Category: Monday

  • Taliban victory; Boko Haram surrender

    Taliban victory; Boko Haram surrender

    The victory of Islamic militant group, the Taliban and their declaration of Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has heightened fears of global spread of terrorism. Though leaders of the new regime said there is a huge difference between Taliban now and 20 years ago, their disposition to terrorism is yet unclear not withstanding their promise that Afghanistan will not serve as a base for terrorism and attacks on other countries. One thing that remains certain is that the exit of the US from that country is bound to have negative effects on global campaign against terrorism.

    For the Taliban and their supporters, US hurried withdrawal is victory for resilience, opposition to foreign domination and occupation. It is also viewed as the triumph of the rights of a people to determine the type of government in which they want to be organized. The wider consequences of this realization for those currently pursuing one form of weird religious agenda or the other could be dire for world peace.

    Given that the Soviet Union made a similar incursion and withdrew after nine years in which the US supported the Mujahideen against them, the withdrawal of the US would seem the last of such foreign incursions from the major powers. It is bound to embolden the Taliban on their touted resilience, patience and uncommon courage to resist and wear out foreign powers despite their superior weaponry.

    The new leadership is not making any pretence about this. One of their commanders, Muhammed Afri Mustafa, apparently buoyed up by their success, told the CNN “America has their helicopters, weapons and tanks on the ground.  But we, Mujahideen, resisted very well. It is our belief that one day, Mujahideen will have victory. Islamic law will come to not just Afghanistan but all over the world. We are not in a hurry; we believe it will come one day. Jihad will not end until the last day”.

    These are weighty statements. And they sum up the disposition of the new regime to Jihad and the enforcement of Islamic laws across the globe. For a militant Islamic sect notorious for exporting terrorism, how they will go about this doctrinaire campaign across the world is an open secret.

    This gives away the group as an unrepentant lot not in a hurry to part ways with its old pasts. US President, Joe Biden captured the dilemma of the Afghan situation succinctly when he said he does not envisage a change of attitude from the new Taliban regime. Not when they see their victory as evidence of their resilience, doggedness and patience in wearing out super powers irrespective of their assortment of superior fighting armament.

    That is the clear message of the Taliban victory. If the Taliban could withstand both Soviet Union and the US despite their superior war technology, militant Islamic groups affiliated to that organization would be encouraged to stay on in their campaigns since victory will come someday. This will in turn, trigger off a domino effect for countries still battling terrorism. The consequences could turn out very devastating.

    For us in Nigeria confronting a variety of terrorism challenges, the message is clear. Tougher times lie ahead. Nigeria is home to Boko Haram/ Islamic State West Africa Province ISWAP insurgency, the insurgency of the herdsmen as well as that of the bandits.  Boko Haram/ISWAP is an affiliate of Al, Qaeda.  Parallels have been drawn between the ideological prompting of Boko Haram, Al Qaeda and the Taliban.

    All share common commitment to Jihad and the institution of Islamic state. They also share common aversion to western education. While Boko Haram sees education as evil, the Taliban is against female education and women freedom. Hundreds of school children have been taken into captivity by both the Boko Haram insurgents and the bandits apparently to discourage education in some states of Nigeria. Many other schools have been shut down in parts of the north in the face of constant attacks from Boko Haram and bandits.

    Read Also: FG yet to make pronouncement on repentant Boko Haram members-Minister

     

    The success of the Taliban would serve as a morale booster for this band of insurgents. There are palpable fears that Nigeria would be worst for it. Though the Minister of Information, Lai Mohammed believes Nigeria will not go the way of Afghanistan because it is not a failed state, the way some public functionaries and groups responded to the development, shows there are elements within happy with the triumph of the Taliban. How this enthusiasm on Taliban success will rob off on the war against terrorism in this country is only a matter of time.

    But, the description of Taliban success as “an interesting development and a big lesson for Nigeria” by Ishaq Akintola of the Muslim Rights Concern MURIC should be instructive enough. He even celebrated the victory, chiding the Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, Matthew Kukah and those he said were harassing fellow Nigerians and intimidating the government with threats of reporting them to America, Britain or France to get what they do not deserve. Akintola is obviously happy with the triumph of the Taliban. Its message is not lost on any one.

    There are also people in the current government and elsewhere who had in the past identified with the Taliban and Al Qaeda. One of such is the Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Isa Pantami who had said “this jihad is an obligation for every single believer especially in Nigeria. Oh God give victory to the Taliban and Al, Qaeda”. Though he was forced some months back to recant on this commitment, but his wish has come through. Will he be unhappy with the victory of the Taliban?

    Since he claimed youthful exuberance and poor understanding of contemporary events then, does it mean he has no sympathy for the victory of the Taliban now? And could he possibly come out to condemn the Taliban victory?  These questions expose the contradictions in the excuses the government gave for absolving him of glaring sympathy for terrorist organizations. Let him speak up since he now knows better.

    Events in Afghanistan have also brought to closer scrutiny, the policy of the Nigerian government on de-radicalization and rehabilitation of ‘repentant’ Boko Haram fighters. Just last week, the Nigerian Army denied plans to release some of the 1000 terrorists who reportedly laid down arms and surrendered. It said contrary to reports, they would rather be processed and passed on to the relevant agencies of the government for further assessment in line with extant provisions.

    Before now however, the military runs a 16-week course-Operation Safe Corridor OPSC to help low-risk defectors get integrated into the communities they left behind. But this policy has been under intense criticism as it has no room for the prosecution of the so-called repentant terrorists for atrocities committed by them. The argument is that without giving justice to those unjustly battered and displaced by the terrorists, it is difficult to secure forgiveness from them. This calls for the prosecution of ‘repentant’ terrorists irrespective of their surrender.

    It has also been argued that the loyalty of the ‘repentant’ terrorists cannot be guaranteed as some of them find it difficult to detach from their old ways. They could pose more lethal threat to their immediate communities as evidenced by the refusal of some of these communities to re-admit them in their fold.

    This fear draws support from current events in Afghanistan. Khairullah Khairkhwa, one of the five Taliban commanders held in Guantanamo Bay from 2002-2014, released in exchange for US army Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl is now one of the Taliban leaders in Afghanistan. That is the stark reality that confronts this country as it toys with OPSC.

    It also smacks of contradictory policy stance to haul sundry self-determination agitators into detention when those responsible for heinous crimes that brought sorrow and awe to many families are released to go home under the de-radicalization policy. The Taliban victory will redefine perception on the insurgency of the herdsmen especially, now the Buhari regime is striving to impose grazing reserves on some states.

  • Alternative without an option

    Alternative without an option

    A fever has caught the two gladiators of Nigeria, and it is the shiver of hope. They are quaking from pocket violence. What ails the country dwarfs the turmoil within the APC and PDP.

    Neither party is able to confront the pains outside. Hunger is shrivelling the people, as the Sultan of Sokoto has noted. Herdsmen follow machete blades instead of brains. Zealots on both sides are expressing their lack of faith in the country. Rapine and murder are making newspaper headlines cloy. We are shedding the blood of war in peacetime, apologies to the scriptures.

    In spite of these, the politicians seem to have nowhere to go. APC bigwigs wallow in the illusion of a house of refuge as PDP has emptied some of its titans into the party in power. Exit Ayade and others. Exit faith in PDP.

    No one is thinking what some call the third force, because Nigeria’s political elites are entrapped in the binary of an alternative without an option. A forked road, each path smelling of the same gunpowder.

