Category: Monday

  • Characterising Shettima

    Characterising Shettima

    Interestingly, the vice presidential candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Kashim Shettima, continues to generate controversy because of his religion.  He is a Muslim. The party’s presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, is also a Muslim.

    Those who consider this Muslim-Muslim combination unattractive are in conflict with those who think it is unimportant.  In the end, the voters will decide what is attractive and important in the 2023 presidential election.

    A two-term governor of Borno State, from 2011to 2019,  Shettima in his governorship years was quoted as saying “I have a master’s degree, but after the political interregnum I wish to go back and get a PhD so that one can become a true intellectual in the real sense.”

    That academic dream remains a dream. In 2019, he became a senator, representing Borno Central senatorial district. He is now a vice presidential candidate. He may not go back to school soon.

    As he pursues his latest political goal, a memorable event in his governorship years, which says a lot about him, comes to mind. On December 15, 2013 he was reported to have departed from Abuja on a 7pm Arik flight to Lagos, where he was scheduled to participate in three meetings.

    A little over two hours after he left the federal capital, the governor was having dinner at Mummy B Food Canteen, located at Onigbongbo, Maryland, Lagos, which he last visited some 20 years earlier. He was drawn to the local restaurant with only four tables for 10 customers at a time by his love of amala, which he was said to have “missed so much.”

    So irresistible was his craving for the particular food, prepared in a particular way, that it was Shettima who gave directions to the official convoy, and he was said to have trekked to the eating spot in the company of two commissioners, his special adviser on media, staff of Borno Liaison Office in Lagos and security aides.

    Remarkably, he was recognised as an old customer by the restaurant owner, Iya Moriya; and for his meal, he insisted on being served with the same kind of plates he was used to two decades earlier. By the time he left the place, word had travelled round the neighbourhood that a VIP was around.

    He was 47 at the time, and his amala activity represented an enlightening metaphor for political leadership in a pluralistic polity. He is now 55.  Born in Maiduguri, Borno State, in the country’s northern region, he demonstrated that he was ethnically accommodating by his taste for food of a different cultural provenance from his own. Amala is a cultural dish popular among the Yoruba in the country’s Southwest region, and to have a northerner who would readily eat it without discrimination was a plus for Shettima’s pan-Nigerian outlook.

    It was commendable that he remembered. Not only did he have a clear memory of the enjoyable taste of the particular amala, he also could recollect the route to the restaurant, even though he had not been there in years. It was striking that he even remembered the plates of yesteryear. More importantly, perhaps, he remembered that he had not always been a governor and that he had a past. His remembrance of things past mirrored a sense of modesty, despite the context of high political office.

    In a manner of speaking, his interaction with the restaurant workers could be likened to a descent from an Olympian height. It was a rare event that held lessons for the powerful. He certainly could have avoided eating in the lowly restaurant, given the fact that he had people at his beck and call that could have gone there to get a take-away meal for their boss. It is pertinent to wonder at the cost of eating in such a comparatively cheap restaurant, when he could have opted for a five-star hotel in the megacity, all at government expense.

    What was Iya Moriya’s recipe that made her amala so unforgettable for Shettima? His visit to the eating place must have made her day, not necessarily in financial terms, though that was a possibility, but on the psychological plane. He returned to her restaurant as a governor, which she must have been proud of; and the happening may well have elevated her profile in the area, apart from giving her understandable bragging rights. By his association with the people, and his electrifying presence, therefore, he scored well.

    Considering his background, it could not be said that his behaviour was informed by possible lack of sophistication.  With a master’s degree in Agricultural Economics from the University of Ibadan, Oyo State, he had a stint at the University of Maiduguri where he taught the same subject.

    He was a top-level banker before serving as commissioner in Borno State Ministry of Finance and Economic Development.  He was also commissioner in the Ministries of Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs, Education, Agriculture and later Health before his election as governor in 2011 as a candidate of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), which in 2013 merged with other parties to form the APC.

    Significantly, in his governorship years, when he visited the palace of the Shehu of Bama, where he donated N100 million toward the rehabilitation of terror victims in the community, he said:  ”I took an oath of office as the governor two years ago to work for the people devoid of ethnic, religious and political affiliations. That is why it becomes a duty for us to share in your moments of grief.”  His words are significant, given the opposition to the APC Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket in some quarters.

    In another striking instance, Shettima, as governor, during an unscheduled visit to Muhammad Shuwa Memorial Hospital in Maiduguri, had donated blood to an expectant mother in need of transfusion. “The governor was disturbed by the condition of the woman and wanted to help. He later discovered through the medical attendants that his blood group matched that of the woman, so he decided to help out,” said the commissioner for health.

    As characterisations of Shettima continue to be released from various quarters following his vice presidential candidacy, the attentive public is paying attention to the portraiture.

