’s turn. Buhari bested him at the primary. He sulked out of the party again, and joined the PDP. In 2019, the PDP gave it to all northern candidates at the Port Harcourt primary.  He won before he lost the presidential poll. If it was the north’s turn when it was and the north’s turn when it was not, it was always Atiku’s turn.

    That is the background to the 2022 primary when he was losing and had to make a deal to defeat Wike who was on the path to victory.  To get justice, he wants to corrupt the north. Justice means Atiku’s ambition. He is a poison in the national well. He is the sort of person philosopher Francis Bacon condemned in his idea of the idol of the tribe. Here, it is the idol of tribalism. Bacon, Lord Chancellor and seal keeper, said victims of this idol allow their senses to be twisted. Atiku’s is. We pity him. In a better society, PDP would drop him as a candidate. A man cannot unite his party. Now, he has shown he cannot unite the country.

    This is the same man who promised the Igbo that he would give them the presidency after his own run. He has become the dispenser of time and office in Nigeria. It is folks like him that think it is in the blood of Nigerians to hate one another. Lee Kuan Yew ran a country of three ethnic groups, and inspired them to see Singapore before they saw Chinese or Malay or Indian. Merit overturned tent. When the Chinese leader visited, he expected the local Chinese to adore him. Deng was disappointed. Hear Yew’s mission statement: “We are going to have a multi-racial nation in Singapore. We will set the example. This is not a Malay nation; this is not a Chinese nation; this is not an Indian nation. Everybody will have a place.”

    That is not the sort of rhetoric Atiku can utter. That was not the quality of speech he uttered to stakeholders in Kaduna on Saturday.  Yew’s example is above him.

    Before Atiku woos the north to a hegemonic cooing, he should tell them what he has done for them all these years of public life. Not just in the north, but first in Adamawa, where his presence is only political. He has done little to lift their lives. Ditto the rest of the north. He is a cynical lover, just as he wants to turn his bedroom moan into a coda for power. If he has done nothing for the north, why does he want to use them? The north does not hate the south by nature. It is men like Atiku who Shakespeare describes as “sick of self-love” that makes some of them so. He is stoking the flame. The great philosopher, Jose Ortega Y Gasset, has opined, “Man has no nature…all we have is history.” So, it is Atiku’s history, not the north’s nature.

  • Ariwoola and political pressure

    Ariwoola and political pressure

    Chief Justice of Nigeria CJN, Olukayode Ariwoola raised a challenge fundamental to the impartiality and credibility of the justice system when he was sworn in last Wednesday. He had while answering reporters’ question called on politicians to stop mounting pressure on the judiciary and allow it to perform its functions.

    “Politicians should allow the judiciary to function. Law is not static and that’s why you have seen that the National Assembly continued to amend the laws and it is the laws that the courts apply to the facts available. We shall continue to do justice if only Nigerians will allow us to perform and function without any pressure,” he said.

    Given the experience of this country especially as campaigns for another round of national elections gather momentum, the issue raised by the CJN can only be ignored at the peril of our democratic engagement. Ours is a system where elections are fought as a matter of life and death hallmarked by outright refusal by politicians to accept defeat even when the verdict is very clear.

    It is a system characterized by the unwillingness or outright refusal by politicians to accept electoral outcomes on very flimsy reasons. Petition arising from the 2019 elections so attracted the attention of the President of the Court of Appeal, Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa that she had to lament: ‘no matter how well elections are conducted, there are bound to be complaints’.

    Altogether, there were 786 petitions from those elections across the country with Imo State recording 76 – the highest filed by a single state. By contrast, Jigawa recorded not even a single petition. The distribution of election petitions showed zonal disparities even as it threw some insight into the temperament and reactions of the various groups to electoral matters.

    Whereas there are those with genuine grievances to be resolved, some others who had no business challenging election outcomes still sought to secure through the back door, what they were clearly unable to get through the ballot process. And they found the judiciary pliable.

    In this category, you find sundry personages from both the executive and legislative arms of government deploying the weight and instruments of their high offices to influence the course of justice. There is also the dimension of the well connected, the very influential and wealthy politicians seeking to induce the judiciary for one reason or the other.

    Read Also: PHOTOS: Buhari swears in CJN Ariwoola, presides over FEC meeting

    That is how political pressure or judicial corruption raised by the CJN creeps in. In its Global Corruption Report 2017, Transparency International made two classifications of judicial corruption. The first relates to political interference in the judicial process by either the executive or legislative arm of the government while the other deals with bribery. We are concerned with both.

    In 2019, the then CJN, Walter Onnoghen was suspended by President Buhari as he was preparing to swear in members of the various election petition tribunals in  circumstances that raised suspicion of political interference. Buhari was to rationalize his action on an order of the Code of Conduct Tribunal. But proceedings at the Code of Conduct Tribunal were still on-going when the president took the action. Partisan motives were quickly read into the action and the speed with which the president swore in a new CJN.

    Before then, some masked officials of the Department of State Services DSS invaded in a commando-style, the homes of some judges across the country arresting and detaining seven of them on allegations of corruption. This was in utter disregard to extant regulations that vest the disciplining of judges on the National Judicial Council NJC. The sting operation drew the ire of the NJC and it disagreed with the claims adduced by the government for their action. But the deed had been accomplished.

    These are just a few instances of direct interference in the judicial process by the executive arm of the government. There are others not as glaring as these that pose serious constraints on quick, effective and impartial dispensation of justice. When Ariwoola asked politicians to allow the judiciary to perform its duties without undue pressure and interference, he was referring to instances like these and more.