    Read Also: Conduct national convention, APC Govs tell Buni

    APC was once a force that seemed a psychological third force. It was not a third force then, and the political space rippled with many parties, some appealing only to a few states, or a wary demographic or a region, or a tribe. APC was a coalescence of opportunity. It was a mere force that cancelled a third force of the mind. It became a second force, an alternative roaring with strategy. A walk out of the mire, out of the mine. Into more of a destination than a destiny. It echoes Fela’s song, “where we dey go… don’t ask me.” There was a sense that the journey was the fulfilment. It also tapped into the yearning for something else. It was not encased in any language or ideology. To purloin the phrase of writer Gertude Stein, “there was no there there.” But we had to go – there. There we go!

    Like the nihilist who was asked what he wanted to replace a structure with once it was pulled down, the APC thought was “let us pull it down first and we shall figure out what to do afterwards.” That was the momentum of the APC, a certain faith and even greed in the future. But now that they have power what are they doing with it?

    That is why the APC, a big and mighty party, is living on the swagger of incumbency. It is in a crisis, but it does not know it. It had a national working committee, and it was dissolved with a National Executive committee. Now, it set up a caretaker committee to solve the party woes. They accused Adams Oshiomhole of making himself into a dictator within the party. That is a short hand for not pushing their private interest through.  The CPC wing of the party saw its time had come after the 2019 victory. They no longer needed the irritants of ACN and ANPP and the other little ants in the union. They set up the Mai Mala Buni team. They thought they had gotten rid of an abomination.  But the Supreme Court just hinted that they had replaced an abomination with an abomination.

    Rather than gurgle it up and vomit, they kept on swallowing. They went ahead with ward congresses, the genesis of its electoral process. The future is coming, a future of litigations and a supreme court going back to its earlier hint. Aketi escaped, but will Buni? Will APC? The law to every clear-eyed lawyer is irrevocable. To the attorney-general and a few leeches on the party boon, the APC and its caretaker committee are within their rights. The humpty-dumpty fall is ahead. We can see the cracks in its limbs and ribs. When it eventually crashes, it might be the greatest fall in Nigeria’s political history.

    The party is even trapped? It cannot even dissolve the caretaker committee within the law because the NEC has been dissolved, and an air cannot slap a tree. Nothing cannot make something out of itself because it has no self. The APC is technically a body without a head, flailing with a cocky air into a waiting ditch. In a sense, it is a party without a soul, a parody of a disembodied entity. No there there.

    The PDP almost followed the same path. The governors under Governor Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto State saved it from a quagmire. Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike wanted Secondus to go. He was in the same ship with perennial presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar. The calculation was self-serving. If Wike wanted to be vice president, the party chairman Secondus could not be party chairman in the same party because they belong to the same region. It has little to do with whether the PDP was failing as an opposition party. The polls will determine that. As things stand, the future battle, just like Jonathan’s, is the ruling party against the ruling party. The opposition can just stand aside and reap if it does not commit an unforced error.

    A caretaker committee would have put the PDP in the same stormy water that APC is slushing in without knowing it.

    But with Tambuwal making shuttles across the country and communing with his colleagues and members of the NWC, the Wike pouting came to an end, if temporarily. He has now decided to fight another day. A caretaker committee could have been a first stage of an implosion. A cool head, from Tambuwal, has kept the storm at bay. Tomorrow is another date, that October when it will hold its convention and election.

    Secondus as a party leader has an opportunity to fight again. But unlike the APC, the PDP has no legal albatross. It needs to conduct an election. APC needs to conduct itself, its character. The APC with its apparatchiks like Buni and attorney general should remember what Ahab told a bullying King  Ben-hadad, “the one who puts on the armour should not boast like the one who takes it off.”

    What is going on in the parties is not democracy but the pangs of strongmen. Wike and Atiku in the PDP and the President and his men in the APC. Plato had warned in his Republic that democracies will fall because of democracy. The Greek philosopher preferred philosopher-king, and suspected equality. We are seeing that in the United States, Turkey, Russia, Philippines, et al. Ancient Greek parliament voted out democracy. The strong men that resulted led the empire to war and ruin. Statesmen like Pericles could not save them forever.

    There is nothing impregnable in a democracy, it still takes men of wise counsel to save it. Systems are subject to men, and not the other way. Just as Tambuwal intervened for PDP, the APC heads into a void if it maintains it hubris.

    No sanctuary

    Greek historian Tacitus once asserted that the body and mind of a people are the priorities of governance. But the body reflects the mind. As Covid-19 re-enacts itself in a third wave, a certain professor fell in the southwest. He caught the virus in one of his evangelical missions, it was assumed by his folks. He could have been saved, according to the story, but his state, Oyo, had no respirators for their own good. He suffocated. Part of the problem was the doctors’ strike.

    This week a Government College Ughelli classmate will be laid to earth. We had an online evening of tributes to our miler Valentine Ofuokwu and one of the revelations from his sister was that they waited in vain for an ambulance to take him from his home in Asaba to Benin. Fellow classmates had rallied to save one of us, but the system failed him as one of us, Victor Agbro, put it.

    Yet while the people struggle to pick life out of a deathly healthcare system, the big man flies out for check-up at everyone’s expense. The sick cannot reach sanctuary, so all that is left is an obituary.

    Ofuokwo was a great sportsman at GCU, a great miler who overtook all of us in the 5-mile race. He earned a grade one at WAEC and became a brilliant lawyer. Adieu Valentine. If man and country cannot provide sanctuary, the almighty will – for you.

     

  • MURIC advocacy for Zulum

    MURIC advocacy for Zulum

    Intervention by Islamic human rights advocacy group, Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) in the controversy over the destruction of a Church in Borno State is as interesting as it is ludicrous.

    Officials of the war-torn state have been embroiled in a dispute over the demolition of the Ekklesiyar Yan’uwa a Nigeria Church, commonly known as EYN during which a 20-year old Ezekiel Tumba was killed and five church members seriously injured. Accounts of how the incident happened vary.

    But there is a convergence of views that the unfortunate incident happened when officials of the Borno Geographical Information Systems BOGIS went with bulldozers to pull down the church located in a suburb of Moduganari in the Maiduguri metropolis.  On arrival, they met workers on site and in an attempt to seize the phones of those recording the demolition, there arose some protest from the workers and church members on site. In the ensuing confusion, operatives of the Civilian JTF fired at the crowed resulting to the casualties witnessed.

    Borno State government said the EYN Church was one of those marked for demolition for allegedly carrying out expansion without approval from the government. It condemned the violence but blamed both sides for “throwing stones” and “shooting of guns”.

    Christian Association of Nigeria CAN, Borno State chapter condemned the incident calling for a judicial commission of inquiry on the killing and shooting to bring perpetrators to justice. CAN also demanded the “Rebuilding of demolished churches and reopening of all churches seized by BOGIS which include EYNLCD Moduganari, Jubilee Sanctuary Church, Pompomari bye pass, Total Gospel international Church, Mari-Baki Kogi, The Sanctuary Church behind AA Bappa filling station Tudun Wada and Christ Favor Land, Pompomari bye pass”.

    The incident has re-opened old religious wounds with CAN deploring the discrimination suffered by Christians in securing lands from the government to build churches. Also at issue is the alleged reluctance or refusal by the government to approve Certificate of Occupancy C of O for church buildings. In fact, Borno CAN claims the last time that government issued C of O to any church organization was in 1979, 41 years ago.