  • Clown vs crown

    Clown vs crown

    He spins, he rolls, he turns his head, his fingers flick around his face as though fanning his sweaty brow. But he is at once unwieldy and agile, a bulky frame gasping for exercise. He is not a great dancer. The exertion is more impresario than a quest for physical wellbeing. But a dancer he is. His fame, like his frame, does not come from his mastery of the art. He is known for his cumbersome choreography than as a senator, but it is because he is a senator that people know him as a dancer.

    It is part patrician pretension, part campaign stunt. He also comes from money, and it is also because he comes from money that he is a senator. His dance routines benefit ultimately from his family’s high perch. Otherwise, he would have become a mere old man, a fuddy-duddy embarrassing his ebi, his family tree in every social outing. He demeans that high society with his vulgar moves. You don’t twerk your ponderous flesh in the public glare. A family patriarch distorting their patrimony.

    Shall we be grateful that a third-rate dancer entertains as though he is first-rate because he comes from what in these parts come across as first-rate money?

    But what we cannot thank him for is that Senator Ademola Adeleke thinks he can dance his way into the government house. Comedy in the form of choreography is laying claim to the throne. But it is not in the tradition of African royalty for the court jester to lift his gifts as regal entitlement. No one hires a jester as heir.

    By seeking to govern, he wants to capsize comedy into a sober art. But governance does not mix with vanity. A society will miss it if it tries such odd chemistry. It is for that reason that, even in Yoruba culture and history, we have not seen comedy in the palace except as comic relief. In a new Yoruba translation of Femi Osofisan’s novel Kolera Kolej, Professor Leke Adeeko raises the dual concerns in the tribe. He identifies them as ere (play) and eto (order). Order must take precedence over play, even as play takes its pride of place. That theme shines through in the novel that spoofs a community that has to regain its rhythm in an atmosphere of plague and shame in the search of a new name.

    But  Senator Adeleke miss play for order and order for play, which is the tragi-comic order of his campaign.

    Jesters appear across the continent of Africa. They are in the palace but not of the palace. In some palaces, they play roles of oral historians, griots, cautionary poets and what Yoruba call the oriki. Some of them pulse the palace with great drum rolls.

    What Adeleke dreams is to tarnish the royal yard. As senator, if we remember him as a dancer, what shall we know him for as governor in terms of legacy? He would throb the whole palace into a thespian ground. We have not heard him speak with high emotion about education, the state of infrastructure, turning Osun into a 21st century highway of tech. He does not flirt with ideas. He twerks rather with the flesh. He is a sort of infantile enthusiast seeking a shop of chocolates. If he gets there, he could collapse into a sort of diabetic emergency. Is it for nothing that Elesin in Soyinka’s play, Death and the King’s Horseman, is not able to fulfil his self-sacrifice because flesh tugs superior to spirit?

    It is not here alone. We are witnessing in Great Britain how a comedian managed to get to the throne in Boris Johnson. His hair, neither buoyant nor bouffant, was a wrong crown for the post but right for a clown. He amused. He saw his job more as a sort of cynical play in which he could outplay others as the official buffoon. Last week, the crown caught up with the clown. “There are many terrible things,” wrote the Greek playwright Sophocles, “but there is nothing more terrible than man.” There is nothing more terrible than men like Johnson, who do not know the compartment between comedy and gravity. In the end, gravity prevails, and the farce unveiled.

    Adeleke is trying to joust with a man like Governor Gboyega Oyetola. Oyetola has danced in public. He has sung. He does not twerk, though. Neither does he propel his flesh to public vanity. That is the difference. There is a dance and there is a dance. There is sublime dance. There is vain dance. Oyetola has done many things to place him high and above the common run of men like Adeleke. Oyetola is not in vain dance when he makes education between 18 and 21 percent of the budget, when he reclaims land belonging to schools from land grabbers, when he keeps faith with pensioners after an era of bad faith, when he introduces smart school initiatives, when he enshrines Amotekun into law, or abolishes darkness with the Light Up Osun project. Or it in the field of health when vulnerable citizens get close to N500 million on a health scheme.

    That is the dance we want in governance. Not the heavy sway of an aging man who is envying his own youth long gone.  Was he not the one that added another spasm of laughter when he boasted he would lard the campaigns with world currencies from dollar to pounds to Euros. He would also oblige with Naira to show how much of a patriot his pocket has always been. He has  no moments to ruminate about poverty and how to expand the frontiers of vision for a state of teeming population like Osun.

    Osun will not flatter him the way the British did to Prime Minister Johnson. His hair was metaphor for the wrong crown. Many have mused over President Zelensky of Ukraine. He had a career as a comedian. But he did not run as a comedian. But Adeleke is a natural comedian, of the burlesque type. He cannot help it but run as a comedian. As for Boris Johnson and Zelensky, the British voted in a hero but had a comedian while the Ukrainians voted a comedian but had a hero. For Adeleke, we are having a comedian who, like a leopard’s skin, will always remain a laughingstock in spite of himself.

