Category: Monday

  • Overpowered  by insecurity

    Overpowered by insecurity

    Powerlessness is weakness in a situation that not only demands power but also the effective use of power. Nigeria’s security crisis continues to expose the Federal Government’s incapacity, and many Nigerians are wondering what is happening.

    Two recent striking incidents illustrated this lack of power.  The Kuje prison attack and jailbreak on the night of July 5 was a national nightmare. The chairman of the House of Representatives’ Committee on Correctional Service, Edwin Anayo, said the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS) had recaptured 421 inmates who fled the custodial facility in Kuje, but 454 were still at large.

    During an oversight visit to the facility on July 14, he said the committee had summoned Minister of Interior Rauf Aregbesola and Comptroller-General of the NCoS Haliru Nababa to appear before it following the terrorist attack on the Kuje Custodial Centre, Abuja. The committee had also invited the Commander of the Nigerian Army Platoon on duty on the night of the attack, he added.

    Many Boko Haram members were among the escapees.  The Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP) claimed responsibility for the raid on the prison. The release of terrorists by terrorists was disturbing.

    Contradictory responses from two ministers did not help matters. Police Affairs Minister Maigari Dingyadi said the defenders were overpowered because the attackers were more in number and better armed, while Aregbesola said the protectors were enough in number and adequately equipped.

    Aregbesola, whose ministry is in charge of correctional centres across the country, said: “I am disappointed by the level of defence by the team that was put here to protect the facility.

    “We have enough men and officers to protect this facility but unfortunately they could not hold their position effectively for defence and that was the reason for the breach.”

    According to him, “If fortification for security is determinant of whether it is medium or maximum, it is medium by size but maximum by the security provided.

    “We have a platoon of military officers and men deployed here…that’s the fighting wing of the army in the most sophisticated battle. So what are you talking about? We have here the highest grade of military, police and other security forces for deployment for protection.”

    The authorities failed, and had a lot of explaining to do. But explanations will never be enough. The situation demands action.

    Another nightmarish incident followed.  It was predictable that terrorists in the country would at some point aim for the sky if they are allowed to continue their terroristic activities.

    The terrorists who threatened to kidnap President Muhammadu Buhari demonstrated their lack of respect for the country’s security agencies. Their threat was the ultimate statement on the scale of insecurity in the country and the impotency of its security system.

    The threat was part of a disturbing video released by the terrorists who abducted more than 60 train passengers on the Abuja-Kaduna route on March 28.

    The new video showed the terrorists flogging some of the abductees still in captivity. One of them said:  “This is our message to the government of Nigeria and just as you have seen these people here, by God’s grace, you will see your leaders; your senators and governors will come before us. These ones you are seeing here, we will keep some as our slaves and sell them off just as our Imam told you in the past.”

    He added: “Just like the Chibok girls that were sold off, we will equally sell these ones as slaves. If you don’t adhere to our demands, we will kill the ones we need to kill and sell the remaining. By God’s grace, El-Rufai, Buhari, we will bring you here.”

    The speaker spoke in Hausa and sounded serious.  His words suggested that the terrorists were targeting Buhari, who is also Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria, and Governor of Kaduna State Nasir El-Rufai.

    By declaring their intention to kidnap the president, and also governors and senators, the terrorists showed that they want to take terrorism to a new level in the country.

    It is noteworthy that suspected terrorists had, on July 5, attacked President Buhari’s advance team of security guards, protocol and media officers. “The attackers opened fire on the convoy from ambush positions,” said Buhari’s spokesman.  Two policemen were killed. The incident happened near Dutsinma, Katsina State. The team was travelling to Daura ahead of Buhari’s trip to his hometown for Sallah.

    In a reaction to the video and the threat, the Senior Special Assistant to the President, Garba Shehu, said in a statement: “The country’s security and defence forces are not clueless or helpless. They have their plans and ways of doing things… It suffices to say that the security forces are not relenting. They are acutely aware of their duties, responsibilities and what the nation expects of them.”

    It was a routine reaction. Talk is cheap. The situation demands action.

    It was ridiculous that after a National Security Council (NSC) meeting on July 28, National Security Adviser (NSA) Maj. Gen. Babagana Monguno indirectly accused the people of inaction.

    He said: “The council has seen it necessary to inform the general public that fighting in this type of asymmetric conflict is a collective effort, it’s not something that should be confined to only the security, intelligence and law enforcement agencies.”

    He even blamed the killing of Guards Brigade personnel in Bwari in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) on alleged failure of the people on security. “A few days ago, troops of the Guards Brigade were ambushed and decimated,” he observed.  “Had there been a collective effort by way of just snippets of information, we might have averted that incident. That is not to say that the responsibility is for those outside the security domain, it’s a collective responsibility.”

    His definition of “collective responsibility” abnormally redefined public responsibility regarding intelligence gathering. It absurdly shifted the burden of security from the security agencies to the people. Also, collecting intelligence is one thing and acting on it is another thing. In other words, intelligence gathering without action is worthless. The situation demands action.

    Nigerian Army spokesman Brig. Gen. Onyema Nwachukwu, who announced the redeployment and appointment of some officers last week, said the Chief of Army Staff “has directed all the newly appointed senior officers to redouble their effort and commitment to duty in tackling the security challenges bedeviling the nation.”