    CAN further contends that the inability of Christians to access lands for religious purposes leads to the conversion of residential buildings to places of worship as religious adherents must have a place near where they live to serve their creator. Such has been the intensity of the issues generated by the demolition of the EYN church.

    But a curious dimension to the crisis emerged when MURIC entered the fray. In a statement, the group claimed that “contrary to a coordinated propaganda over the demolition of an EYN Church in Maiduguri, the Muslim Rights Concern, MURIC can authoritatively report that the Borno State Geographic Information Systems BOGIS created by Governor Babagana Umara Zulum actually demolished 11 Mosques and four Churches in the metropolis”.

    MURIC claimed a team of investigators working with it visited each of the sites where the mosques were demolished; interviewed residents, gathered photographs and data that showed the locations of the 11 mosques and the dates of their demolition by officials of BOGIS for violating the purpose approved in residential title. They named the demolished Mosques.

    Curiously however, MURIC went ahead to commend Zulum describing him as a “wonderful performer… that should be allowed to concentrate on his good work”. Ordinarily, one would not have had an ax to grind with the showering of praises on Zulum. If his performance profile merits them, so be it.

    But there is everything untidy in the circumstance and timing of these praises. Showering praises on the governor on an issue that hinged on the destruction of churches and loss of life with many injured, is to say the least, very callous. It is unfortunate that a so-called rights group failed to show a modicum of sympathy for the life lost and the injured in its wild goose chase of entering defence for the Borno State government. As if that gaffe is not grave enough, the hidden impression conveyed by the statistics bandied by MURIC is that the Borno State governor is insensitive to the religious sensibilities of his people.

    Read Also: MURIC to Pantami: don’t let anyone blackmail you to resign

     

    That is the unintended message MURIC has brought to the public domain. And it is a minus for Zulum whose image the group set out to launder. By claiming that the state government destroyed more Mosques than Churches, MURIC intended to portray Zulum as one not propelled by religious bigotry. Since he destroyed more Mosques than Churches, he cannot be accused of faith-induced discrimination, they may have reasoned.

    But that is not all that can be discerned from the comparison. The impression one gets is that of scant regard for the religious sensibilities of the people, notwithstanding the reasons adduced. Eleven Mosques and four Churches destroyed? That is a weighty statement on itself.

    Apparently realizing the futility of highlighting the governors’ skills in destroying Mosques and Churches, MURIC was quick to issue another statement a day after, disclosing that the same government had actually rebuilt nine churches destroyed by the Boko Haram insurgents. Now, they are on the positive side- rebuilding, not destroying. The purport of this is not lost on any one. But it exposes the gaps in the initial data on the number of Mosques and Churches destroyed. It was a needless comparison.

    To show that MURIC was not of the noblest of intentions in its current advocacy, they woefully failed to show how many mosques the state government also rebuilt. For the group to have claimed working with investigators (not that it did the investigations) whose identity was not disclosed to omit the number of Churches and Mosques rebuilt in its initial statement, fuels suspicion on the genuineness of the investigations.  What emerges is more of a promotional hand-out from the state government.

    Incidentally, it was poorly done. And when the hidden message of the first statement began to emerge, they had to issue with indecent haste, another to prove that Zulum is after all, not a destroyer of Mosques and Churches but a rebuilder. That is a better image for him.  Maybe MURIC will issue a third statement to pacify Muslims that Zulum is not propelled by reversed religious discrimination since they have not been told the number of Mosques he also rebuilt, if any.

    But more than anything else, the current entanglement of MURIC betrays its contradictory stance on issues of this nature. For a group that has acquired a devious technology for raising alarms each time the rights of Muslims to worship appear threatened, to now pitch tent with a government embroiled in a similar controversy is the height of hypocrisy. It stood better not getting involved in this matter at all.

    The position of the group when Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State was falsely accused of destroying a mosque, bears out MURIC’s unpardonable biases and inconsistency. Then, MURIC had launched all manner of invectives on Wike even with existing court ruling that the disputed land belonged to the state government. All efforts by Wike to show that no Mosque existed on that piece of land with several warnings on defaulters fell on the deaf ears of the MURIC leadership.

    MURIC embarked on vile propaganda and name-calling, alleging Wike was making good a grand agenda to convert the state to a Christian state having so declared. MURIC’s reaction to Wike’s strident explanation that no Mosque existed there was, “a Mosque is a Mosque, whether it is a completed structure, half or quarter completed. Muslims congregate there to worship”.

    It is an uncanny irony that MURIC turned this logic and burning passion to protect places of worship upside down now the faith of Christians is involved. It has created a monster by its handling of the EYN Church demolition that resulted in the loss of life and injuring of many. And it will continue to haunt it for a long time.

  • (For Ogiame Tsola Emiko)  Ode to the new Olu of Warri

    (For Ogiame Tsola Emiko) Ode to the new Olu of Warri

    Ogiame suo!
    Here comes your day
    Our day
    Iwere folks, alight
    For the world marvels at our sights
    The conscience of our costumes
    The fluid fervour of our dance
    The glorious cadences of our songs
    Those are the martial rhythms of
    Our past roaring ever gently even today
    As the Ogiame yet again
    Rises to the throne of our fathers
    In the magnificence of the march
    From memory to majesty
    The splendour that is your regalia
    Where legends exhaled
    In war, in peace, in cuisines, in romances
    In native narratives
    Of conquests and industry
    In stockades and brocades
    In alliances and allegiances
    Our martial ecstasies and mercantile virtues
    The Iwere now crowds before the crown
    For which we will labour in bones and blood
    Behind the biceps of your courage
    The justice of your utterances
    And the finality of your legacy
    As you begin another era
    You usher a new realm
    In an old kingdom
    A new history
    Within a tradition
    A new spark in confetti
    Of lights
    To make stout a people
    That would not yield
    Except to pride
    Except to the resources of dignity
    In our stories
    Except to the fierce fortitude
    Of the entrails of our beings
    Our history
    Emboldened
    From that natal hour
    When a crib carried the
    First flicker of the Itsekiri soul

  • Three idols

    Three idols

    The first abused glamour. The second abused money. The third abused power. They became a triune of impunity, but they thrived in the tribunal of a vain and idolatrous generation.

    The stories of Hushpuppi, Obi Cubana and Abba Kyari only show how they make a mockery of money and hard work in this country. They were the odds and ends of the Nigerian contemporary culture, the alliance of decay. Ironically, they are not on the fringe of society. The likes of them have become the mainstream. Those who pissed on the river’s edge have polluted the whole body of water. The fishes now bob as lifeless creatures on the ebullient streams.

    When they began, they etched their tales as epic. They now ebb as anti-climax. They were models of class. Now they seem like yokels. Instagram sizzled with their faces and poses and quotes. Now they are footnotes and distorted memories. Everyone wanted them who robed them as winners. Now some worshippers are wincing in existential doubt. They were online idols. A million eyes bowed, clicks were rites, shares evangelised, likes were the amens and envy were the iniquities.

    The first was Hushpuppi. His narrative for this essayist was his subversion of the work ethic. Ramon Abbas emerged from the dark but all over him was a cloud of confetti. They called him Gucci Master, a toast of the internet. The young followed him, cursed and envied him. Few asked how he became so rich that he draped himself in the high-octane waves of brands: Gucci, Fendi, Louis Vuitton, Chanel, Jimmy Choo, et al.