    In Ola Rotimi’s play, Ovonramwen Nogbaisi, his character Uzazakpo is a comedian who always plays moral foil to a fumbling king. We have had such as far back to the Roman Empire. But even that role of restraint is not even the type that Adeleke can play. There is no sober in his humour. He is what playwright Samuel Becket calls Risus Purus, a laugh laughing at itself in his work Endgame. If the senator were of such fibre, we might have seen it in his output as an opposition leader. He was neither leader, not a real opposition. Dance is not strong emough to oppose ideas. Rather than caution, he wiggles the waist. What a waste!

    So the Osun people know the serious from the farce. Even before the election, it is obvious he will not only be crestafallen, but his will be a clownfall.

  • Shettima tickles the ticket

    Shettima tickles the ticket

    The news came in while this column was done, but I squeeze my support of Kashim Shettima as the only vice-presidential pick of the parties who can be president. He is a man of knowledge and accomplishment, of courage and integrity, of loyalty and energy. A trusted and trustworthy fellow, articulate, a breeder of men who has never succumbed to cant or bigotry. Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has again shown he sees a good talent when he picks them and he picks a good talent when he sees them. Those who have followed Shettima as governor, senator and a warrior during the APC primary campaigns will only know that all those cries about Muslim-Muslim ticket is a red herring, away from the staunch beauty of a platform of doers, of the Tinubu-Shettima double barrel. More to come…

  • Udom at 56

    Udom at 56

    No one can doubt that Akwa Ibom Governor Udom Emmanuel would want to celebrate his 56th birthday without fanfare, especially in the aftermath of his presidential run. He is a man of Christian conscience and one of the sterling performers of this era with all he has done in about eight years of his stewardship to trsnaform Akwa Ibom. As he stamps his legacy, In Touch wishes him a happy birthday.

     

  • Kuje attack: Matters miscellaneous

    Kuje attack: Matters miscellaneous

    How can terrorists organize, have weapons, attack a security installation and get away with it”? This question was raised by President Muhammadu Buhari when he visited the Kuje Medium Custodial Centre, Abuja attacked by a band of terrorists.

    Mystified that a very sensitive facility at the seat of the government could be so brazenly compromised, he sought to know the number of security personnel on duty during the attack, how many of them were armed, and what they did to forestall it among others.

    A common thread runs through all these; had the various security agencies effectively done their jobs, it would have been impossible for the terrorists to succeed. So what really happened: a failure of intelligence, dereliction of duty or conspiracy of some sort?

    One could read Buhari’s disappointment with the inability of the country’s security architecture to square up to the challenges of the attack. Perhaps, the information he requires will only aid in determining the level of culpability of the various security agencies to that national disgrace.

    That was the story of the Kuje Medium Custodial Centre, Abuja as it succumbed to the onslaughts of a group of terrorists. Accounts of the attack vary. But terrorists numbering about 300, armed with sophisticated weapons attacked the facility at about 10 pm last Tuesday.

    It is still hazy how they manoeuvred the various security checks before getting to the usually well-fortified facility. Some accounts have it that they separately converged there on foot with their weapons concealed only to take the facility by surprise.

    They blew open the central gate and the perimeter fence with high calibre explosives to gain entry. They proceeded straight to the cells of Boko Haram detainees calling them by names and seeing to it that they all left in an operation estimated to have lasted three hours.

    By the time the dust settled, an official of the NSCDC, three terrorists and four inmates lost their lives according to the spokesman of Nigeria Correctional Services.

    Both the Minister of Defence and the interior ministry placed the blame on Boko Haram insurgents. They based this on available records, the pattern of the attack and the escape of all the 64 Boko Haram insurgents held in the facility.

    But the Islamic State West Africa Province ISWAP added a new dimension to the theory of possible masterminds. In a 30-second video, ISWAP claimed responsibility for the attack even as those freed were commanders and members of the Boko Haram sect.

    If the claim by ISWAP is correct, could it be the beginning of a new alliance between the two terror groups? And what does the alliance of two fundamentalist religious groups bent on institutionalizing a theocratic state portend for the country?

    Boko Haram and ISWAP share the same doctrinaire promptings. While Boko Haram is poised to impose an Islamic state in Nigeria, ISWAP’s territorial coverage targets the West African sub-region. Their difference only lies in the scope of their weird ideological state coverage.

    Increasing association of Boko Haram and ISWAP with acts of terrorism in parts of the country is beginning to send dangerous signals especially given claims by the government on its purported success in the war against terrorism.

    For a government that claimed technical defeat of Boko Haram insurgency after three months in the saddle, the continued escapades of the group a few months to the end of the regime is a sad measure of the success of that war. The rising association of Boko Haram and ISWAP with acts of terrorism in areas outside their traditional strongholds should be a matter of serious concern. It increases the suspicion of a hidden agenda.