    Beyond this, the issue is not as much with the pressure mounted by politicians on the judiciary as with the ability of that institution to resist some of the ones they can. In the two instances cited, the judiciary was virtually helpless. But there abound a litany of others where the traditional impartiality and independence of the judiciary as a check against the excesses of other arms of the government should have been called into quick action but the judiciary was found wanting.

    It is not just enough for the CJN to raise alarm on the incalculable harm done to the justice system by politicians in their rabid ambition to influence the course of justice. All that should be expected. But the judiciary should be able to rise above partisan pressures and do its job in a manner that commands the confidence and respect of the people.

    There is now the feeling among politicians that they can win elections through the courts even when they had very abysmal outing at the ballot box. Such a ruinous mind-set cannot subsist if politicians do not easily find willing accomplices within the judicial system.

    The conduct of the judiciary in some election petitions has not helped to imbue confidence in the impartiality and independence of that institution. Take the case of Imo State that had 76 petitions in the last elections, the world is still stunned that a candidate that placed fourth and could not win a single local government was able to procure victory through the Supreme Court.

    And when the arithmetic of the figures summed up by the apex court to award victory in that case were found to be more than the number of accredited voters and challenged in a review, the apex court still stood by its decision, apparently citing precedence. But the apex court was at liberty do justice to that case even if it was under political pressure.

    That did not happen such that Justice Centus Nweze in a dissenting judgment said the decision of the Supreme Court on the Imo governorship election was wrong and “will continue to haunt Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence for a long time to come”. He said it all.

    The CJN has promised judicial reforms. He has a lot to do to restore the waning confidence in the judiciary as the last hope of the common man.

  • Jimi Solanke: Celebration continues

    Jimi Solanke: Celebration continues

    Known honorifically as Baba Agba, Yoruba expression that captures his age, veteran status and giant height as a multi-dimensional performer, Jimi Solanke is in the spotlight again some months after celebrating his landmark 80th birthday on July 4.

    The celebration continues at June 12 Cultural Centre, Abeokuta, Ogun State, on October 22. With support from the Ogun State government, Evergreen Musical Company Limited will release a compilation of the complete musical works of Solanke, and unveil a 127-page photo journal that tells his story.  The collaboration is commendable.

    The photo journal, produced by the company’s managing director, Bimbo Esho, is her first publication “after my 20 years of extensive research on the lives and times of Nigerian music icons.” It is titled The Grand Master.

    Nothing perhaps better illustrates Solanke’s passion for thespianism, and devotion to its promotion, than his ongoing building project. The seasoned actor, composer, singer, dancer, folklorist and storyteller, gave an insight into this endeavour in an interview just before he entered his octogenarian years.

    The place he is building in his hometown, Ipara, Ogun State, he said, “is a centre for creative and performing arts enhancement.”  It is called Ibudo Asa. He explained: “If you’re a graduate and you are still looking for how to step in and stamp your feet on the ground of performances, come, you will get your skills enhanced. We will through a practical approach take you through the rudiments of stage presence, voice mastery, acting, and total theatre experience for continuity of live stage performance…We will be having a lot of people coming for workshops on different areas of thespian life.”

    On how much work has been done, and what still needs to be done, Solanke provided information showing that the centre could do with assistance. He said: “Well, we have put up a structure in place with rooms each having its own toilet, the ceiling is done and the whole place wired by an electrician…My hall contains at least 50-60 people. We have hosted a lot of artistes and visitors already. We have done book readings, and that is still testing, testing the microphone. It is the outside hall, the stage, and the sitting area that we are facing now.”

    Read Also; On Gumsu Abacha Buni’s lowkey celebration

    Support from government bodies, cultural organisations, culture-friendly companies and individuals, for instance, can help get the centre completed. As he struggles to realise his dream, which is a way to give back to society, there is a lesson for those in the arts sector on the need to embrace business-like approaches to project funding.

    His creative life started early. As a student at Odogbolu Grammar School, in present-day Ogun State, he formed a music group called Koroba. The band performed folk songs using iron buckets as musical instruments.  He wrote songs in secondary school, including Onilegogoro, Ore Titan, Na Today You Come, and Khaki No Be Leather, for Highlife star Roy Chicago. He also worked with Highlife greats Eddy Okonta and Chris Ajilo.

    One of his popular songs, Omiyale, which was inspired by the Ogunpa flood in Ibadan many years ago, is still relevant today as parts of the country are faced with flooding problems.

    He was among the first diploma students in Nigeria’s first school of drama, which became the Department of Theatre Arts in the University of Ibadan, Oyo State. It was there his voice was trained and his spoken English polished. He was, in his words, “trained in all the ramifications of theatre” and “arrested by the spirit of drama.”

    By this time, he was already known as a singer and his songs were being played on radio. He began his professional acting career in the early 1960s, in Ibadan, and was one of the pioneer members of the Orisun Theatre Company founded by Wole Soyinka, the prominent Nigerian playwright who, in 1986, became the first black African to win a Nobel Prize in Literature.  He later joined the Ori Olokun Centre in Ile-Ife.

    When he moved to America, he formed a performing group called The Africa Review, which promoted African culture. The group performed mainly in schools, and was well known in Los Angeles, California, for dancing and storytelling.  ”That was where I actually started telling stories,” Solanke recalled. He used folk tales to demonstrate the value of African culture.

    Described as a “master storyteller” by CNN, he created two popular children’s television shows based on storytelling, Storyland and African Stories, after he returned to Nigeria in 1986.