    Read Also: Abba Kyari: The turning point

    This is the sort of brand most people save for years to purchase. Even at that, they get one item and savour it, be it a bag, a pair of shoes or even a shirt. I recall in Paris years ago, I saw a Chinese lady who planted herself outside the window of a Louis Vuitton store long after it had closed for the day. She was ogling an item. The lust flamed through her soul. She was like an engrossed somebody spying her beloved. Obviously, she could not afford it at that time. She was probably saving, and hoped she would be ready in time before the item evaporated from the rack. Our man Ramon hauls them home like a trawler of fish.

    But the paradox is that Hushpuppi thought he was working hard. Indeed he was. A Bloomberg report showed the mockery of industry that attends his work. It was often a triumph of intelligence monitoring, internet acumen, psychological scheming, data processing, mastery of timing, a finger on the pulse of the market. It is a genius at work. He understands the geography of money movement in the work, the policies of banks, the politics of each country, the soft underbelly of the financial world. He knows when to pause, when to parry, when to decoy, when to strike. Like a marksman, he marshals all these into a flawless shot at a deal. When he sunbaths beside his pool, he is celebrating his diligence. It is the sincerity of a conman.

    That is why people like him have distorted the work ethic. He was a conman who was different from the pen thief in the ministries. Those only need to sign and doctor figures. For Ramon Abbas, it took racking of the brain.

    So, they see themselves as the real thing. But they are parodies of work. It is wealth without industry, profit from the devil’s plate. It is like George Orwell’s short story titled A Hanging, in which all the executioners employ the normal language of a workaday labourer, like a farmer or fisherman, when they execute a fellow man. Men like Hushpuppi would quote Christ when he said “a labourer is worthy of his hire.” But even in that Bible passage, he warned against greed, and forbade his disciples to go from house to house. Hushpuppi travelled from brand to brand, from Gucci house to Chanel shine. He lived not for the brand but for his brand. He conjured Hushpuppi and its glam for instagram. Instagram was his arena, his stage. How many times did he wear them? Where did he go? He had no mainstream skill. No one invited him to a conference, or to give a speech, to a black-tie event. His office was languor, not glamour; in the bedroom where he could hide only in underwear and mint millions of dollars.

    For Obi Cubana, this essayist is not interested in how he made his money, but how he spent it. Especially when his mother passed, in a town known as Oba, which in some places means king. He played obscene royal for his mother. The comedian Elder GCFR warned all those females trooping to the Oba of Benin’s palace to not confuse the Oba of Obi Cubana with the grand abode of their monarch. The laugh merchant was referring to females at the party, where money was turned into a gutter. Those who make money through sweat, who belabour bone and blood, should think twice about the display of squander. Those who have many times more money are not seen in other climes to descend to such vanities. It was in a village, I learned, where many would want to send their kids to good schools, where many may not have the square meals they desire, where schools and hospitals could have been memorialised in his mother’s name. Now the memory for the poor woman is money baked in dust and slime, much of it unspendable. No legal tender for mama. Rather than being a burial of remembrance, it was a memorial of superfluity.

    Wealth comes with responsibility. No one makes money out of a vacuum. The society demands, at least, a dignity of success. What happened at Oba was a subversion of merit. In Warri, in my young days, we called it money miss road. His is the sort of reckless splurging that Scott F. Fitzgerald documented in Jay Gatsby, the main character of his novel The Great Gatsby, who threw parties of extravagance and everyone, most of whom he did not know, attended. He never connected with his guests. The person across the street he wanted to connect with and impress never came to the party. It is the futility of such self-indulgence, making money the be-all and end-all of society, just like the old Dickensian woman in the novel, The Bleak House, who thought whenever a person mentioned a figure it must refer to money.

    Abba Kyari was the supercop who has been associated with both men. A supercop who gyrated at parties, who glorified stunts, who witnessed Obi Cubana’s vanities even as he broke the law by “spraying” money, and did nothing. It is he who now has to explain why he had a team that emboldened a crime with a crime. Now the fault lines of his character are in the open. In the FBI report, Hushpuppi expresses himself in a righteous tone, and the supercop obliged.

    The story of the three is the story of how tribe matters little when money is involved. No one thinks Yoruba, Igbo or Fulani in the three. Money has no tribal fealty. It does not speak a language in the market. The story also tells Nigeria’s materialistic turn. Hushpuppi represents making money no matter how. Obi Cubana wasted it no matter how much. And Abba Kyari endorsed them from the high quarters of the law for whatever they were worth.

  • Abba Kyari: The turning point

    Abba Kyari: The turning point

    By Emeka OMEIHE

     

    Public interest aroused by the travails of Deputy Commissioner of Police, Abba Kyari is not unexpected. This has nothing to do with envy stemming from a hyped brilliant career profile. Neither is it one of those occasions individuals or groups went out of their ways to plot the downfall of a man on a supposed road to stardom.

    It is also not a case of unsuccessful or poor people taking solace in the downfall or even death of prominent/wealthy persons even when such will in no way, improve their situations.

    Here is a police officer, arguably one of the best of his ilk. He has had a very brilliant carrier with stunning successes in bursting high profile crimes. His rare investigative prowess had come to confer on him, a tinge of magical image. Such was the high rating of this police officer for which he has been severally decorated. It is to this brilliant performance that he has come to be identified as the ‘Super cop’.

    This high career image is seriously threatened with fears of possible demystification. His entanglement could rubbish whatever credit he hitherto had to his name. He has been fingered in a high wire scam involving international fraud kingpin Ramon Abbas popularly known as Ray Hushpuppi.  Abbas who is standing trial in a case of wire scam in the US court in which he admitted guilt implicated Kyari in the sordid deal for which the court issued a warrant to the FBI to apprehend him.

    When the story initially filtered, Kyari had on his Facebook wall exonerated himself, claiming innocence. He claimed Abbas saw some of the clothes and caps he usually wears on his (Kyari’s) wall and sought his connection to purchase some from the tailor. He subsequently connected Abbas and had him pay directly to a bank account number accessible to that tailor. And when the clothes were ready, the tailor sent them to his office where someone sent by Abbas came to collect them.

    That was his story then. But transcripts of telephone conversations (including text messages and audio) obtained by the FBI from the District Court for the District of California, US came up with startling insights. Discussions from that transcript and their very nature did not lend themselves to that simplistic and dismissive handle Kyari gave the accusation.

    The transcript contained well detailed account of how Abbas reached out to Kyari to secure his support to arrest and detain an alleged co-conspirator, Chibuzo Vincent for a ‘business’ misunderstanding. He sent Chibuzor’s phone number to Kyari to enable him effect his arrest. After the arrest, Kyari sent biological identifying information of Chibuzor along with his photograph to Abbas.

    “That is him sir’, Abbas replied to which Kyari said, “We have arrested the guy…he is in my cell now”. Abbas then told Kyari, “I want him to go through serious beating of his life”, to which Kyari responded, Hahahaha. Kyari then asked for details of what Chibuzo did “on audio” so that his team will know what to do.

    Abbas forwarded an audio message to Kyari where he related how Chibuzo tried to steal away a fraud victim from him. “What he did is, I have one job. The job want to pay me 500 umm, 75,000 dollars. He went to message the job behind me because I told him to help me make one document for me to give the job”.  He told Kyari that Chibuzo made contact with the ‘job’ and tried to divert the money after telling the victim that Abbas and his team are fake.

    Then, Kyari wrote, “Ok I understand. But he has not succeeded”. Abbas said Chibuzo had collected some money and then sent Kyari two screenshots one of which contained the phone number Chibuzo used to contact the victim. Kyari’s response was “Yeah I understand”.