    A few weeks ago, the federal government had also blamed ISWAP for the massacre of 40 innocent worshippers at St Francis Catholic Church, Owo, Ondo State. Many others received varying degrees of injury in that wicked, dastardly and inexplicable attack.

    One question that has come to agitate minds in the face of these terrorists’ attacks on institutions and persons is the issue of motive. ISWAP or Boko Haram attacked the Kuje Centre to free their commanders and member possibly to give their weird religious agenda a further boost. ISWAP could not have had any other reason for attacking the Catholic Church at Owo except to actualize its religious agenda.

    Questions are also being raised on the escalating abduction and killing of Catholic priests from their churches across the country. Could the abductions and killings be part of the agenda of the terrorists to silence the church and make it easy for the imposition of their brand of religious ideology? Why the focus on the Catholic Church?

    These issues are raised because they constitute the instances cited by five United States of America US senators for asking President Joe Biden to re-enlist Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern. Nigeria was delisted last year.

    But in the petition, the senators cited the massacre at the Owo Catholic Church and others arguing that such killings have become too familiar for Christians in Africa’s most populous country. That is the perception of foreigners of the situation in the country. The attribution of responsibility for the Kuje attack to Boko Haram and ISWAP will definitely reinforce this perception given their weird religious agenda.

    Do the terror groups really have the need to attack the facility to free their members given government’s policy of de-radicalization and re-absorption of their so- called repentant members? Or could it be that the facility easily succumbed to the insurgents’ firepower due to the conspiratorial and collaborative efforts of such insiders?

    The Kuje incident highlights the pitfalls in government policy on de-radicalization and re-absorption of touted repentant terrorists. We face the danger of the Taliban strategy in Afghanistan if the ease with which terrorists compromise national institutions and installations is not quickly halted.

  • Over to you, Chief Adebanjo

    Over to you, Chief Adebanjo

    When Chief Bisi Akande wrote is memoirs, “My Participation,” parts of it raked up dust, and this essayist called it the book of the year. One of the storms derived from his claim that Chief Bola Ige tarred both Ayo Adebanjo and Olaniwun Ajayi as traitors at the home of Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Adebanjo and his followers went to town to call Baba Akande a liar.  I was one of the few who stuck to the elder statesman’s veracity. A confirmation has come from an unlikely source. In his new memoirs, The Road Never Forgets, Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi  writes that he and his wife, Sade, were witnesses to the event, and he recounts in vivid  and dramatic detail what happened during a dinner at the chief’s Ikenne residence.

    Ige had just left jail, and paid a visit to Awo. Awo asked him to join them for dinner when he sighted both men. “Uncle Bola looked across the table, and as he sighted some of the seated guests… he stiffened himself up in anger and refused the offer of a seat from Chief Awolowo…he bellowed and screamed relentlessly! “My Leader, I would not sit down with you for dinner with these (pointing across the table) traitors! No. I would not do that. These are traitors, My Leader. They should not be here with you.” The words exploded on and on in the book.  Although Ogunbiyi does not name them, he does not deny it was they on my television interview. Adebanjo, over to you chief.

  • 100 days on

    100 days on

    The contrast between them cannot be more stark.

    One is a systems man, until now a dapper figure in western suits. Akwete does it these days. The other forswears formality, even his smile threatens the peace like an overcast sky. He does not wear western suits, but he is always outfitted like a soldier even though in his Igbo attire.

    Other than cutting a dapper figure, Chukwuwma Soludo is a man of figures. But Nnamdi Kanu is morphing into a sort of figurine in the souls of his followers. One has the guttural eloquence of a broadcaster. The other a soothing but seductive note of a rabble rouser. One nurtures the vote. The other tortures it.

    But when both of them appeared at a photo op not too long ago, it was obvious that the helmsman of Anambra State, Dr. Soludo, rose early to the familiar Mohammedan refrain. If Kanu does not go to Anambra government, Anambra government would go to Kanu. So did the state chief executive visit the detainee.

    A contrast, again. The detainee was the chief detention officer of Anambra State, in fact the Southeast region. Down in Abuja, in the wordless silence of his detention room, his region quakes for him. In his name, blood is shed, clerics kidnapped, Monday is quiet, the bushes night and day crawl with marauders, loved ones mourn, loved ones die.

    But the governor came in peace, and he extracted the right words from Kanu, a rare smile from the lips of the usually sullen folk hero. When this essayist asked the governor how it went. He said it went well. Kanu said he never ordered the stay-at-home order, never asked for the sanguinary spasms, never called for kidnaps and ransoms.