    He has acted in films by Wole Soyinka, Ola Balogun and Tunde Kelani, all big names, which says a lot about his worth. “But my own interest is not in film making,” he declared. “I’m made for stage roles.” On stage, he has played Ovonramwen Nogbaisi, Kurunmi, Elesin Oba, and Sizwe, in well-known plays.

    He takes his profession seriously.  Whether he is playing a role, making music, dancing, or telling a story, there is no question about his creativity, professionalism and enthusiasm. Ever conscious of his Yoruba and African roots, he remains a true cultural ambassador.

    The forthcoming two-in-one event in Abeokuta is yet another plus for Lagos-based Evergreen Musical Company, described as “Africa’s greatest custodian and producer of music of yesteryears.”

    When I first met the company’s Chairman/CEO, 75-year-old Femi Esho, some years ago, I had no doubt that he was a music collector extraordinaire. He gave me a valuable collection of the works of Afrobeat king Fela Anikulapo Kuti: “5 Audio CDs, 1 DVD (Live Performances) and 24-Page In-Depth Biography.” The compilation was done by his company.

    In 2019, the company also released a compilation of 660 songs by Juju music legend Chief Ebenezer Obey. So, compiling Solanke’s works was familiar turf to the company.

    According to Esho’s daughter, who is managing director of the company and author of the new Solanke photo journal,  he is “the undisputed largest collector of music of yesteryears with over 150,000 vinyl plates made up of 78rpm breakable plates, 45rpm and 33rpm, hundreds of reel-to-reel tapes, thousands of cassette tapes of various music along with archival materials such as His Master’s Voice (HMV), various reel-to-reel machines, various turntables with the oldest 100 years old, books and newspaper articles on Nigerian music, video recordings of early Nigerian music icons.”

    This means that there is a lot of room for cultural collaboration between the company and culture-friendly entities in the public and private sectors. The company’s collaboration with the Ogun State government on the Solanke celebration illustrates the possibilities.

  • Czars of the eyes

    Czars of the eyes

    Last week, the nation had a lesson in optics. Or, shall we say, in optical illusion. What we see is important, but we know is better. But what do we know from all the optical histrionics around the APC presidential candidate when he flew to London?

    The social media turned into a challenge in eyesight. They said Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was dead. They said, he was on catheter, his bald head shining beneath a benevolent nurse trying to raise him from his bed. She might even, in the eyes of the czars of human sight, be raising him from the dead. They said he had cancelled his campaign. He had turned over his campaign to his deputy. APC no longer had a candidate.

    They quoted Reuters, the great news agency, for authenticity. Phone calls rang. Some media outfits limped in searching for facts. No basic journalism rules. They did not question but voted with their silence.

    Nor was fact going to win out in certain circles. Bayo Onanuga, Tinubu’s spokesperson, revealed the optical delusion and mischief of the manipulators of human sight. They stuck to their bald vision. The bald was bigger in size than Tinubu’s bald. His paunch was bigger than Tinubu’s.  His face, broader and younger, was made from another tissue of DNA.

    So, when the candidate responded with his own optical matter, the drama cruised to another scene. He was on a gym bicycle. But they say he was not on a gym bicycle, or he was on a gym bicycle but it was not last weekend. It was many years ago when he had good health. It was him riding a Fan Milk cart. Fan Milk must thank the APC candidate for an unsolicited online sway and gain. They milked Tinubu for mischief. The company must be in a milky way of profit.

    A newspaper that had once gloated over his health situation responded with a dramatic headline: “Tinubu roars back.” Even then, it turned from a visual matter to an audio script. His voice also hummed in the video of another gym shot. Tinubu became a universal man of many Hollywood parts. He was in fainting fit, he was still as a corpse at the back of a bike, in a truck, etc. They made morbidity into a joke at a human being’s expense.

    Then he seemed to be turning the joke on them. He appeared in a suit, a dapper guy like a CEO or diplomat. Then later, he turned out with two children, a boy and girl bubbling with the solicitude of their grandfather.

    The London trip was over. The spry fellow materialised here in Nigeria, at the airport, in a blazer, his face afire with smiles as he hugged Kashim Shettima, Simon Lalong, Adams Oshiomhole, et al. At the end, mischief bowed to the chief. He won out with the sheer physical vitality of his swagger.

    This whole issue began even before he had a knee surgery. Then he had it. They wished him a cripple when he had it. Ironically, when the vice president – bless his soul – had a similar surgery, they prayed for him. When Tinubu returned from his surgery, they lingered with malignant doubts. In their eyes, he was still not fit to run for president. They did not say Osinbajo was not fit to continue as Nigeria’s number two citizen. Talk about pharisaic morality.

    Read Also: Bamidele, Akpabio on 2023: Tinubu competent to fix Nigeria

    He ran for APC ticket. He did not sit at home. He was around, in the air and on the road. He even undertook a night ride from Sokoto to Zamfara, where he inspected the arboreal serenity of the northern backwoods. He was on television all the way. He even boasted in one of the states about his physical prowess in visiting every part. Not once did he falter. Not once did he faint. But prejudice must see what it must see.

    Hence, they would turn the visual brio into infirmity. Some have said he should show his medical records. We should have a special medical council to reveal candidates’ health. I wonder in what planet they are inhabiting. If they cannot believe the facts of their eyes, is it the report of a shadowy committee? Those who hate Tinubu need no evidence to hate him. They just need him alive. Even if he dies, they will regret it. It would echo the lines of poet Walt Whitman, “My enemy is dead. A man divine like myself is dead.” When Nixon left office, he quipped, “You won’t have Nixon to kick around anymore.” But he was still alive for kicking.