    What was it Kyari said he understood? Why did he not put Abbas to task on the nature of the job that will pay him that huge amount of money and why it was easy for another person to attempt stealing it? And why was his curiosity and investigative instincts not activated when Abbas told him Chibuzo alerted their contact that they are fraudulent? Or is it that Kyari fully understood the nature of the ‘job’ and decided to play along?

    Read Also: Hushpuppi Saga and Kyari’s seven fatal errors

     

    These are some of the searing questions. It is more worrisome that a well decorated officer; one ascribed uncommon investigative acumen failed to take advantage of the lead provided by Abbas to burst the dubious deal. The seeming inability or reluctance by the super cop to read in between the lines is behind his current predicament.

    The transcript further indicated that Abbas told Kyari he wanted to pay money for them to send Chibuzo to jail for a long time. “Please sir, I want to spend money to send this boy to jail, let him go for a long time”. Kyari’s response was “Ok bro I understand. I will discuss with my team who arrested him. We will do something about it”. Abbas’ reply was, “Let me know how I can send money to the team sir”.

    Barely six minutes later, Kyari provided the account information for a bank account at Zenith Bank, in Nigeria in the name of a person other than himself. Abbas replied “Ok sir, tomorrow by noon”. Elsewhere in the transcript were discussions between the two on the health status of Chibuzor in detention, Abbas satisfaction with the punishment he had in detention and an agreement to have him released.

    I have gone this far to show the issues involved especially against attempts in some quarters to trivialize them. Apart from the allegation of accessory to the wire scam and receiving bribe, there are other moral and ethical issues raised by the discussion between the two. Unless the transcript is proven to be faked, it did not depict Kyari’s credentials in the mould the authorities hitherto presented him. There was nothing in the discussions that conformed to the high standards of efficiency, performance and intelligence expected of a super cop. The image the situation conveys is that of a police establishment that is willing to do the bidding of the highest payer.

    Abbas throughout the discussions dictated how Chibuzo should be treated, the punishment he should be given and the duration he should stay in detention. He even had to give his nod for him to be released and the day he should be released. Is that how bad our justice system has degenerated?

    It is instructive that during the discussions, threat to life which Kyari claimed he was investigating, never featured. All we heard was a case of wire fraud and theft involving some fraudsters. It was a sordid narrative of how the police institution could be manipulated to settle scores in stinking shady deals. It stands as a huge dent to the image of the police institution and the Nigerian state, the outcome of the current investigations notwithstanding.

    The police leadership started well by suspending Kyari to enable the committee probing the allegations do a thorough job. There are many issues in the conversation that should be of help. Kyari’s view of the ‘job’ Abbas told him of is vital. Why he arrested Chibuzo after a call from Abbas even when the details of his offence were not clear is another lead. Bank accounts have been provided and monies transferred. A tailor into whose bank account money was paid was mentioned. Who is that tailor and is he the owner of the bank account?

    In this era of ICT, the issues traded are not hard to unravel. The ‘Nigerian factor’ which the Arewa youths and Miyetti Allah are trying to inject into an already internationalized scandal, must be avoided. Kyari’s fate has nothing to do with tribe, religion or plot to get even with anyone. It strikes as one of the tragedies of life; full of surprises, uncertainties and human error. It could also be a classic case of the corruption of power.

    This is not the first time the credibility of well celebrated and decorated police officers, has come into serious interrogation. Former acting Chairman of the EFCC, Ibrahim Magu got entangled in similar integrity mess despite posturing as a no-nonsense anti-corruption czar. Is it a case of questionable assessment and reward parameters that supposedly well rated and trusted officials end up in integrity muddle?

     

  • Two priests, one saint

    Two priests, one saint

    By Sam Omatseye

    The two men do not belong in the same sentence. One a sheikh, the other a pastor. In spite of their antipodal rostrums, they have passed the same sentence on Muhammadu Buhari. They say he has failed, and he has no legitimacy again as the leader. They are not saying he has no legal legitimacy. They are saying he has lost his moral mooring.

    The northern streets may hail him as the sai baba, but it is coming not out of facts but delusion.

    We have two priests who were once allies of Buhari, but they are allies against him. Not allies in the same sojourn, but they are together from the distance. They hug without touching. The one’s heaven is the other’s hell.  The one’s torch makes the other touchy. They serve two gods, who authored contradictory books, designed different worship centres, chant opposing rhymes, craft different histories and have shed blood to consecrate their martyrs, and whet appetites in the name of conflicting paradises.

    But on Buhari, they have found common cause. It may be fleeting, a soap bubble, but it engrafts a feature in Buhari’s biography. He is a man who does not keep friends. Especially men who have worked for him, and made him shine. It is what psychologists call the fear of gratitude. Hence the Roma historian Tacitus noted that “Men are more ready to repay an injury than a benefit.”

    It means he is comfortable in a narrow vortex of flattery and reinforcing praise singers. I first observed this in former petroleum minister Tam David West who had great faith in him. When Buhari won the polls in 2015, the then weak man with high vitality could not conceal his gung-ho spirit. “It will work,” was his refrain. The pundit went to the grave a disillusioned soul.

    The two clerics are Pastor Tunde Bakare and Sheikh Ahmad Gumi. They don’t feel Buhari’s body heat anymore. Not a menage a trois. Unlike Cameroonian playwright Oyono-Mbia’s Three Suitors, One Husband, their romance with Buhari has expired.

    On his pulpit, Bakare was in his combative tempo. Announcing a movement that he calls Nigeria for Nigerians, he indicated that Buhari wants to come after him. He says he is ready for the ramrod president. He said he loved him, served him and respected him. The most emphatic verb in the past tense was respect. It means he has no place for Buhari in his holy of holies. He declaims in the name of his God that he is above Buhari’s hurt. He might have in his mind the passage that says, “Touch not my anointed and do my prophet no harm.” The lean, fiery cleric is daring the president. He did not mention Buhari by name, but it made his reference to him even more potent.

    It is also clear that Bakare is haunted by his endorsement of the Katsina titan for whom he served as vice presidential candidate. He asserted that holding the sword for him in the past and anointing him as a candidate did not in any way crucify him as a sinner. He referred to Prophet Samuel who anointed Saul. That did not hang the prophet because Saul became a scoundrel. This essayist agrees with him. If we blame all who endorse Buhari and have now felt disappointed should also blame God for Adam’s lips on the forbidden fruit. We should blame Jesus for orchestrating his own betrayal by picking Judas. In the Old Testament, God gave Solomon brains. But the wisest man on earth died a fool and God bequeathed his ten northern tribes to Jeroboam and two southern ones to Rehoboam, the only son we know of his happy doings with a thousand women. Both men were failures. Do we blame God for that? God did not blame Himself. Neither did Jesus for Judas. It is the nature of democracies to take risks, and hence it does not bestow offices for life. The people have bouts of remorse and can make a change. Renewals are the hallmarks of the republican spirit.

    The paradox of democracy is that the masses vote but the responsibility is personal. Just like Apostle noted, he should work out his own salvation. As the proverb says, you can get a job for a person, but you can’t do the tasks for them.

    Ahmad Gumi said Buhari should resign. His is even more curious.  Not long ago, he seemed to be the pious shadow of Aso Rock. Now, he has abandoned the villa to the pharaonic fate. He was the bandit’s uncle, the one who called for amnesty in a false equivalence with the Niger Delta militants. It is not clear, in spite of his moral assertions, why he turned his back on Buhari. Could it be that he had a bad experience with Buhari’s security men? Is he going to make a pirouette again? It is interesting that he said he had to pay Buhari in Jonathan’s coins. He called for Jonathan’s resignation for failing to secure the nation. His conscience emboldens him to do same to the Katsina politician.