    I asked the governor, is the IPOB chief not playing humble because he is de-toothed by the state? The governor said he was no clairvoyant. He could not read the mind of the man. He was, like myself, being a faithful reporter. He might have reeled out the English bard: “There is no art to find the mind’s construction in the face.” But the heart of man, to quote the prophet of tears, is “desperately wicked, who can know it?” Soludo is not God “who searches the heart. I try the reins.” The Anambra governor has no such lofty, divine self-congratulations. He is no officer in Saint Augustine’s City of God.

    One hundred days down the line, the Anambra State governor understands his first task as the chief executive of a state of entrepreneurial brio. For there to be commerce, he needs to have peace. He needed the trip to Abuja. With it, he could not only delegitimise the violence of his streets, he got the anointing for it. From the lips of the man by whom they swore and slaughtered. Soludo does not have to rely on official rhetoric alone. His voice, a boom of the Anambra orchestra, is backed by Kanu’s consent.

    Only a few days ago, he affirmed that it was for most part a matter of criminals on the rampage.  The state unearthed some criminal lair, but what did they find? Not materials of political subversion, or revolutionary tract. Nothing on Half the yellow sun, or invocation of Adichie absorbing novel of the war. They clutched a book of gory accounting, not the sort Soludo saw while crunching the figures of the nation as a governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria. The book had records of names of kidnap victims, how much they menaced out of their frightened pockets, how they disbursed. It was the accountancy of the hood, of the blood.

    Soludo has taken the war to them, but he knows it is a necessary distraction. He has set many goals, and the criminals have to be out of the way.

    He wants to set the energies of the thinker to work. He thinks of Nnewi and Onitsha, and I drew his attention to the need to reach the state’s potential. He once told me and a few editors about a decade ago on how he lamented why Anambra can be elite in entrepreneurs and out of reckoning in internally generated revenue.

    This is one of the issues the so-called OBidients have not asked their hero. He was there for eight years, but he is busy encouraging false narratives about his financial prowess, or lack of it. When the Soludo government clarified the figures of his so-called investment, they kept mum on it but continued with glorifying lies and more lies. They need to follow how the work is being done by the former CBN chief.

    That is one of the cardinal sights of the man in the saddle. The way he puts it, he wants to set the tone for the markets to modernise. But he must put the right institutions in place, raise the stakes of the environment, and of course secure the peace. He reminds me that it is not just the Onitsha-Nnewi duopoly that is at stake. There are many areas of dynamism to unleash, and he is at work.

    It is not just in making the business arena good, but connecting the state to the world, using its airports on its way to commissioning for that purpose, and leveraging its connectedness to the north, south and west. It chimes with his inaugural speech assertion to bring Anambra to the world and the world to Anambra.

    It is a heady task, and he has been at it since he inaugurated a high-powered committee headed by the inimitable Oby Ezekwesili that included such iconic names as Pat Utomi and Olisa Agbakoba.

    As I noted in an earlier piece, few are as prepared for public office as Gov. Soludo. He has shown the spirit in his first 100 days. There are quite of few more hundred days, and we watch his acts unfold.

     

    Obiozor, Okowa and Dubai bed

     If you read the lamentation of Ohanaeze leader, Professor George Obiozor over the political plight of the Igbo, you would think he was sincere. Yet, was he not the fellow who congratulated the traitor of the South, Ifeanyi Okowa, over his pick by another traitor of the South Abubakar Atiku? In a congratulatory message signed on his behalf, he described Okowa as a “detribalised patriot, purveyor of morals and poster personality.” Anyway, the man is recuperating in his Dubai bed, and it might be that the cloudy and soporific effects of medication may be interfering with his interaction with reality. Maybe I should grant him that excuse until he utters another jeremiad out of de-medicated soul.

     

     

     

     

  • Ekweremadu and the lynch mob

    Ekweremadu and the lynch mob

    Mob justice! That seemed the figurative response former deputy senate president, Ike Ekweremadu and his wife Beatrice got as reports filtered on their alleged trafficking of a 15-year old boy to the United Kingdom for organ harvesting.

    Their arraignment at the Uxbridge Magistrate’s Court for the same alleged offences further incensed the mob of social media commentators and writers. They would stop at nothing to get instant justice for the alleged victim even as the circumstances of the case remained largely hazy.

    All manner of narratives took over the social media space with some writers even confusing the matter with the cankerworm of ritual killings that have of late, become rampant on these shores. Ekweremadu’s high standing in the government of a country that is unable to get its bearing right seemed to have whittled down whatever public sympathy he would have got.

    The imagery of a very prominent and rich man attempting to compromise the life of a poor man’s son to help his daughter survive did not help issues. It was an opportunity for the disadvantaged, the swelling army of the poor and even the envious to take vengeance on those in the corridors of power.

    Little wonder Ekweremadu became instant victim of transferred aggression as all manner of blames for the inability of the leadership of this country to develop our health facilities to world class standards were heaped on his shoulders. The common feeling was, had he used his several years in the National Assembly to ensure that our health institutions are developed to handle organ transplant, he may not have found himself in the current entanglement. That is an angle to it.