    Those in the vanguard of Tinubu fake news are actually southerners who do not want to have a Yoruba candidate to support for 2023, especially if that candidate is one Bola Tinubu. They have been in the rear guard of anti-Buhari vitriol, especially because of his hegemonic policies. How could they live with a PDP that has hoisted a Fulani candidate in Atiku? To resolve their moral crisis, they saw a candidate, and viola! they found a hero. He is supposed to save them from hegemonic crisis. So they made common cause with the ethnic renegades who formed his core followers.

    Such persons will not hear that he was mediocre as governor, that he divided tribe and faith under his watch, even repatriated non-indigenes, that he lies about what he achieved, that he fattens on statistical apocrypha, that he built a company while in office with one of our biggest supermarket. Even now that he is soliciting funds from his followers, no one remembers they regarded him as the no shishi candidate who is now milking them for chin chin. They won’t ask him to submit his offshore account. Let him make a sacrifice for his country. No. He must turn it into another entrepreneurial bombshell.

    His followers, even those who call themselves intellectuals, would question every Tinubu claim, every ounce of success and doubt every evidence or even if he ever governed Lagos. Maybe Lagos is a myth like Atlantis. A newspaper reported his Chicago qualification. In spite of that, they are calling the university hoping to hear what they want to hear. As far as he is concerned, whatever he says, whatever he does, does not need the test of facts, but the poison of a cynic. They forget they have PHDs, or are professors. They are like the crowd in the Acts of Apostle, that “stopped their ears and charged forward.” Or Asahel, the soldier who looked neither right or left. It is one of the most potent stories in the Bible that few of our so-called prosperity and healing-obsessed clerics will never mine. A columnist who took him to Golgotha as chief executive is now his choirmaster. Another one who wrote a book to gospelise a sectional president has fraudulently tweaked the book and title for him. What a shame!

    The protest against Tinubu is not about his health, or his ideas. It is about fear, not fact. But that other candidate’s followers and intellectuals so-called would not subject the man to facts, because it is not about what we want as a nation but who we should hate. It is not about him. It is against the man in Bourdillon. Many of them, in south-south and southeast, love Lagos but will not credit him. It is what psychologists call the fear of gratitude. They will not ask of their own states what they demand of Lagos.

    In his crowds, we see less love than opprobrium. It is what Elias Canetti, the writer of Crowds and Power, attributes to religions that cry over a slain god. The Nobel laureate sees the crowds as originating from a “religion of lament.” He attributes it to faiths like Christianity. But critics have elaborated them to even secular crowds. Just as we are seeing today. Lament as a pathway to salvation.

    As the campaigns warm up, let us follow what the Bible says, to prove all things and hold fast to that which is good. Not the twist of facts for tendentious mischief, like Bertrand Russell warned when he defined philosophy. He wrote that a square table can be looked at from a different angle and make us conclude that “there is no table after all.”

    Henry Kissinger wrote a book titled: The Age of AI, and lamented how human nature, facts and civilisation are in crisis. Those who can read should pick up a copy. The 99-year-old set the world thinking. Maybe the czars of human eyesight can learn from this.  It’s one thing to see, and another to know and then another to understand. In the words of poet Shelley, we need the power to imagine what we know.

     

  • What holiday?

    What holiday?

    Someone said the BOS of Lagos, Governor Babajide sanwo-Olu, is on holiday, and I wonder what he meant. Some people need lessons in English language.

    Of course, he is on holiday, and had time to look at the payroll, and rejig it and decide that he is raising workers’ pay.

    When states cannot even pay what they have. It is only when you are robust and cruising, and crossing your I’s and T’s that you can raise salaries. As I noted at the TVC Breakfast show, whoever says it is for campaign purpose should raise his own salaries, too.

    He worked hard to give himself the right to raise it. A farmer feeds his family on the fatness of the harvest. If it is cynical, wont every governor love to be this cynical? This is not to say he was cynical. But for those who claim it, let them come with their answer.

    Read Also: King Charles 111 approves bank holiday for Queen Elizabeth’s funeral

    He is Fruitful enough to earn the plaudits to be cynical. What a blessing. He is on holiday and he received 21st century trains that will transform not only the landscape of the city but redefine how we move. This is train acquired without borrowing. I don’t want to acknowledge who said it.

    This column chooses those who deserve to be named. This fellow does not.

    Governor Sanwo-Olu, keep being on holiday and changing things, while they wallow in hollow baits.

  • Appeal Court: FG/ASUU dispute

    Appeal Court: FG/ASUU dispute

    When the federal government took the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) to the National Industrial Court (NIC), many doubted its propriety as the quickest and most enduring way to resolve issues to the prolonged strike. For a strike that had grounded academic activities for eight months, a court process was seen as another way of further prolonging a quick closure to the dispute. This is more so given the windows of appeal available to disputants. This fear is being borne out by events.

    In a judgment on the federal government’s interlocutory injunction, Justice Polycarp Hamman of the National Industrial Court ordered ASUU to resume classes, restraining it from continuing with the strike until the case is resolved.

    Apparently realizing the weaknesses in the court option, Minister of Labour, Chris Ngige was to allege a few days after, that ASUU was in flagrant disregard of the order. He claimed ASUU had neither complied with the order nor filed an appeal. But as Ngige fumed, the deadline for the ASUU to file an appeal or a stay of execution was yet to elapse.

    ASUU later filed 14 grounds of appeal against the ruling of the Justice Hamman’s NIC. The case came up last Wednesday with very interesting developments that reinforced the view that court process may not hold the solution to a timely and satisfactory resolution of the prolonged dispute.