    If two priests have turned their backs on Buhari, it makes him a pariah in the temple. Yet to some, he is a secular saint, especially to those who swear by him up north and who bowed on the streets and drank grubby water from the soil when he returned from illness.

    Could it also be a case of Bakare and Gumi failing as priests over an adherent? Some adherents are just too resistant to the holy of holies. This secular saint is one of them. We may not say it is a case of madmen and specialists as in Soyinka’s play where it becomes difficult to distinguish who is mad and who is a specialist.  We have similar motif in Scott F. Fitzgerald’s novel Tender is the Night where the line is hazy between psychiatrist and patient. Some have regarded Buhari as a religious zealot, so where do we put Gumi in this narrative?

    The point is that Buhari sees himself as a great follower of his faith and tribe and he can do anything he wants in their names. He does not care to please anyone but himself. He can invoke antiquated grazing maps and declare a lopsided appointment profile a meritocracy. He enjoys his voice and if others call it vice, he is content to call it melody. Hence he does not set much store by his own personal loyalty to people. He has always been like that. It was so when as GOC who challenged his chief of army staff Garba Wushishi and unilaterally engaged his army in a duel, and also asked Nigerians to start reading the constitution. This is the same man whose government is not reading the constitution enough. He became with Idiagbon a lone wolf as head of state in the military cabinet. It was the same Buhari who was a titan of the ANPP and became a fringe player before he formed the CPC. It is the same man his wife cried that her husband did not stand by those who fought for him. He is, in a diluted sense, like the essayist William Hazlitt who wrote, “I am never less alone than when alone.”

    He may see it as principle.  But others, like this essayist, call it betrayal. He may see himself as saint. That must be a satisfying illusion.

    Go home, Buni

    •Buni

    Much has been said and written about the verdict on the APC caretaker committee and its chair, the thin, absentee governor of Yobe State, Mala Buni. One thing is clear, all seven judges agree that the governor has no business being the chairman of that party contraption that has no place in law but in the devious imagination of the party chieftains. If the party constitution echoes the 1999 law, why is there any controversy? Maybe the party is waiting to muscle the wise men of the highest court to save it. That is to be seen, whether the men will turn timid when the case comes before them in future. Some are already saying it based on the illiterate statement of the attorney general who needs to attend government 101 on the meaning of executive. Maybe he sees it as non-executive because he is one of those making Buni into a marionette who obeys every of his instruction like a stooge. He makes a mistake equating governor’s executive function with a club like the governor’s forum, etc. The party is looking like a self-destruct horse heading down an incline.

    But it is clear that Buni is a lawless executive in the party. He lives in Abuja whereas he was voted to sit in the Yobe executive suite. The man has abandoned his mandate by hibernating in the nation’s capital. It is time to go back and listen to his people. Yobe is in a bad state.

    The ghost of Adams Oshiomhole is haunting the party. Buhari knew the legal implication of his ouster hence he asked for him not to go to court. Now, he can’t stop it as complaints will turn molten hot for the courts in the land. APC may be a larger version of Zamfara and Rivers, and that will be a humpty-dumpty fall and a gift prize to a quiet PDP.

  • Tale of two court trials

    Tale of two court trials

    By Emeka OMEIHE

     

    There are issues from the court trials of leader of proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu and Yoruba activist Sunday Adeyemo (Igboho) that should be of concern to the leadership of this country. These are inexorably at the heart of the conflict in government’s approach to extant challenges leading to the arrest and prosecution of the two campaigners.

    They also raise questions as to whether their trials and possible conviction (even with the most severe of terms) are all there is to the resolution of all issues to the agitations. It was obvious people outside the court premises were speaking a different language from the governments that are prosecuting the agitators. The implication of this should not be lost on anybody.

    Kanu is being tried at the Federal High Court, Abuja for alleged terrorism; treasonable felony, unlawful possession of firearms and management of an unlawful society. But the Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami gave a hint of fresh charges that will incorporate new allegations against him.

    In the case involving Adeyemo which came up at the Court of Appeal Cotonou, Benin Republic, the charges by that government hinge on immigration offences even as the Nigerian government is said to be pressing for his extradition to face other charges. The Nigerian government is accusing him of arms stockpiling, inciting violence that could result in social disturbance and causing disunity in Nigeria.

    Central to the charges against the two are alleged illegal arms possession, inciting violence and actions that could lead to a breakdown of law and order. Kanu’s is distinct in the sense that it has terrorism as a key charge.  Both also share common objectives in pressing for self-determination for two of the three major ethnic groups in the country.

    While Igboho is spurred by the activities of the herdsmen that have been serially associated with killings, kidnapping, rape and despoliation of farmers’ crops in the southwest, Kanu is against the injustice of the Nigerian state against his Igbo ethnic group for which he is agitating for separatism. He also shares common concerns with Igboho on the menace of the herdsmen in the southeast for which he set up a security outfit to pursue them out of the forests.

    All the alleged offences for which they are facing trial were committed in the course of prosecuting this self-determination agenda. These are the two tendencies that shaped events during the court trials both in Abuja and Cotonou. And they will continue to influence perception of the entire trial process.

    Even as the prosecution failed to produce Kanu in court pleading logistic hiccups, the first thing of interest was the huge crowd that came from far and near to witness the event. Though security agencies had warned those having nothing to do with the trial to keep off, the crowd that thronged the venue was composed of an assortment of lawyers striving to gain entrance and representatives of the Ohaneze Ndigbo which had come to observe the proceedings.

    It was a rowdy situation. There were heated arguments at the entrance of the court as lawyers questioned the propriety of asking them to produce their identity cards as a condition for entry. One of the lawyers likened the court room to a market place for lawyers which required no identification. Such was the scene at the court premises.

    Of note also was the presence of a huge crowd of IPOB supporters who identified as such, singing solidarity sons in support of their leader. The security agencies tried to disperse them but later buckled down. It is to their credit that they eventually recognized the rights of law abiding citizens to peaceful gathering. The country is a democratic establishment that must be seen to be operating according to the rules.

    The show of solidarity and courage in identifying themselves as IPOB members at the seat of the government of this country is very instructive. Significant because, it raises a moot point on the terrorism accusation for which the IPOB was proscribed and its leader charged. Conceived this way, all those who identified with the leader of an organization accused of terrorism should have been considered suspects and thrown into detention.

    But nothing of such happened highlighting the contradiction in the terrorism allegation for which IPOB was proscribed. This point is of relevance given events in the southeast. At the heat of the killing of some security agents and attacks on governmental facilities, the government had laid the blame at the doorsteps of the IPOB which severally denied being violent.

    The government ordered a military operation in the zone to fish out the so-called unknown gunmen behind the heinous attacks. In the course of this military engagement, there arose allegations of profiling, arrest, incarceration and killing of innocent people especially the youths for alleged membership of IPOB. Since the course IPOB is prosecuting enjoys considerable sympathy in the zone, suspecting any and every person from the area became the order of the day.

    Even as relative peace has returned to the area, the public is regularly regaled with reports by security agencies of breakthroughs in the arrest of sundry IPOB members for criminal offences. It is either they are parading them in groups or as individuals with arms and ammunitions. The way the IPOB is now linked to sundry crimes has begun to convey the wrong message that there are no more armed robbers, Kidnappers and all manner of criminals in the zone. The impression we get is that all those sympathetic to the injustice the IPOB is campaigning against are terrorists; criminals that should be hounded and possibly eliminated.