    It remains to be seen whether this move will have any positive effect on insecurity in the country. The situation demands action.

  • Bello saw Abuja attacks!

    Bello saw Abuja attacks!

    Those familiar with Nigeria’s security situation would not be surprised at the panic that enveloped the Federal Capital Territory FCT, Abuja following resurging terrorism attacks.

    Governor Abubakar Bello of Niger State saw it coming and warned of its consequences. But he was neither taken seriously nor steps taken to address his fears. In November last year, he cried out about Boko Haram infiltration of the state, hoisting flags in captured communities including Kaure village in the Shiroro Local Government Area.

    He then warned that with the proximity of Kaure, a two-hour drive to the FCT, “nobody is safe anymore not even Abuja residents”. Before then, many Nigerians had variously expressed apprehension at the ease with which non-state actors compromise strategic national institutions. That was the prevailing feeling when terrorists attacked the Kuje Correctional Centre, Abuja for which Islamic State West Africa Province ISWAP claimed responsibility.

    The security situation in the FCT took to the worse last week after the killing of two officers of the elite Presidential Guards’ Brigade and six other military men ambushed by terrorists as they went to investigate a threat to the Nigerian Law School, Bwari.

    The killings coupled with reports of impending attack on the seat of government, heightened the air of insecurity leading to the shutting down of schools in the FCT. That should be the first of its type that schools within the FCT were hurriedly shut for fear of terrorism attacks. But it remains a big statement on the general level of insecurity across the country.

    Given the ease the Kuje correctional facility succumbed to the superior planning and firepower of the terrorists, there is every reason to fear their capacity to make good their attack threats. Additionally, the ambush and killing of the officers and men of the Presidential Guards’ Brigade suggest that those who carried out the attack, had insider information on that discreet assignment.

    Nobody is sure any longer of what is really happening. And if the FCT could succumb to the attacks witnessed in the last few weeks, residents have genuine reasons to feel sufficiently threatened.

    Ironically, we are being told that President Buhari has done more than expected of him in ensuring the security of Nigerians. Presidential aide, Garba Shehu, while reacting to a trending video of terrorists flogging captives of the Abuja- Kaduna train attack, had itemized those fulfilled expectations in terms of moral, material and equipment support to the military.

    Even if we assume the president has given the military all the needed support in the war against terrorism, has that achieved the desired result? It is one thing to give such support and entirely different ball game to suggest it has brought about improved security in the country. Far from it!

    So when we are told that the president has done more than expected of him in securing the country, one begins to wonder whether the author of such statement is operating from the moon.

    The president could not have done more than expected of him on security when the very seat of government is so seriously assailed that schools had to be hurriedly shut down and residents thrown into fear and trepidation. He could not have done enough with the spate of senseless killings and kidnapping for ransom that have debased the worth of human life in this country.

    Even if the context of that statement is to indict the military for their inability to secure the country having been presumably given the necessary support, the final responsibility for their failure rests squarely on the table of the president.

    As the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, the president takes responsibility for the inability of the security agencies to secure the country. The ball stops on his court and it is his sole duty to hold his appointees responsible for their actions or inaction that is fast tilting the country to the precipice.

    So it is just not enough to claim the president has done all that is expected of him to secure the country. The critical question is to what extent have those measures been able to achieve the desired result of securing the lives and property of the citizenry?

    He could not have done all that is expected of him when the security of the very seat of government he occupies is regularly assailed and compromised by non-state actors with our security forces seemingly helpless. If the president has done his best in the face of the unceasing and embarrassing insecurity across the country, then his best has not been good enough.

    Nothing underscores this frustration than the threat by some senators to initiate impeachment proceedings against the president if within six weeks, he does not take substantial measures to address the biting insecurity that is about to consume the country. The security situation has got to a point that questions the ability and capacity of the Buhari regime to live up to its basic reason for existence.

    It is increasingly raising serious challenges to the social contract theory- the bedrock on which the foundation of modern states rests. A government that is increasingly unable to discharge its part of this reciprocity will be hard put to command the loyalty of the citizenry. It is a serious existential challenge both from the point of view of the citizens and the government.

    The situation has continued to evoke speculations as to whether there is an agenda behind the spectre of terrorism in the country. The ease with which well-armed foreign terrorists stray and take refuse in our forests and bushes from where they mount regular attacks on harmless citizens conveys the unmistakable impression of a state on the brink of failure.

    Yet, we are busy disarming local vigilante services that maintain some semblance of security in the localities. Disarming the vigilante services without reining in the terrorists hiding at their backyards has exposed citizens to the mercy of all forms of marauders. There is an emergency on national security and the government must respond very decisively to allay fears of possible compromise and an agenda.

     

  • A Smart idea

    A Smart idea

    It is a quiet onslaught against the enemy at the door. In these days of stealth attacks and the rage of bandits, the great unknown is the identity. If we can trace where you buy and where you  work, we can catch you when you strike. Hence we cannot underestimate what the BOS of Lagos, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, is doing by introducing a smart card that will mark every Lagosian with an ID. It is not a dumb one like the type we now have with the federal. This one codifies your activity and doings in such a way that you are integrated into the system.