    Poor Ekweremadu in custody, battling metaphorical mob lynch at home even as his daughter is down with kidney failure and in dire need of transplant! This threw up the dilemma of what becomes of the ailing lady in the circumstance. But that did not seem to bother the army of critics bent on extracting a pound of flesh from him.

    It was indeed a very challenging period for the family as they faced unfavourable public opinion at home with no access to their ailing daughter. But the unfavourable public reaction to the incident was in the main, activated by the way the authorities in the UK presented the matter.

    The thought of a highly placed Nigerian public officer’s involvement in human trafficking involving an underage boy to the UK for organ harvesting was bound to ruffle sensibilities. So the reaction of the public was not entirely out of place. But the situation called for great caution as nothing had been heard either from the Ekweremadu’s or the alleged victim.

    The veil on the circumstance of the incident is gradually lifting. And it is getting increasingly clear there are obvious gaps in some of the facts of the matter as presented by the UK authorities.

    The first evidence came from the Nigerian Immigration Services, NIS, which after thorough investigations of the person at the centre of the controversy, David Ukpo Nwamini’s application forms for Nigerian international passport, confirmed he is actually 21 years old. That addresses the controversy over his age.

    With this, the charge of child trafficking has been punctured. There is also the issue of consent especially given the dimension the issue has taken. Initial reports had it that Nwamini is a homeless boy taken off the streets of Lagos by the accused and brought to the UK.

    That was the basis for the charge of “conspiracy to arrange or facilitate the travel of another person with a view to exploitation, namely organ harvesting”. But in an affidavit deposed to in a suit by the Ekweremadu’s at an Abuja High court, his elder brother, Bright gave details of events leading to the incident in the UK.

    He deposed that the applicant has a daughter, Sonia suffering from kidney failure for about five years that needed urgent transplant to save her life. Nwamini he said, offered to donate one of his kidneys if it is compatible with that of Sonia and that he had also informed them that he was 21 years old having been born in 2000.

    Bright said Ekweremadu supported the visa application of Nwamini to the UK with a letter to the British High Commission in Nigeria explaining the purpose of the visit which is to enable him undergo medical examination so that he and Sonia can get the best of medical attention. After the tests, the hospital decided that Ukpo was not a suitable donor as his kidney was not compatible with that of Sonia.

    He was asked to return to Nigeria but rather than do so, he approached the authorities in the UK for protection claiming he is 15 years old. The Ekweremadus are asking the court for an order directing the National Identity Management Commission and the Nigerian Immigration Services to respectively bring out the Certified True Copy of the biodata of David Ukpo Nwamini and the documents and application forms he presented to obtain his international passport.

    The documents are required for the purposes of criminal investigations and tendering same before Uxbridge Magistrate’s Court in the UK. Hopefully the applicants would secure these documents to aid them defend the charge that Nwamini is 21 years contrary to 15 years he gave the UK authorities.

    But they have a task proving that Nwamini’s consent was explicitly secured for the kidney donation notwithstanding the medical examination stated in the letter to the British High Commission as the reason for the travel. They may require further evidence to get through that irrespective of the new evidence showing that he is not underage.

    Overall, the picture is not as bad as it was initially painted. It is probable Nwamini lied to the authorities in the UK to evade his imminent return to Nigeria. He may have yearned to escape from the harsh conditions of life in this country after being exposed to prospects of a better future abroad. That may have been the crux of Ekweremadu’s current entanglement. Who to blame?

    Ekweremadu may have been a victim of Nwamini’s obduracy and indiscretion. It is hoped he can soon extricate himself from the current challenge to save his daughter struggling for survival.

  • EFCC and whistleblower apathy

    EFCC and whistleblower apathy

    Have Nigerians lost interest in whistleblowing?  Or they just lost faith in the whistleblowing policy?  Or maybe they are simply confused about its implementation? Or perhaps they are wondering what has been done with money recovered as a result of the policy?

    The chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Abdulrasheed Bawa, prompted these questions following his observation at an event, on June 30, in Awka, Anambra State, organised by the Africa Centre for Media and Information Literacy (AFRICMIL) on the whistleblowing policy designed to increase exposure of financial crimes.  He noted that “enthusiasm for the policy appears to have waned a bit.” Bawa was represented by the zonal commander, EFCC, Enugu, Oshodi Johnson.

    The Federal Government introduced the whistleblowing policy in December 2016 as a weapon to fight corruption.  Bawa said: “It was heralded by a frenzy of sorts with a deluge of information by informants, some of which led to the recovery of humongous sums of money by the EFCC.”

    Indeed, in mid-2019, Information, Culture and Tourism Minister Lai Mohammed boasted that the whistleblowing policy had checked corruption, and helped the government to recover looted funds. He added that the government had recovered billions of naira and about $53m through the policy. Also, in the same period, the Minister of Finance, Zainab Ahmed, boasted that the government had recovered N605b through the whistleblowing policy.