    The Abuja court gathering has clearly shown the pitfalls of that position. Those that gathered, clearly identified themselves and were heard insisting in argument with security agencies that they had come in peace and were exercising their rights to peaceful assembly. They were defiant in asserting their rights to self-determination and the law enforcement agencies were left with no option than to allow them.

    Does that convey any message? Does it say something about the categorization of the group as terrorists-a label that has exposed innocent youths in the zone to all manner of mistreatment from security agencies? What of the appearance of the Ohaneze Ndigbo at the venue? Are they also sympathizers of a terrorist organization? The way these posers are resolved will give a clue to the efficacy of the responses of the government to all the issues that brought about the current pass.

    The case of Adeyemo also toed the same path. Hundreds of his supporters both from this country and Benin Republic had thronged the court premises to show sympathy over his travails. There was also a high-powered delegation from the Ooni of Ife, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi and the Olubadan of Ibadan, Oba Saliu Adetunji to Cotonou to observe the court proceedings.

    Oba Adetunji said he took the step to assure those who had besieged his palace including protesters that he was not folding his hands over the travails of Igboho and his aides. Had the trial been in the Nigerian court, perhaps security agencies would have had rough time controlling an unprecedented crowd of supporters. That is also a veritable statement.

    Events from the two courts clearly indicate that Kanu and Igboho are not necessarily seen in the mould the authorities are framing them. They are seen as people fighting injustice, staking their lives for the good of their ethnic groups in a clime unable to manage its diversities. The grievances they seek to remedy are popular with the people. So their conviction (even the payment of the supreme price) cannot bring final resolution or closure to issues propelling the agitations.

    The government should go beyond court trials and engage the constituents for lasting solutions to the agitations. The trials are clear signals of a system unable to manage its challenges. They speak of system instability to the outside world and inherently investor unfriendly.

  • Cage them

    Cage them

    By sam omatseye

     

    With Igboho undergoing trial in Benin Republic and Kanu awaiting his in Abuja, we are set for a tragi-comic drama. Tears will glisten with laughter, and we will not be sure as a people whether what has happened is a good thing.

    First, I mused in amusement over the nabbing of Igboho in Cotonou. What happened to the charms for which the army became paranoid? The army recoiled into a martial mouse at the vision of the Yoruba materiel of war, the potent cowries, the fabric as missiles and its aroma as the paralysis of the senses. Igboho himself beat his chest over their prowess. So, did they lose power across the border? Why did they see him there but could not in Ibadan?

    Did he fall short of his Yoruba mythological promise? Where was the enchantment that turned the opponent into a pillar of salt, or human statue, or a moron? Where was the Ogunmola in him, the Fabunmi, the avatars and pantheons that made fables tame by comparison? No Agbekoya reborn in the Ibarapa son? He merely fell into the slimy hands of law enforcement? Did he fail his forbears? Did Igboho capsize the Yoruba myth, or did it reveal Igboho as not an authentic Yoruba warrior, that his Yoruba nation project is just egoistic effluvia and a vanishing pastime? Is he an impostor in the skeins of a race that boasts a parade of pukka fighters?

    Maybe it was not to be. He was a mere mortal fighting a mortal war of flesh and blood. You do not fight a war of secession with the ammunition of the spiritual. As Apostle Paul noted in the scriptures, the things of the spirit are different from the things of the flesh. Flesh answers to flesh, spirit to spirit. Fighting for Yoruba independence is not a warfare of charms and amulets. It is the province and provenance of the flesh. Maybe that is why Igboho failed this time to transform, to become spirit. He had to go to the most human of all places, the courts.

    We are not sure at this time if Benin Republic is posturing in the guise of the rule of law. The impunity of the Nigerian forces to nab and repatriate him was probably encouraged by Kenyan gullibility or corruptibility. Time will clarify that. The East African nation has been denying with its tongue caught between contradictory narratives. One thing is sure. When the matter of Kanu enters the court, the Nigerian government will have to find an ogbologbo lawyer to disentangle its impunity, and why it can justify impunity in trying to prosecute an impunity.

    Time will tell if the Benin government is playing for time, whether it will collapse under the might of its hectoring neighbour, whether Igboho will return, in chains, to his motherland like Kanu. Then Buhari would have further lionised the country bumpkin, and made the presidency a sponsor of further resentment in the land.

    The Benin court will have to prove if it will find a lacuna for the Nigerian government, and make the law court a parody of the legal process just like scenes in Charles Dickens novel, Bleak House, where everyone can mimic the legal process and get the justice they want.

    Yet the amusement goes further to the passport narrative. We hear, without authentication, that Igboho bears a Beninois passport. What irony! The two fellows who swear by the autochthonous purity of their races project two selves. Kanu, the ethnic entrepreneur, has a British passport. Igboho, a Beninois? We can just say they are flawed advocates of the race. They fight from abroad, their hearts at home? Even Igboho’s family are majorly abroad. His kids are in Germany including one of his wives. Ropo has a German passport. But when the firestorm blazes on Nigerian streets, they can comfortably hide in the white man’s villa while their followers are skewered in the maelstrom at home. Even the so-called intellectual uncle of the Yoruba Nation, Professor Banji Akintoye, is, to all intents and purposes, an American coddled by Uncle Sam while throwing his sabres and dreaming pyres in the country.

    Kanu was in the comfort of Britain before the ethnic entrepreneur was reportedly lured by filthy lucre. He orated in the false grandeur of a hero while his hometown burned. Charles de Gaulle did same from Britain during the Second World War. The French man was a genuine hero who took over from the quisling Pettain and company who licked Nazi boots. Maybe Igboho plans the same thing. Then we might have had fighters in armchair, on-line generals.

    Yet the unspoken story remains the concentration of the Buhari government on Kanu and Igboho. In the north, we have more dangerous elements. They kill. They maim. They rape. They paralyse streets and homes. They anaesthetise villages. They de-oxygenate farms and livelihoods. They are the killers of the nation. They gave birth to Igboho and enthroned Kanu in the Igbo heart because the government robbed Peter to pay Paul.

    Yet the forests are fortresses of banditry or division. It is time for the media to wake up and focus on their identities. Treating them merely as bandits, and as groups has done little to embarrass the state. We need to name their names and their locations. We want the public to familiarise their names. The use of the language of bandits is even making them into some sort of cultural allure in the north.

    They are humans, not spirits. They have names, they are males and mammalian horrors. Who, for instance, is Dogo Gide? Who is Kachalla Yellow? Who is Kankani? Why do they bear such names? What do they look like? Are they Nigerians? Where do they come from, and who are their fathers and mothers? What primary schools did they attend? How did they become human terrors? What do they look like?

    Recently, Kankani boasted in a viral video how he tormented an Emir’s troops and how invincible he was. He looked every bit defiant in his dreadlocks, robust build, his dark skin a picture of prosperity. Who is Yellow? Is he yellow as his pigment of fear? Or it connotes something else?

    They are the dragonflies of the nether forests of the north. They see themselves as spectral saints from a dank crypt. They lead the gnomes of the forests to battle, and yell blood-filled hurrahs among the leaves, glades and wooded shades of the wilderness.

    We have to make them the follies of the day and ignite genuine revulsion against them by pigeonholing their leaders. Just as Anini and Osunbor became household names in IBB days, we need to proceed along that line. When “aggressor” Abayomi Dairo jumped off the jet to safety, we left the government to turn the story into his heroics rather than go after the goons who wanted to make him puny. We bless his heroism. But too many good men and women in the north do not meet Dairo’s Midas hour.