    It is billed as documenting your daily lives and interaction with government and public services, but it also creates a community that shields us while keeping tabs of the others, especially those on the fringes. It also covers the gamut of financial services and mobility. It is the beginning of a revolution of security, if sustained. It is a potent intelligence against the thief and burglar of our peace. It is pathway to modernity.

    As Lagos has always being the pioneer of ideas in the polity, I hope this prescient innovation spreads and we can learn from it and reap as a nation.

     

     

  • From CAN to cant

    From CAN to cant

    From the effusions of the Christian Association of Nigeria, you would think we are living in a theocracy. They want to subvert Nigeria into God’s Own Country, a spoof of the United States’ self-congratulatory appropriation of the term. These self-styled Christian soldiers want to make this country a Bible belt without following the Bible scent. Nobody sent them from heaven.

    They throw dirt. They reinvent hell. They make monsters of fellow mortals. They look askance at those who are not of our faith. They have, in their rhetoric and acts, created their own versions of Saint Augustine’s City of God.

    Yet even the old bard of God did not espouse bigotry. Augustine never extoled a world where non-believers had no airings or hearing. This is what we have seen in their outcry over the Tinubu-Shettima ticket. But we are witnessing their wet dreams of a Christian inquisition. They want to crucify Tinubu or hang Shettima at the stakes. They are evincing the sort of racial rage of America’s Jim Crow era when whites ritualised the execution of black men after church. They go to church, chant hallelujah and amen, then go outside to ogle bullets as they dissolve black lives in blood and tears. For them, it is like a matinee, or family barbecue, grilled in the indignant coal dust of white fire.

    They forget that Nigeria is a secular state. Nigeria is not a Christian state. It is neither a Muslim state. So, skewing the Christian pulpit to impugn a political party flirts with the law. They are not supposed to endorse a party, or desecrate another as they are doing. A pastor violates the law when he asks his folks to vote one party against another.

    Of course, we cannot live as hostages in this world. So as Christians, we must engage. But not acting as bare-faced partisans. The law is not ambiguous on it. As lawyer Jiti Ogunye notes, some CAN members are flying in the face of the law. At the TVC Breakfast show last week, I warned that CAN can be sued for breaking the law and inciting Nigerians on the basis of religion. The Electoral Law says, in section 97 (1) that “A candidate, person or association who engages in campaigning or broadcasting based on religious, tribal or sectional reason for the purpose of promoting or opposing a particular party or the election of a particular candidate, commits an offence under this Act and is liable on conviction…”

    It anoints the separation of church and state. CAN has fallen foul of this. They should refrain from a faecal stain in our communal pool. The Christian does not make enemies but follows peace with all men. Jesus gave us enough examples. Look at the Samaritan woman. Jacob’s well is an enduring metaphor of betrothal, but with Jesus it is outreach between the Jew and non-Jew, and the miracles that come out of it. Paul advances it by saying a person is a “Jew inwardly,” and not by appearance. Abraham’s children, Paul said, are not by blood but by faith. We are neither Jew nor Greek, but one. He opens the Christian arm. It’s not a call to arms. Hence Christ said let the wheat and tares dwell together. Jesus himself said, “My kingdom is not of this world. If my kingdom were of this world, then will my servants fight.”

    What CAN does is the opposite. They make the Muslim a devil. By their hysteria, CAN is bonding the Muslims. Rather CAN should follow the Psalmist advice: “How good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity.”

    CAN is pharisaic. When the PDP chose a northern Muslim over a southern Christian, they said nothing. They were dead from the neck up. They also kept mum on the geo-political injustice. Now, they would rather have a northern Christian as number two, than a southern Christian as president and number one. So, they ignored Wike, a southern Christian, when a Muslim pooh-poohed him. But they are crying like hyenas for a northern Christian to play second fiddle. CAN is discriminating against the southern Christian. That is why CAN is described as the political wing of the PDP.

    Other than defying the law, they are defiling the solemn oath of Christ. What they should do is to pursue the higher virtues of love, peace and joy in the Holy Ghost. They should preach against corruption, lies and hypocrisy. Such agenda aims at Saint Augustine’s bull’s eye of the City of God. America’s Christian Right advances their own platforms, sometimes simplified as God, guns and gays. They have sullied the scriptures with their culture. German Christian Democratic Party furthers conservative policies but never carry the bible or cross the campaign grounds. Angela Merkel never quoted the Bible in public and was more open to Muslim immigrants than many of our CAN behemoths.

    CAN should ape Moses who leaned over to learn from his in-law Jethro, a non-Jew, on how to govern.

    The 30 men of God who attended Shettima’s unveiling as vice president is no big deal. Some tarnish them as mechanics, carpenters, et al. The media, without investigation, fell into the mania. Have they identified one after the other and said, Bishop so-and-so, is not a bishop but runs a mechanic workshop at Mushin? No such rigour. The media ignored the unveiling of the unveiling at the event. That is, Shettima’s adopted son Paul Ojukwu. None can say Paul is no Christian. No Biafran can deny the name Ojukwu. Name a southern Christian governor who can huff over adopting a northern Muslim he met at a shop, saw his talent, adopted him, sponsored him to acquire a bachelor’s degree, two master’s degrees and is placing him on the cusp of a PHD? Who can boast a cross-pollinated feat such as Shettima’s? many self-pollinate. CAN may see it as contamination because they have not commented yet.