    According to the EFCC boss, “Two of the landmark recoveries from whistleblowers’ information were the $9.8m recovered from a former managing director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Mr Andrew Yakubu, and the $11m recovered at an apartment in Osborne Towers, Ikoyi, Lagos.”

    Nigerians had responded to the policy with amazing enthusiasm. In the first 10 months, according to then secretary of the Presidential Advisory Committee Against Corruption, Prof. Bolaji Owasanoye, “over 5,000 whistles had been blown and about 75 per cent of that came from phone calls.” He advised that the public could report on the website, by email, text message or phone call.

    The various whistleblower communications, he said,  covered contract inflation, ‘ghost workers,’ payment of unapproved funds, embezzlement of salaries, diversion of excess crude funds, improper reduction of financial penalties, diversion of funds meant for people, placing money in a commercial bank, non-remittance of deduction of pensions or NHIS and failure to implement projects.

    Others, he added, were embezzlement of funds received from donors, embezzlement of payment meant for personnel emoluments, violation of TSA which is the highest, violation of FIRS regulations, non-procurement of safety equipment, money laundering, illegal sale of government assets, diversion of IGR which is the second largest, financial misappropriation, concealed bailout funds, mismanagement of micro-finance banks and illegal recruitment.

    At the time, there was a need to clarify the policy following some controversial cases.  Owasanoye had explained: “If you blow the whistle and the government recovers cash, you are entitled to between 2.5 per cent and five per cent. The maximum limit is five per cent. According to the policy, if you blow the whistle and it is below N500m, you get four to five per cent because the higher the amount that is recovered, the lower the percentage that is given. This is the global best practice.”

    His explanation showed that the public was given inadequate information about the policy when it was launched.  He gave further details: “If the recovery is between N500m and N1b, you get three to four per cent (commission). If it is N1b and above, it is 2.5 per cent. Indeed, there is a clause that we included in the policy to say that the government may determine the amount to be awarded based on other criteria provided that the amount to be awarded doesn’t exceed five per cent. In other words, the government may actually pay less than 2.5 per cent but nobody can be paid more than five per cent.”

    It is unclear how many people understand how the policy works, and what effort the government has made to make it clear to as many people as possible.

    The EFCC head observed that the “most obvious” factor undermining the policy’s effectiveness “is lack of adequate understanding of the legal and administrative frameworks of the policy and the difficulties of navigating the labyrinth of bureaucratic processes for claiming the advertised incentives.”

    There have been times delayed payment of commission to whistleblowers was an issue. For instance, the whistleblower that provided information leading to the discovery of $43.5m , £27,800 and N23.2m at No. 16 Osborne Road, Ikoyi, Lagos, in April 2017, was not paid his commission until December that year, after the media had highlighted the delay in payment.

    Bawa also observed that “the few false informants who were prosecuted” might have “unnerved some other would-be informants.” This argument is weak because serious informants would be interested in the reward, and unlikely to be discouraged by the experience of so-called false informants.

    Bawa’s call for “a fresh awakening to sustain the flow of critical intelligence to Nigerian law enforcement agencies” suggests over-reliance on whistleblowers.

    He had notably drawn attention to the UK’s Unexplained Wealth Order (UWO) when he appeared before the Senate for confirmation of his appointment in February 2021. According to him, “There are certain provisions in the EFCC establishment Act that more or less gave us these powers.”

    He explained: ”Section 7 , subsection 1b of the Act says the ‘commission has the power to cause investigation to be conducted into the properties of any person that appears to the commission that the person’s lifestyle and the extent of the properties are not justified by his source of income.’

    “This means without any complaint, if it comes to our knowledge that you have amassed so many properties that are not justified by your source of income, the EFCC can ask questions.”

    Bawa also explained how UWO works in the UK: “If you have this property, the UK will ask you – what is this property for? If you explain that this is how you earned it; so be it. If you do not explain, then they can further their investigation to determine how you acquired it.”

    It is unclear how the EFCC uses its power to demand explanations concerning unexplained wealth.  It is useful to have such power. But is the agency using it effectively?

    The point is that the observed whistleblower apathy should not be an impediment to the war against corruption.

  • Onnoghen’s ghost

    Onnoghen’s ghost

    I wonder what Walter Onnoghen is thinking now. The former chief justice could not duck. He was docked and dumped. His charge was simple. Twice he fell foul of the law. The executive branch did not want him. They rustled a ruse within the rules to nail him. His guilt was in breach of not declaring his account. It was without excuse.

    The government did not pursue the matter with sense of justice, but out of vendetta. A kangaroo affair to defeat a guilty man. They had justice in their hands, but chose the gangster path. A desperation of injustice. He was wrong, though he was wronged. Many believed he was a victim of a cabal. He created the excuse for the ruse, and they found a way within the rule of law to flush him out of the temple of justice.