    The goons are wild animals in human form. We have to name the gang leaders to cage them, since they have no shame. Maybe after that, the new aircraft will make sense. It is not weapons alone that win wars, but strategy and sincerity. We lack those now.

     

    Parable of two walks

     

    politicised-ethnicity-democracy-and-development-1
    buhari

    When Muhammadu Buhari completed his pious episode at the mosque, he undertook a walk of fame. It is estimated at a miserly 800 yards. He walked, masked, his tall frame as usual dwarfing his aides and security detail around him. On the side streets were lickspittle natives of Daura who hailed him, and Buhari waved back appreciatively. For him, he was the people’s hero. We should not forget that there was another trek not long ago. What, in the southern African history, will be described as the Great Trek in the 19th Century. This era’s trek happened in Buhari’s neck of the woods. The long trek occurred when he had just barrelled into town in full ceremony. It was hundreds of school boys. They trekked not like we saw last week. Their feet were weary. They did not have security but hooded men with guns loomed over them. They walked not 800 yards. They became footsore after miles. They did not walk on plain roads, but they were companions to heat and snakes and spiking plants. When they ate, they were not nourished. But raw tubers and unknown vegetables overthrew their palates and took their bellies hostage. They were captives. No one waved to them but guns waved at them.

    No one should think that those who cherished the president on that Sallah day had relatives on that long trek. Not fathers, not sisters, not aunties. Because the sores from that trek will still be echoing in their bloodstreams. If the point is to show that his people love him, it is a bad spectacle for unity. Not far away in that Katsina is a wasteland of terror and a helpless Governor Masari who knows that his people are at the mercy of roughnecks who prosper at the expense of the weak.  If Buhari’s was a walk of fame, the boys’ walk did not hail, for they were not hale and hearty.

  • Sponsors and suppliers

    Sponsors and suppliers

     

    Enablers of banditry and terrorism in the country are certainly categorisable. There are sponsors and suppliers in a hierarchy of enablers. Curiously, the Federal Government’s war against bandits and terrorists has exposed more suppliers than sponsors. But sponsors are the giants that make it possible for suppliers to thrive.

    When it was reported that 400 alleged Boko Haram sponsors had been arrested, it suggested a new level of seriousness in the fight against terrorism. The arrested alleged financiers of the terrorist group were said to be businessmen, including bureau de change operators. They were arrested in Kano, Borno, Abuja, Lagos, Sokoto, Adamawa, Kaduna and Zamfara.

    The arrests were believed to have been carried out based on investigations. The suspects were, therefore, expected to be prosecuted without delay. The Special Assistant on Media and Public Relations to the Attorney-General of the Federation, Dr Umar Gwandu, was reported saying the prosecution of the suspects “will commence as quickly as possible.”

    Three months after the arrests in April, the suspects have not been arraigned. It is puzzling that the Federal Government is apparently delaying their trial.  Gwandu was later quoted as saying the process to prosecute them was ongoing. “Journalists will be notified at an appropriate time,” he said.

    It is unclear when the said process would be completed, and the suspects arraigned. Also, it is unclear why the process has not been completed. If investigations had implicated the arrested suspects, there should be no difficulty in putting them on trial. The longer it takes to arraign them, the greater the public feeling that the government is not quite ready to deal with alleged sponsors of terrorism.

    The narrative that the country’s security crisis is fuelled by politicians, government officials and businessmen has been spread by those who blame saboteurs for insecurity. For instance, Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom and Imo State Governor Hope Uzodinma attracted attention by circulating the allegation that saboteurs are to blame.

    Ortom of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the main opposition party, had described kidnapping for ransom as “another lucrative business in Nigeria with strong suspicion of connivance with government officials.” Uzodinma of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the ruling party, told journalists that politicians were funding banditry to sabotage the Buhari administration.

    The arrest of 400 alleged Boko Haram sponsors is an opportunity for the government to show that saboteurs exist and they are not faceless. This is why their prosecution should not be further delayed. Their trial will also encourage public confidence in the government’s effort to tackle insecurity.

    The Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami (SAN), should note that it is important to put the suspects on trial without further delay in order to establish the truth.  It is not enough that they are awaiting trial.  His aide spoke about “an appropriate time” for their trial. That time is now.

    It is noteworthy that the identities of the arrested alleged terrorism financiers have not been officially publicised, which is different from the treatment of cases involving arrested alleged suppliers of arms and food to bandits.

    Obviously, bandits need weapons and food, which enable them to carry out their evil activities. In June, the police arrested 60-year-old Umar Muhammed, an alleged supplier of weapons to bandits. According to the police, he used his vehicle to transport hidden guns from one place to another, and he was caught with weapons.

    In another case, policemen on patrol stopped four men suspected to be bandits on motorbikes on Tsaskiya-Ummadau Road, Safana Local Government Area of Katsina State.  They are: Ibrahim Abdullahi, 40; Tukur Musa, 35; Abubakar Ibrahim, 21, and Rabi’u Hamisu, 19. The police found N3.4m, and Abdullahi, their leader, was said to have revealed that they were gun suppliers and had received the money from a notorious bandit, Tukur Rabiu, for six AK-47 rifles delivered to him. He said he got N100, 000 as commission for each weapon he supplied.

    The police said:  ”Rabiu is hibernating at Rijana Forest, along Kaduna-Abuja Road… The suspect also confessed to be a gunrunner for one Abu Rade, a notorious bandit hibernating at Rugu/Dumburum forests of Katsina and Zamfara states.”

    Also, the FIB Intelligence Response Team (FIB-IRT) arrested members of a group that allegedly supplied drugs, bread and other food items to bandits operating in Zaria, Kaduna State and its environs. They were apprehended at the Rigachikun base following a tip-off, and revealed that they usually supplied bread to bandits at Galadimawa, Damari, Kidandan and Awala camps in Birnin Gwari and Giwa local government areas, Kaduna State. One of them said they also supplied information to bandits which helped their kidnapping and cattle rustling operations.

    Bakery owner Hassan Magaji, who was arrested, said: “It was my workers that were arrested by the police on their way to deliver bread, and they brought them to my factory.” According to him, “The boom in my business began when I started supplying bread to bandits.” He had an agreement with them that they would pay upfront for their bread supplies.

    He gave striking figures that showed bread consumption in the bandits’ camps, which possibly involved kidnapees, and the good profit he made.  ”They started with bread worth N20, 000 and gradually increased it to N50, 000 a day,” he said. “After removing the cost of the ingredients, I make as much as N150, 000 in a week.”

    Business was better for him whenever the bandits kidnapped many people, he observed, adding that he supplied bread worth N70, 000 daily to the bandits that abducted some university students in Kaduna State. There have been recent cases of mass kidnapping of students for ransom in the state.

    Suppliers of arms and food to bandits help them to sustain their evil activities. Not surprisingly, the police accused the arrested suppliers of criminal conspiracy.  The fight against banditry should be not only against bandits but also those who aid them, just as the fight against terrorism should be not only against terrorists but also those who aid them.

    Sponsors and suppliers who fuel the country’s security crisis have a lot of explaining to do. The authorities also have a lot of explaining to do when they fail to promptly prosecute arrested alleged insecurity enablers.  A striking instance is the case of the 400 alleged Boko Haram financiers who are said to be awaiting trial three months after their arrest.