    CAN must learn to follow Christ and touch souls rather than torch crisis. CAN should move from the hustings to the Bible and research the sons of Issachar, who aligned with the right leaders because they read, like Christ enjoined later, the signs of the times. They knew David would be king before others.

     

  • The great Mike turns 70

    The great Mike turns 70

    I doff my heart to a true professional, Mike Awoyinfa, who just turned 70. Men like him are rare in a profession.

    He has brought a revolutionary flair to his trade. He literally gave us a new journalism when he became editor of Weekend Concord. He injected an edgy, vibrant tone to news. He is unmatched in headline casting, giving it a joyous magnificence.

    Whoever saw Mike’s headline can compare it to a box of candies. He knows how to make something out of nothing in news and he does not fear to humble the powerful.

    In this age of bigotry, his best friend, an Igbo, was the blessed Dimgba Igwe, a man who was a twin to him and lived next door until death snatched the great Dimgba.

    Mike is a great human being, a soulful columnist, a man of letters.

    May he continue to flourish.

  • Atiku: an open Pharisee

    Atiku: an open Pharisee

    In an interview last week, PDP presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar made himself an open Pharisee when he said he did not like a Muslim in the north to be on the APC ticket.

    Who is he to talk about fairness or balancing? If he wanted fairness, why did he rig a southern Christian out of the ticket out of ambition? But for a mockery of balancing, he would not be the PDP flag-bearer.

    He rigged the system in his own favour and enlisted a southern quisling like Ifeanyi Okowa to rid a southern candidate like Wike. He is a stranger to principles, except to parrot dead-eyed ideas and hop like a whore from party to party.

    He lied on television, saying he didn’t support Tinubu in their earlier incarnation in AC  because of Muslim-Muslim ticket. He thinks we have no memory that he envied Kingibe when he paired with Abiola.

    Atiku lobbied in vain to be on a Muslim-Muslim ticket. Even his anaemic rebuttal of Tinubu’s onslaught ran shy of the topic. He didn’t get the slot from MKO. He should deny and let all those, including witnesses like reporters and politicians, expose his tendentious lies. The ghost of Shehu Yar’Adua, who nominated him will choke his night sleep.

    He wanted to soar as a historian and intellectual but goofed big time. His interviewers could not correct him that Abraham Lincoln didn’t fail any bid for U.S. president. Atiku also showed himself a dubious public servant when he paired with Yar-Adua to set up a business when still a customs officer. He might have been fired if it can be done retroactively. So, he flunked his history, flunked morality test, tumbled to the ground in the world of ideas. And he wants to be president? He should ask Okowa how he secured his rubberstamp assembly to get him N270 billion loan without any reading or legislative scrutiny. What governor! What morons of an assembly! No due process. Nothing in the interview provoked anyone to deep thought or messianic hope about our country. Maybe he did not get the right questions, but he, for sure, did not give a good answer for Nigerians about jobs, power, peace and coexistence. He cannot even balance his party now with governors not willing to campaign for him. He cannot even walk to Wike’s door and expect the hoarse dramatist not to yell him out of the neighbourhood.

    Atiku is still the old Atiku, without originality. He needs to intoxicate us with audacity. Rather, he sterilised the hour he was on air. He has done little in his biography to inspire. Even his interview did not redeem him.  The time will come in the coming weeks and months to dissect this man who is making himself a desperado without desiderata.

     

     

  • A bandit’s coronation gone awry

    A bandit’s coronation gone awry

    The aphorism, it takes a thief to catch a thief, found real life expression in the Sabon Birin Yandoto Emirate of Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State penultimate Saturday.

    This cliché found relevance when a notorious repentant bandit leader, Adamu Aliero was turbaned Serkin Fulani (leader of Fulani) by the Emir of Yandoto, Aliyu Garba Marafa. Reason: he is expected to combine his knowledge of banditry and associated criminality with his new royal position to stem the tide of banditry in the emirate.

    The brief and very colourful ceremony was attended by more than 100 bandits in a show of solidarity. The horde of bandits still in active service, stormed the scene in a convoy of motorcycles though without arms and ammunitions.

    Aliero, touted for his daring banditry escapades in both Zamfara and Katsina states earned the goodwill of the emir when he agreed at a meeting to stop attacking communities and villages in the emirates and to allow residents access to their farms.

    The emir was moved to confer the chieftaincy title on him to ensure that in his new capacity, the repentant bandit leader will allow peace to return to the beleaguered emirate. Good calculations it would seem; especially in the face of the unceasing banditry that has reduced the state to a verity of the state of nature where life has become nasty, short and brutish.

    But unknown to the emir, he miscalculated. He appeared to have placed higher premium on the temporary reprieve his emirate will get from the rapprochement without factoring in all the angles to that action. And that turned out his greatest undoing.

    Zamfara State government was quick to dissociate itself from the action. It suspended the emir from the throne and appointed the district head to preside over the emirate pending the outcome of investigations into the incident.