    A member of the three-member panel, Justice Biobele Georgewill had urged lawyers representing the parties to consider an out-of-court settlement in the interest of the children that have been out of school these past months.

    Hear him: “As senior lawyers, for the sake of the children and our lawyers, have a discussion among yourselves; leave the litigants out and agree on a way forward. The nation will appreciate you for it”.

    Sadly, when the court resumed the following day, lawyers to both parties informed the court they could not resolve the dispute despite the out-of-court admonition.  So the Appeal Court had to proceed with the case. But the court had made a profound statement by seeking for an out-of-court resolution.

    The Appeal Court last Friday, ruled on the application for a stay of execution filed by ASUU. While dismissing it, the court ordered the union to call off the strike and resume classes immediately. It also granted the application for leave for ASUU to challenge the interlocutory order by the NIC directing its members to resume work pending the determination of the substantive suit by the federal government.

    Read Also: CLAM declares financial intervention to end ASUU strike

    But the appellate court said that should ASUU fail to re-open the universities, the order to appeal against the interlocutory injunction “will be automatically vacated”. It is not certain how ASUU would handle the development. But a demoralized, hungry and weather-beaten teaching force returning to classes is bound to impact very negatively on effective teaching and learning.

    Already, nearly three weeks have been lost between the rulings of the NIC and now. This has increased the number of months the universities have been under lock and key. The court process may drag even longer as the parties seek to exhaust all avenues of redress. Valuable time and resources which would have been channelled to other productive ends would be lost in the process.

    That was the scary scenario envisaged by the appellate court that moved it to advise parties to explore the out-of-court settlement option. The court was not unmindful that the lawyers could not resolve the dispute without reference to their principals.

    But the court had to issue that admonition to drum the message clearer that more enduring solutions to such issues as increasing government’s investments in university infrastructure, honouring earlier agreements, payment of salaries through UTAS and payment of salaries during the strike are better resolved through negotiations. That was the clear message. Its corollary is that both the government and ASUU should have shown sufficient capacity to resolve the crisis without resort to court process.

    The federal government has not shown either capacity or sufficient commitment to the resolution of the crisis.  Allowing the strike to drag for nine months without any agreement signed with the union gives it out as one with a hidden agenda. Even the concessions they claimed to have made are still kept under wraps. There is no documented or endorsed evidence by both parties as is usually the case in such negotiations.

    All we hear from key government officials is that President Buhari warned them not to sign any agreement. How do you want to earn the confidence of the ASUU with morbid fear to commit to agreements? Having lost these months to the strike, there ought to have been genuine concessions from both sides.

    Rather, the government has been busy inventing strategies and measures to weaken ASUU and force them back to classes. Its hurried order to vice chancellors of the universities to re-open immediately after the NIC rulings which it later withdrew was an act of bad faith.

    The government did not give any reason for the withdrawal of that order. But it may have been informed by the fact that the window to appeal for ASUU was still wide open. Why the haste to ambush?

    As if that is not enough to raise serious suspicion, the same government has also gone ahead to license and accord recognition to two other university unions- the Congress of Nigerian University Academics (CONUA) and National Association of Medical and Dental Academics (NAMDA). The motive is clear- to break the ranks of ASUU.

    But as the government was unfolding these divisive measures, the House of Representatives was at another level negotiating with the parties to find amicable resolution to the issues. The house leadership has presented its recommendations to President Buhari. Speaker, Femi Gbajabiamila gave hope when he said the dispute will soon be resolved as both parties have shifted grounds.

    The Gbajabiamila report presents yet another window for out-of-court settlement if President Buhari is committed to retrieving the education system from the abyss into which it is irretrievably headed. We can do without this litigation.

  • Not the end of the story

    Not the end of the story

    There are more questions than answers concerning the federal government’s rather belated operation leading to the release of the 23 remaining kidnap victims of the terrorist train attack on the Abuja-Kaduna route in March.

    According to a statement on October 5, a seven-man presidential committee formed by the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Gen. Lucky Irabor, “secured the release and took custody of all the 23 remaining passengers held hostage by Boko Haram terrorists.”  The general was said to have “conceived and guided the operation from start to finish,” involving the Nigerian military and “all sister security agencies and the Federal Ministry of Transportation.”

    Director Defence Information, Maj. Gen. Jimmy Akpor, acknowledged that “there was a lot of secrecy” about how the committee deployed “elements of national power” to get the hostages released.  The operation was described as “non-kinetic.”

    He told journalists: “Talking about what happened to the terrorists, that is part of the details you won’t get now but surely anybody who commits any offence against the nation will definitely be fished out and be brought to book.”

    This suggests that the terrorists who caged the victims are not in a cage.  Under what circumstances were the victims freed? It is curious that there is no information on the situation of the abductors.

    Minister of Transportation Mu’azu Sambo told journalists: “Categorically this government does not support ransom payment, no kobo was paid to secure the release of the 23 remaining victims and other ones as well.”

    But there is no doubt that the kidnappers had received ransom before releasing some victims earlier. Also, there is no doubt that government inaction had forced such victims to pay ransom.  So, if the federal government had indeed got this last set of victims released without paying ransom, what about the ransom payments made by some victims released previously?

    The authorities should not brag about not paying ransom, if indeed that happened, when they actually made others pay ransom because of their inaction.

    The Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) had said there were 362 people on board the train when it was attacked on March 28.  Tragically, eight people were killed and 41 injured. The 62 people kidnapped were released in batches.

    In April, the kidnappers released a photograph of a newborn baby girl who was a captive because her abducted mother was one. The photo, a report said, showed her “dressed in pink clothes and a light lemon cap, with her eyes closed.”