    How do you excuse a sinner even if he was sent to perdition the wrong way? That was the story of Onnoghen, the chief man of law who fell because the law bit him the wrong way.

    Now we have a different story of the same skein. The new chief justice of Nigeria, Tanko Muhammad, who benefited from the intrigues to oust Onnoghen, is in the eye of a storm. He does not see it that way. But is he feeling more than a little aplomb? What is he relying on to be so smug?

    Fourteen justices, men and women, who are supposed to be models of justice in the land, are accusing Muhammad of funny games with the pocketbook. They say Muhammad is living with two standards, one for himself, and the other with the other justices. He flies abroad, in luxury and retinue, for vacation. The others are supposed to abide here in obodo Naija, sulking and developing arthritic hands writing long, interminable judgments. He gives them Tokunbo cars while his own SUV purrs with new engines. They have to ration diesel for the big temple of justice to operate, or else there will be no hearing, or no work. The justices cannot go out for courses. They cannot enjoy diesel at home, et al. The justices have been turned into a new version of aluta, old men and women screaming their own versions of “we shall overcome” in the silence of their chambers.

    Rather than allow the matter to simmer and die, it has become a public ridicule, a cause celebre. The CJN has no apology. Rather, he issued a warning. He was teaching his fellow men on the bench to maintain decorum, and not expose the squalor of the temple to the sunlight of ignominy. It is a serious matter. I have spoken with three senior advocates of Nigeria since last week over the matter, and two of them said they were part of the top lawyers seeking solutions to the quagmire. They described the scandal as a mess. They did not see an easy way out of the matter.

    The chief justice was rationing material for the others and splurging on himself. It reminds one of what Greek playwright Sophocles wrote, “Thou shall not ration justice.”

    When the CJN said the justices should not have made the matter public, he spoke ex cathedra. But the cathedral was already broken. It is a sort of murder in the cathedral.

    Before the fourteen rose to a joint statement, all other avenues must have failed. The CJN must have acted with monarchical disdain to them. He must have treated them like serfs, like little boys and girls who ought to be happy with what they are getting.

    In my interview with Professor Itse Sagay, (the fourth SAN I spoke with), for TVC breakfast show, a new dimension was unearthed. He saw the CJN’s sense of entitled contempt. He also saw that even the fourteen are not all that innocent. He noted that our house of justice has become filth central. He drew my attention to some of the stories making the rounds of justices on the take for judgment. He even noted, like a disappointed father, that some of the justices are his former students, and they had voted for corruption by not even picking his calls because his stance against the evil into which they have turned the temple of justice.

    I also worry, as I indicated to Prof. Sagay, that the CJN may take advantage of this to expose his fellow benchers and blackmail may meet blackmail to unveil the rot of the system. Tanko may now be the cobra with the back on the wall and striking back with venoms of rage. The fourteen may find out they might have kept quiet and sulked in silence. But maybe this turn of events is the dialectical inevitability to bringing the house of justice to justice.

    But what is intriguing is that we are not seeing any of the Onnoghen intrigue playing out from the executive branch. The Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami hinted that the can of worms awaited any audit of the NJC. For now, it is all empty rhetoric. As Prof Sagay noted, it is within his power as the chief law officer to overhaul the judiciary. Yet, a big mess has overtaken the hall of justice, and the man steeped in the filth is still a specimen of swagger. Blaise Paschal once wrote, “Justice without force is powerless; force without justice is tyrannical.” We saw the latter in the case of Onnoghen. We expect the former in the case of Tanko Muhammad.

    Or else, we shall have a bipolar eye for justice in the land. So, what is bad for Onnoghen is not bad for Tanko. It will be a bad precedent. The offence of Onnoghen is that he did not declare his own money. The offence of Muhammad, as the fourteen justices are claiming, is that he has not declared the people’s money. One is personal fraud; the other is collective fraud. One wronged the country by wronging himself. The other is wronging the country by allegedly defrauding the court.

    This issue has brought to the fore the need to separate the chief justice from the National Judicial Council (NJC). Justices should not be involved with finances. They should focus on judiciary, not fiduciary. Sagay asserted that English law that we imitate has such distinction.

    The Supreme Court is the top tier of appeal. In one of Achebe’s novels, No Longer At Ease, a truck inscribed, “God’s case, no appeal.” The Supreme Court owns that here on earth. But if correction, to paraphrase Shakespeare, lies in the hand that committed wrong, to whom shall we complain?

    Malami and his men played such a pivotal role in unseating Onnoghen. Is he going to look the other way as Tanko huffs and puffs? Is it one justice for Onnoghen and another justice to Tanko. It may not, in the end, just be a Tanko and Onnoghen issue, it is a cry for Nigerian justice.