    Whatever conclusions the panel reaches on the matter will determine the next line of action of the state government. That is the situation the emir is into. Poor him! His case is even made more complex by reactions from neighbouring Katsina State government and its state police command.

    Governor Aminu Masari of Katsina State is sad at the development vowing to have Aliero arrested for his criminal activities in the state if sighted. For the state police command, Aliero is still on their wanted list even as the prize of N5million placed on his head for any person with information that will lead to his arrest is still standing.

    He is wanted to answer charges bordering on criminal homicide, terrorism, armed robbery and kidnapping. That is how bad the situation is for the repentant bandit crowned Serkin Fulani.

    Nobody is sure where he is hiding presently given the heat generated by his turbaning and threats to get him arrested to answer for sundry criminalities. He must have gone back to his former ways; disappearing into the forests to avoid arrest by security agencies.

    From his hiding places, he would continue to launch attacks on communities with greater ferocity and dexterity than he hitherto did. Since the security agencies have been helpless in arresting him even with the bounty placed on his head, the frustrations that compelled the emir to seek peace with the bandit warlord should begin to make some sense.

    Yes, it is a big embarrassment that a notorious bandit could be conferred with such traditional title. The exercise is bound to raise questions as to whether he is being rewarded for his acts of criminality. Suspicion of complicity in the crime could also arise on the side of the emir.

    But as offensive to human sensibilities as the coronation is, the emir may have acted to protect his community from possible annihilation. He should not solely share the blame for his act of indiscretion or bad judgment. Unless it is established he has a hand in the banditry in his emirate, he appears a victim of circumstances beyond his control.

    Ironically, the extenuating circumstances that brought about this pass are at the heart of the inability of the federal government to discharge its statutory duty of maintaining law and order. But there is some hypocrisy in the noise on the coronation given the federal government’s policy of reintegration and reabsorption of repentant terrorists into its fold.

    The emir may have been influenced by that policy. After all, Masari had in the past entered into peace agreements with bandits, posing with their leaders in pictures clutching their sophisticated riffles. It was a clear celebration of banditry that almost immediately came to naught.

    Had security agencies lived up to their responsibility of protecting the lives and property of the emirate, the need to strike a noxious deal with a notorious bandit would not have arisen. The inability of the government to tame banditry and bring perpetrators to book had conferred on their leadership a larger-than-life image exposing the villagers to their mercy.

    If the government cannot be of reasonably help in curtailing violent criminalities suffocating Zamfara and other states, why complain about self-help? Or, is self-preservation no longer the first law of nature? Aliero is not the first criminal to get fame through devious escapades. Those who commit all manner of atrocities including killing people during elections to get to public limelight are as guilty as the turbaned bandit.

    It is not just enough to suspend the emir or even dethrone him unless he is found to be conniving with bandits. He may have acted naively. But the government should take responsibility for this seeming naivety for failing to protect them against banditry.

    The security situation in the emirate may even get worse if the government does nothing to protect the people from Aliero’s possible vengeance. Events in Zamfara are a sad reminder to the increasing slide of the country to a failed state.  This prospect can only be averted through adequate protection of our citizens against rising impunity and criminal annihilation by non-state actors.

     

  • Corruption and Covid-19 funds

    Corruption and Covid-19 funds

    There were people who saw the country’s fight against Covid-19 as a corruption opportunity, and seized the opportunity.  This was predictable, considering the corruption problem in the country, which the President Muhammadu Buhari administration claims to be fighting.

    The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) gave an insight into Covid-19 corruption.  Its chairman, Prof. Bolaji Owasanoye, said:  “The commission had observed discrepancies and infractions in the procurement and payments made by some ministries and agencies after the released and appropriate disbursement of Covid-19 funds.

    Some implicated MDAs refused the monitoring team access to their records thereby impeding the successful inquiry into their activities. These MDAs are flagged and will be investigated for breaches and infractions of the law and Covid-19 intervention funds guidelines and other procurement abuses.”

    He supplied the information in the context of the African Anti-Corruption Day 2022, which focused on “Strategies and Mechanisms for the Transparent Management of Covid-19 Funds.”  The African Union (AU) designated July 11 as the African Anti-Corruption Day.

    The AU said: “Since the pandemic started, the media has been awash with news of corruption, theft and mismanagement of funds as governments responded to Covid-19. These were related to lack of adherence to transparency and accountability measures in procurement processes, instances of waste, mismanagement in procurement of Covid-19 supplies and other reliefs such as safety nets and cash transfers.”

    The AU also said: “The neglect of transparency and accountability norms may have impacted on countries that were already facing governance challenges thereby contributing to the further weakening of the fight against corruption.”

    The focus on the management of Covid-19 funds is appropriate. Since the beginning of the pandemic in 2020, there have been reports of huge funds raised towards fighting it. For instance, the Nigeria Private Sector Coalition Against COVID-19 (CACOVID-19) Relief Fund had more than N27b as at April 2020.  The group’s target was to raise N120b  to provide medical equipment and materials, and also palliatives to the poor and vulnerable in the country.

    Management of Covid-19 funds should be transparent. It is curious that some Ministries, Departments and Agencies of Government (MDAs) refused to cooperate with the ICPC. Perhaps they have something to hide. The commission’s plan to carry out an investigation is commendable.