    At one point it was reported that there were 43 victims still in captivity, and their captors had demanded N100m ransom for each of them. This meant that the kidnappers expected to get N4.3b.

    By mid-July, more than three months after the incident, some of the kidnapees had been released in four batches. Seven of them were freed on July 9, and their relatives were said to have paid N800m for their release. There were six Nigerians reported to have paid N100m each. There was also a Pakistani said to have paid N200m. “Only N200m was collected in naira, the remaining N600m was paid in the equivalent of US dollars,” a report quoted a source as saying.

    Read Also: No ransom paid to secure release of 23 train passengers, says minister

    The abductors had previously released three batches of captives, managing director of Bank of Agriculture, Alwan Hassan, alleged to have paid a ransom, a group of 11 victims, and a pregnant woman.

    Initially, the kidnappers had shown no interest in ransom. “We don’t need money,” they said, and demanded “prisoner exchange.” They had threatened to kill the captives if the government failed to meet their demands.

    So, it was puzzling when they introduced ransom demand. What changed? Or perhaps they demanded ransom because nothing had changed. The authorities had done little or nothing to show that they were interested in getting the captives freed.

    Apart from the government’s role to ensure security, the fact that these victims were kidnapped on a public train placed a moral burden on the authorities. But the government had refused to negotiate with the kidnappers on “prisoner exchange,” and refused to consider ransom payment. This suggested that it wanted the families of the captives to find a solution.

    A report quoted a source as saying, “It is money that is still delaying the release of the others… The situation now is that if you have your money, your loved ones would be freed.” The government allowed the matter to degenerate to that point. It had no solution to the problem.  It may well have been part of the problem.

    Before the last 23 victims were freed, the managing director of NRC, Fidet Okhiria, who said four railway workers were among them, had counted the corporation’s losses in terms of naira and kobo.  ”We have lost N531m between March 28 when the train attack happened and August through the expected ticket sales on the suspended Abuja-Kaduna Train Service,” he said.

    But the losses are far more than the corporation’s calculated monetary minus. Can the value of the lost lives be quantified?  What about the injured? What about the financial losses of the victims who paid ransom, or those who paid on their behalf?  What about the trauma resulting from the experience, regarding the victims and their relatives? What about the image of the corporation and the government as incapable of providing necessary protection for train users?

    There may be no more victims of the train attack in captivity, but this does not mean closure.  Tukur Mamu, the publisher of Desert Herald, who had been known as a negotiator working for the release of the train kidnap victims, is now in detention and alleged to be a co-conspirator and terrorism enabler. The story of Mamu’s arrest in Egypt and Nigeria, the accusations against him, and his detention, is still developing, and it remains to be seen how it would end.

    He had always argued that the government had the power to bring the issue to an end quickly, saying “Cases of emergency such as this do not require unnecessary bureaucracy.”  The government’s inaction had allowed him to effectively play the role of a private negotiator, which resulted in the release of some of the hostages before the government woke up and got the last 23 victims freed after six months in captivity.  When did the authorities become suspicious of him?

    The Department of State Services (DSS), on September 12, obtained permission from the Federal High Court in Abuja to further detain him for 60 days, in the first instance, pending the conclusion of their investigation.

    Also, the DSS, in a statement on reactions to Mamu’s arrest, said the public should “desist from making unguarded utterances and await the court proceedings.” That’s all well and good, but how long will the public have to wait?

    The gripping story of the Abuja-Kaduna train attack has not ended. It’s only moving to the next chapter.

     

     

     

     

     

  • Mbaka: After the punishment  

    Mbaka: After the punishment  

    It is an irony to wonder if a priest is reformed because priesthood strongly suggests reformation.  But it is difficult to avoid this question concerning the controversial Catholic cleric, Rev. Fr. Ejike Mbaka, who has a reputation for making high-profile political prophecies and scathingly attacking alleged underperformers in power.

    Interestingly, the beginning of Nigeria’s 2023 election campaigns in September coincided with the unbanning of Mbaka, who had been sanctioned in June for making political remarks that were unacceptable to the leadership of the Enugu Catholic Diocese. Mbaka is the head of the Adoration Ministry, Enugu, which was closed while the ban was in force.  The church reopened for its first mass on October 2 following Mbaka’s return to duty.

    He had got into trouble regarding his stinging criticism of Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi, whom he described as “a stingy man,” adding that “he is going nowhere.”

    His reasons? Referring to Obi’s political problems in his first term as governor of Anambra State, which ended in 2010, Mbaka had said: “When he was chased out of Government House, he knew the role I played to bring him back, but how did he pay me back? … Ask Peter since then what he used to reward Adoration.”

    So, it seemed like a case of a bitter, unforgiving priest against an alleged ungrateful politician.

    Mbaka eventually apologised for putting Obi down following the intervention of the diocese leadership. “I am a servant of God. For the sake of peace, I ask for forgiveness in any way I am misunderstood,” he had said.

    The cleric is used to controversy connected with his political comments. The public is also used to his romance with controversy. In May 2021, for instance, he had said: “By now, with what is happening, President Buhari should honourably resign… If you can’t do it, either you resign or you be changed…  Either Buhari resigns by himself or he will be impeached.”

    Presidential spokesman Garba Shehu, well known for his combativeness, had attributed the priest’s position to an alleged grudge. He claimed that Mbaka was hostile because he had unsuccessfully asked the president for contracts as compensation for his support.

    Remarkably, Mbaka, who was ordained a priest of the Roman Catholic Church in 1995, had controversially prophesied victory for Buhari over then incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015.  This was perhaps his greatest political prophecy. When the prophecy happened, the prophet became the one to watch.