    It is important to ascertain how MDAs managed Covid-19 funds, and expose those who mismanaged the funds as well as those who stole the funds. Those implicated in wrongdoings should be prosecuted.

    The ICPC also observed that “in some instances the distribution of relief materials or palliatives was chaotic, disorderly and uncoordinated.”  In addition, the commission noted that “hoarding and diversion of materials were also common warranting the raids by people in some situations, facilities or locations warehousing palliatives. Some of such also created widespread violence.” Owasanoye also highlighted media reports of irregularities in the allocation and distribution of palliatives.

    These observations are correct. The coronavirus crisis had caused hardship that was compounded by a dangerous and combustible combination – extreme poverty, extreme hunger and extreme anger in the land.

    That had triggered looting by the extremely poor, extremely hungry, and extremely angry who looted warehouses containing Covid-19 lockdown relief items. There was a lot to loot in several states, which gave rise to the allegation that those who should have distributed the relief items had hoarded them.

    There was a need to explain why relief items that should have been distributed to the needy were seen in abundance in warehouses. The looters had demonstrated that those in charge of the distribution had failed to grasp the depth of their deprivation, which required swift remedial action.

    Swiftness mattered. But it was lacking.  That was why the private sector-led CACOVID and the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) had a lot of explaining to do.

    At the time, CACOVID spokesman Nwanosiobi Osita had explained: “The very large size of the order, and the production cycle required to meet the demand caused delays in delivering the food items to the states in an expeditious manner; hence, the resultant delay in delivery of the food palliatives by the state governors.”

    Also, NGF spokesman Abdulrazaque Bello-Barkindo was reported saying “no state has been involved in or has hoarded any palliatives,” explaining that about 10 states had delayed the distribution of the relief items because “the items meant for distribution in these states had not been completely received from CACOVID.”  But the concerned states should have distributed the items they had received.

    He added: “Some other states that still had palliatives in their warehouses chose to keep a strategic reserve ahead of a projected second wave of Covid-19.”  But the items they had should have been distributed.

    He also attributed the situation to the claim that “some states were still receiving palliatives from the Federal Government through the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development.” Received items should have been distributed.

    These efforts to rationalise the delay in distributing the relief items, and their abundance in warehouses in several states, suggested that CACOVID and several governors had failed to act with a sense of urgency. It was inexcusable that items meant to alleviate hardship were not supplied and distributed promptly.

    Those who were supposed to get the relief items needed immediate relief. They were faced with an emergency.  But those who were supposed to deal with the situation lacked a sense of urgency.

    Sadly, the theme of the African Anti-Corruption Day 2022 brought up the issue of corruption in the country yet again. There had been public concern that Covid-19 funds might be diverted, which reflected the unimpressive result of the war against corruption. There was the question whether the Federal Government could ensure that such funds did not end up in the pockets of corrupt government officials and their collaborators.

    The ICPC’s disclosure not only shows that there was room for corruption in the fight against the coronavirus but also that there was corruption.  Opportunists who saw the coronavirus crisis as a corruption opportunity, and seized the opportunity, should not be allowed to get away with corruption.

  • ASUU strike: who to blame

    ASUU strike: who to blame

    Who takes the blame for the lingering strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities ASUU? That is the searing poser thrown up by emerging altercations between the presidency and ASUU.

    President Buhari last week, warned ASUU that ‘enough is enough’ in the current strike that has shut down universities for about five months.  He urged the union to reconsider the strike as it would have generational consequences on families, the educational system and the future development of the country.

    But ASUU in reaction threw back the blame to the presidency. Its national president, Emmanuel Osodeke urged Nigerians to ask the government when it would attend to the demands of the union. He said “It will be a month on July 16, 2022 since they met with us. Nigerians should ask them when they will ask us to come and sign the report/agreement of the renegotiation meeting”.

    Other chapters of the union have also reacted variously arguing that enough cannot be enough until the president moves to reposition the decaying university education system. In sum, ASUU holds the government responsible for the prolonged strike due to its inability to sign renegotiated agreements to end the strike.

    The dispute centres largely on increasing government’s investment in the nation’s university infrastructure and payment of salaries through the recommended University Transparency and Accountability Solution, UTAS, among several other demands.

    At one time, the presidency argued that the agreement was signed in 2009; years before it came into office and at another, it pleaded insufficiency of funds. Now they want public intervention. The impression one gets is that the government is helpless in the matter and that ASUU is impervious to reason. But this claim is not supported by facts emerging from negotiations between the union and the government.

    The union said it agreed on certain terms with the Briggs committee and is waiting for the government to consummate them. But in a statement, the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Chris Ngige laboured to educate us on the difference between a proposal and an agreement as well as those on whose shoulders the duty to sign agreements should rest.

    But after that lengthy academic presentation targeted largely at discrediting ASUU, Ngige ended up admitting that even the proposal from the Briggs committee is still undergoing some processes at the governmental level. What this meant in essence is that the government is yet to come up with an offer five months thereon. So on what basis do they now require ASUU to go back to lectures or the public to intervene?

    When Buhari warned against the continued prolongation of the strike action, one began to wonder whether he was fully abreast of the current state of the matter. One had expected the president to have come clear on measures taken by his officials to ensure ASUU goes back to classes. There is no evidence of anything concrete. And nothing may come soon given the way Ngige spoke.

    So ASUU was right when it said enough cannot be enough without the government taking very concrete measures to address very comprehensively all the issues to the strike action. The public needs to know the position of the government on all issues to the dispute before the appeals to get them back to the lecture rooms can make meaning.

    Those who intend to persuade ASUU to resume work should have something concrete to offer them. But such persons will be seriously constrained as long as the government continues to prevaricate on the renegotiated agreement as clearly evidenced by the statement from the minister of labour.

    It is inappropriate for the president to place the blame on the union or seek the intervention of other Nigerians in an issue his officials are yet to address in a manner that shows good faith. ASUU is not the only university union currently on strike. Both NASU and SSANU have been out of work for months running for sundry grievances. It will be interesting to know how the government responded to their demands.

    The resolution of the dispute can neither be found in blame trading nor appeals to well-meaning citizens for intervention. Its solution lies in what the government intends to make of universities in the country; the premium it places on university education. If the universities must survive, then the government has no alternative than fund them adequately.

    That is the key issue. With the humongous amounts of money spent in some other sectors with little result, it should earmark substantial sums of money to breathe life once more into the universities. Needless to say that a nation that toys with the future education needs of its children is doomed for failure.

    But who really cares. After all, the very rich and those who squander our collective patrimony can always afford to send their children to foreign universities to get quality education. Is it not scandalous that we are regularly regaled with pictures and stories of children of governors, ministers and top government functionaries graduating with good honours degrees from foreign universities?

    And we are busy talking about elections when our children are taking to sundry crimes and criminality due to continued shutdown of the universities. Is it not better to suspend the noise on elections and address festering challenges bound to encumber a new regime? Or are we expecting that all these debilitating national challenges including the inexplicable spate of insecurity will abate once elections are conducted?

    I do not share in this blind optimism. Rather, these challenges will get worse with a new regime, precipitating outcomes capable of setting the country on edge. Legal luminary Afe Babalola thought along this line when he called for the suspension of elections to address the country’s debilitating challenges.

    Buhari who said he is in a hurry to go, must substantially address extant challenges so as not to encumber the next regime. Anything to the contrary will amount to a great disservice to this country.

  • The case for Shettima

    The case for Shettima

    Unless we love the truth, we cannot know it,” Blaise Paschal.

    Some have mounted a firewall against the truth about Kashim Shettima. They may hear the fact, but they go deaf. When they see it, they go blind. Like Prophet Daniel, when they read it, they don’t understand. When they feel, they become like Apostle Paul’s prophesy about this age and men whose consciences have been pierced with a hot iron.

    The SSS under an adversarial Jonathan government reported in 2012 that the militant Kabiru Sokoto came to Government House to kidnap Shettima’s children. He failed. Shettima was the governor of Borno then and he ferreted his children out of sight. If he was part of them, why did they want his kids? They attacked his convoy. Boko Haram leader Shekau named him among their wanted men. All of these made headlines.

    In another instance, I unearthed a footage from a 2017 interview I had with him in Eko Hotel when I interrogated him on the Christians under his watch. No one knew this day would come when his tolerance will endure bigoted scrutiny. The footage is now viral. In it, he confirmed the testimonies of the Borno CAN chairman, Mohammed. Boko Haram torched churches to ashes. Shettima rebuilt. Sixteen of them rose out of the ruins. He had Christian perm secs and commissioners, an Igbo and Urhobo men as advisers. All of these were firsts in Borno history, virginal in the north. He sent the state pastors on pilgrimage, and devoted special funds for displaced Christians. His personal chef was a man named Peter, from Cross River, and he followed him to his home in Abuja. He trains his children. This could be testimonies of a Christian governor, but how many governors who profess Christ have this pious fortitude, or anything close to his empathy. He paid the Christians personal visits.

    They want to give him a bad name in order to hang him. In their obsession with what they call Muslim-Muslim ticket, they are not peering his soul but his robe. Yet in their Bibles, Jesus says “Judge not according to appearance. Judge righteous judgment.”

    The outcry over his candidacy is all about hypocrisy. See Edo State, for instance, a minority Muslim population thrives. Yet, it has Christian governor, deputy. No tears seen. There is no southern state without a Muslim minority, no matter how little. The noise by men like Babachir Lawal about a Christian minority in the north is self-serving. Some of the clerics have no justice in their churches. They fleece their followers, kiss the skies with their private jets, lap in mansions abroad and cocoon off-shore accounts as well as investments in blue-chip companies flush with tithes and offerings. Hence, Apostle Peter warned the flocks that they will make “merchandise of you.” They have become priests of politics instead of shepherds of erring souls.

    If they cared about the country, why did they not make a heckle over PDP’s choice of a northern presidential candidate and party chairman? Is that also not a show of injustice? Is that not defiance of balance?

    Those who dismiss the 1993 Abiola-Kingibe ticket have a negative mindset. They invoke the demons of our past rather than the angels. If it worked then, why should it not work now? When we recall that even in this country a Muslim prime minister and deputy were Muslims in the First Republic, a Yakubu Gowon, Admiral Wey and David Ejoor were Christians or that Buhari and Idiagbon were Fulani Muslims, they point to the fragile ethno-religious tension of today as if we never had it in those years. As if we never had Zango-Kataf, or we never had Maitatsine, or OIC.