    But in 2018 he told President Buhari to forget about reelection. He had said: “As I was waiting on the Lord, I’m asked to advise you, don’t come out for a second tenure; after this, retire peacefully. Come back to yourself or you will cry by the time you will be sent out of office. Those who are encouraging you to come out and run again want to disgrace you shamefully and publicly.” Buhari was reelected in 2019.

    Not surprisingly, Mbaka drew public attention following the fulfillment of his prophecy that Hope Uzodimma would become Imo State governor after the removal of Emeka Ihedioha. It seemed far-fetched because of Uzodimma’s position in the governorship election result announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

    He had declared: “I bless Hope Uzodimma, and empower him to spiritually take over.” It’s food for thought that the Supreme Court judgement, in January 2020, was consistent with his prophecy.  It was bragging time, and a euphoric Mbaka took advantage of it.

    It was striking when the priest, in May 2021, said of the same Uzodimma: “If he is receiving advice from this sanctuary, he will not be messing up.”

    An incident reported in December 2020 depicted Mbaka in a bad light. He was said to have supported and encouraged his followers who manhandled a team of BBC journalists at his house in Emene town, Enugu State.

    This account presents an ugly picture indeed. Chioma Obianinwa and Nnamdi Agbanelo were supposed to interview him at his church but were asked to follow him to his house after the church service to conduct the interview. Their driver, Ndubuisi Nwafor, was with them.

    At the house, as they waited in the compound, they “were suddenly surrounded by about 20 men.” Obianinwa said the men seized their equipment, accused them of writing “negative reports about Mbaka,” and threatened to kill them.

    According to her, “The men outside his house said BBC Igbo writes negative things about Mbaka and started beating Nnamdi, Solomon and Ndubuisi. They gave them heavy blows on their heads and all over their body.”

    At one point, Mbaka came out of the house because of the noise. But he allegedly fuelled the assault, calling the reporter “satanic.”   ”This fired up the men to continue the attacks as Father Mbaka continued shouting and abusing us,” she said.  ”He asked his men to seize our phones and cameras. They said they would kill us and nothing would happen. They removed my wig and tried to strangle Nnamdi.”

    The journalists faced danger. Obianinwa screamed that the world would know they were killed in Mbaka’s house. “At this point,” she said, “Father Mbaka asked us to leave before his men killed us. He asked them to return our equipment and they chased us out of the compound. His men trailed us till we left the state to seek medical assurance and police help.”

    It sounds unbelievable.  Such a conduct is not expected of a priest and his followers. Perhaps the devil was around in that compound that evening.

    Mbaka’s silence on the report was not clarifying.  Did such a thing happen as claimed by the alleged victims? Apart from his intriguing prophetic performances, he should not also be known for maltreating journalists.

    Notably, he was suspended and activities at his church stopped because, according to the Catholic Bishop of Enugu Diocese, Callistus Onaga, some of his “teachings and utterances” were “not consistent with the teachings and faith of the Catholic Church.”

    Mbaka has argued for prophetic performers, saying, “Those who are advocating banning prophecy are ungodly.  The Catholic Church is a prophetic church. Stopping prophecy is closing the mouth of the Holy Spirit.”

    This suggests that the public should expect political content and hot political prophecies from him now that he has returned to his duty post, and the 2023 elections are approaching.  According to him, “I support good people and good governance.” Mbaka’s three-month punishment is unlikely to have reformed him.

  • Ayu’s tip of the iceberg

    Ayu’s tip of the iceberg

    It is no easy thing to be named Iyiorcha Ayu. The man is still trying to free himself from the charge that he obtained a tip of a billion naira. The man is too dumbstruck to utter a word. He must be fretting over Nyesom Wike’s threat to escalate the revelation. And then, the escalation blew up from within. Ayu may have collected, but the alleged N1 billion in Lagos has turned out to be a tip of the iceberg.

    A purse of about N10 billion suddenly evaporated. Haba! The spokesperson said it was to house its bigwigs. But how do you give money to a person who does not know why he got it? Then those persons kept the money and were already fantasising how to spend it, when they realised they had to refund. Only after this newspaper had revealed the truth as a wind blows open the hind feathers of a mother hen. Is this PDP’s DNA?

    Can we forget what happened during Jonathan? When the national security adviser understood that the security of the pockets was a prime assignment of his fellows, and billions starting moving around, even the media was not spared the hurricane of free cash. Ayu is ONSA part two. Is that why Wike wants Ayu fired? If he can collect a princely sum, why can’t others collect measly cash? As measly as N28 million. What is good for Ayu is cooing for others in the party. Now, not many will be so heroic to refund. The party bigwigs need housing, eh?

    Read Also: PDP: Ayu returns to meet more headaches

    Indeed, they need to buy some of the houses the BOS of Lagos, Babajide Sanwo-Olu is building for first-time home owners in the city and the ones the trojan of works, Babatunde Fashola (SAN) has completed in parts of the country. They need to abandon their rented huts first.

    We cannot have our big men remain homeless, not when there are billions wasting away in the party vault. Forget the masses, if we don’t house those who own houses in Ikoyi and Maitama, what example of prosperity shall we bequeath to the common folks? Maybe they want to live among the masses, and apply for three bed-room bungalows instead of the fifty-room complexes that no one occupies, since the kids are away in the west anyway.

    Don’t tell me that some have converted some of the money to dollars and pounds and some of their kids are already shopping in Manhattan and Champs Elysees in Paris. Perish the thought.