    We cannot live outside our past. Great nations borrow from their great ages and invoke them for a renaissance. The age of Renaissance was about that, a fervour to rake Europe out of a straitjacket of bigotry and warfare. The Renaissance gave us The Christian Reformation with Martin Luther, Calvin, et al. The founding fathers of the United States also burrowed the democracy of the Greek age. Men like Jefferson, Hamilton, Adams revived their visions and wrote newspaper articles under pseudonyms of the Greek philosophers. Today, their leaders whip up the air of their greats like Washington, Lincoln, Roosevelt. It is the value of history. We do not take an oedipal view of history by killing our fathers. We filter their virtues. The Sophocles’ Greek tragedy adapted by Ola Rotimi for our circumstance only tells us that we can only run away from our past at our own peril. Soren Kierkegaard, the existential philosopher who was enamoured of Christian faith, noted that “Life can only be understood backwards; but it must be lived forward.” As American writer William Faulkner wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.” Faulkner was following a tradition of time concepts that harks back to men like Plato, Saint Augustine and even the French philosophes. That’s how all things become new. Time is what or when you make it. Soyinka tapped into it in his essay, When Is A Nation.

    We have to decide whether we want a country where the confession of the faith will not matter except the content of their character and quality of their vision. It is not strange to us, not revolutionary. We only need to dredge it up and enjoy. If we had a Gowon-Wey combo, we can have Christian-Christian. If we had Buhari-Idiagbon, we can have Muslim-Muslim. When that happens, it will not be described as such, but as a Nigerian-Nigerian ticket. That is how I began that narrative a few weeks ago. We gave birth to prejudice by skewing and skewering us with the foul term. It is sometimes called rhetoric of discourse, a term coined from Michel Foucault.  Was it not in this country, in Jos, where Christians and Muslims celebrated Sallah and Christmas together as godsend? Not long ago, we had a debate over sukuk loan and Islamic banking, and Christian bigots opened spigots of prejudice. They spoke of Islamisation. Today, do their pastors not drive tithe-powered posh cars through highways designated Sukuk-funded roads? Did the road lead them to perdition? The top Israeli novelist, A. B. Yehoshua, in his work Mr. Mani, unveils a comedic scene where a Jewish woman on an emergency ends up in an Arab hospital in Jerusalem and an awkward scene of a Muslim treating a Jew ensues. They have the same human bodies and systems.

    Part of this hysteria is to divert attention from the Atiku-Okowa crisis where even at their Osun rally we saw no Wike, Makinde, Ikpeazu or Ortom. Turning the heat on the Muslim-Muslim ticket will not wipe Wike away, or the scandal of Okowa as an unpopular imposition. As Shakespeare warned, truth sunk into the earth shall sprout again. Again, Apostle Paul said, we can do nothing against the truth but for the truth.

    As I noted, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu made the choice of Shettima, and rather than interrogate the former Borno governor, they are feeding fat on poison. They should look at his cosmopolitanism, a man schooled in Borno, did his master’s degree in Ibadan, his Youth service in Calabar, worked in Kaduna and spent years as a bank manager in Lagos. The man who caused quite a stir when, as governor, he brought some of his exco members  to a place around Onigbongbo, Maryland, Lagos where he ate his favorite mama put delicacies like amala.

    When the north yielded to a southern president, the south threw up Tinubu. Why would anyone want to pick the north choice for them? Some have said it is a cold-eyed choice because of the numbers. That line forgets that if we want a majority to anoint a minority, we do it by persuasion, not fiat. The northern Christians ought to play the game of persuading the overwhelming northern Muslim majority to embrace a Christian candidate. That is the way of democracy. The majority can vote a minority. We saw that in the choice of Obama. The blacks did not have the numbers. Whites voted the black man the most powerful person in the world. Today, if Kemi Badenoch makes it as the British premier, it will not come from minority black parliamentarians. Even now, as one of the top five, she made it by dint of whites.  Front runner Rishi Sunak is not white either. The northern minorities must play the politics of accommodation, not entitled intimidation. In the military era, the army brass accepted Gowon as head of state, even if his Angas tribe could not fill a room of officer corps. In Nigeria, some states have majority tribes, but they institute zoning formulas that embrace the smaller tribes. How did Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan, a minority Itsekiri, emerge as Delta State Governor, or Godswill Akpabio of minority Anang clinch the top post in spite of the majority Ibibio. Northern Christians have models within and outside the country.

    While the hubbub over Muslim-Muslim roils, few have asked what the streets of Kano, or Sokoto or Maiduguri want. The southern elite, ever sick of elitist self-love, want to bully the majority north on who should represent them.

    They also forget that Tinubu himself may have chosen a Muslim running mate, but his life mate and wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, is a Christian and a pastor.  Who can beat that! Was he not the one who instituted a Christian worship every year in the state, and the first to turn over schools to Christian missionaries and plied his executive council with loads of Christians, including the most prominent Christian in Nigerian government today! Chikena!