     

     

  • As the whistle blows

    As the whistle blows

    As the campaigns begin, we should look outside. The world elite is failing this generation. Hence our candidates ought to learn, and voters ought to guard their PVCs. It is an age without vision or example. Its heroes are pigmy, its ideas a soap bubble, and its malice large. Conscience has retreated to tribe and tent, and crowds worship to disguise their worry. Faith has swapped temples when it has not swamped it. The leaders, though puny at heart, have lifted themselves above the earth like some Roman emperors, including Commodus and Julius Caesar. They are becoming gods in human flesh.

    This is not a time to wish our leaders to travel. When they are not lounging at home, they are in an airport lounge. As the campaigns hoot off, I would have asked them to hop across the world and observe one great tragedy: this is an age of poor leaders.

    The big nations are stumbling like humpty dumpty. This is happening both in the west and east. Just last week, Great Britain’s new prime minister Liz Truss came back to earth after bidding the queen farewell to heaven. And what a crash. It may defer her own crash, but not so the pound, her ratings, the mortgage crisis, and the fear the former great colonial metropolis faces an economic apocalypse. A woman voted in by less than two percent of the country developed a blueprint that is giving the country the blues. It’s Truss without trust. Her predecessor made a bravado of cunning. He got caught, and it ruffled him like his crown of hair.

    The US is in the after-glow worm of Trump’s imperial sway, a man that turned barbarism into a virtue of state policy, and he is being cheered with animal glee. He lies to lie again, cheats with a smirk, bullies like a right and hates like an article of faith. Even a man who may be called a little Trump, known as Ron DeSantis, is turning imitation into a savage art. Recently, this governor of Florida lied to immigrants and dumped them in a no-man’s-land. It’s a small reminder of the Middle Passage of the slavery era.

    In Brazil, we have an ex-soldier, Jair Bolsonaro, a fuddy-duddy as hoodlum on the throne and he is seeking a second term. He, too, is aping Trump, trying to raise bullying into the status of statecraft. The polls, I hope, are what they promise: a shellacking for him. He defied Covid leading to many deaths, damaged the economy and its green earth, turned a blind eye to corruption, and swaggered as though he owned the country.

    In China, Premier Xi Jinping mismanaged COVID-19 pandemic and wanted to profit by it when it prostrated the rest of the world. He is shutting town after town and its soaring economy is unable to flap a nimble wing. He is turning his hubris on Taiwan and ratcheting up global tension of superpower fear with the United States.

    Of course, we have Vladimir Putin, who has what I call Caligula complex, combining paranoia with megalomania. His troops have fallen flat in Ukraine, and David is now gloating over a big, lumbering Goliath.

    The tragedy is not that these leaders rule without a clue. It is that they have a tribe of followers. They cheer. They rant. They abuse others who are not of their type, race or party. They line behind their leader without questioning.  Their leaders lie, they believe them. When they are used to believing lies, they too becoming like their leaders. They start lying, too, with the face of a hyena. We are witnessing that already here in Nigeria.  Stats are wrong. Economic analyses are wrong. Data is concocted. We cannot blame them for their ignorance. The level of education has fallen. It has also affected their ability to see with their eyes. The followers name fictions as people. People’s faces are not their faces. Someone’s son is not someone’s son. We should not blame the Maker for their lack of good sight. Maybe they have stayed in the sun for too long, or some form of malnourishment has affected their capacity for visual accuracy. We must do something about making fish available in our diet to enrich them with the right vitamins, so some do not see a short man and call him a giant, or see Hamzats in the wrong places, or think one bald man they know must be any bald man in a picture, especially in a hospital with a white woman. Their bad sights make them fulfil Shakespeare’s mockery in a question, “But are not some whole that we want to make sick?”

    We need bold vision, not bald vision.

    Read Also: ‘Our framework protects whistleblowers’

    They have no ideology or game plan. hen they do, it is about tossing the other guy, impoverishing the weak, and enthroning a set of people to the agony of others. Putin is in a desperate condition. He called a sham poll in a region to annex cities he knows he cannot defend. He wants to scare the Ukrainians on pain of nuclear blast. That is a coward’s line. They are turning upside down the point of playwright Jean Paul Sartre that “hell is other people.”

    We must look for people who have done things. Those who cannot be fly-by-night. Those who do not lie about their past and their followers have no clue what is true or not but are hiding behind him to pursue a furtive agenda.

    If we had a Putin, we have also a Zelensky, a man who has a clear vision on how to win a war for the people. Not a rabble rouser who knows that he has followers like the ladies in Shakespeare’s play, Julius Caesar. During a parade, some women hail Caesar with such zest that a mutineer called Casca says, “If Caesar had stabbed their mothers, they would have done no less.” Trump said similar things about his supporters. It’s like Jesus’ caution about blind leaders leading the blind into a ditch.

    This election should be about reason, not wild sentiment.

    Travel may not help our leaders if they go abroad and see the puny leaders on the world stage. We may consider one of the wisest men who ever lived and regarded as the father of modern philosophy. Immanuel Kant, that is. His eye never spied past sixty miles of his village his whole life.

    Another writer, the tempestuous Emile Zola of the Dreyfus case, said, “Nothing develops intelligence like travel.” He knew about that. He fattened on exile even as he churned out a 21-novel series on one family. We had an Ajala, who scanned the earth but had no other story to tell us than that he scanned the earth.

    So, travel is neither good nor bad. It is not the body that travels but the mind. Some travel, as they read books, to confirm their lies or absorb new landscapes of ideas. It may not be true after all, as Nobel Laureate Olga Takarczuk wrote in her novel Flights, that “barbarians don’t travel.”

    Let our leaders’ minds travel with vision.