Category: Sam Omatseye

  • Atiku’s league of democrats

    Atiku’s league of democrats

    Atiku Abubakar is not having peace in PDP, what with the Damagum conundrum. So, he has turned elsewhere for succour: The so-called League of Northern Democrats. If you go through the list of its mainstays, you will know it is the voice of Jacob but the hand of Esau. It is not a league, but a smokescreen for one man: Atiku Abubakar. He has thrown up his façade of followers to give the impression of a new outfit. It’s an old toga dyed anew. It is better named the League of Atiku Democrats. More appropriately, the Smokescreen of Atiku Abubakar. The leader is an Atiku man. His name, Ibrahim Shekarau. He is the man who played coquette in the last election and decided to dump Kwakwanso for Atiku and PDP. His disgrace in Kano still rings through Kofar Mata. Who is the convener? One Dr. Umar Ardo, a historian, who served Atiku as an aide when he was vice president. They have quite a few others, including Namadi Sambo, who pitched his tent with the Adamawa chieftain.

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    LND is the sort of name Atiku would like because it irradiates his irridentist mantra. We cannot forget his bluster in the last election campaigns when he posed as the northern star and asked Arewa to vote its own in a language of vile hegemony. As proprietary northerner, he said the other candidates should not be considered because they are southerners. LND also has some renegades who are bitter that they have been left out of the APC fruit bowl, like one Emmanuel Jime, a failed gubernatorial candidate who was removed as head of the Shippers Council after half a dozen years in the saddle.

    You don’t turn bitterness into a cause. That is becoming a fashion. LND and Atiku are trying to deploy ethnic hubris to pursue personal ambition. Pity.

  • Holy theft

    Holy theft

    We do not mourn when we call an uncompleted building a carcass. The word humours the dead. Few Nigerians were in jubilant humour when the EFCC announced its biggest catch ever: 753 duplexes.

    It is perhaps the most beautiful acreage of carcasses ever found. Stolen things often stay hidden. Millions of dollars stashed in furtive bank accounts. Jewels in vaults. Cars out of sight. In Nigeria, some highfalutin thieves have buried them like carcasses in their backyards, bought houses to tenant billions of naira. They now encrypt them and, without irony, they call it cryptocurrency. Even kidnappers seal cellars for their stolen captives.

    The irony with these carcasses is that they never had a breath of life before they are pronounced dead. The other irony is that, unlike a few miracles like Lazarus, these carcasses can come back to life. The miracle does not require a prophet or a holy water or oil of gladness. It can even be brought to life by an unclean spirit, like a real estate magnate. He will be a prophet but with guile, and will use water, which is necessary to mix cement to mould blocks. Holy water is not necessary. No oil but gladness is the final sentiment when the full building is ready. Well, for believers, they will anoint it.

    The 753 had no such finesse. They are in the open, as if the thief wanted to tell Nigerians there is a new art to public plunder: in your face. But it has always been in your face. They steal, line up limousines, buy private jets, build mansions here, in Dubai, in the U.K., in Miami, et al. But we see them. We know they were stolen. But we can do nothing about it.

    Yet, not in your face like what we have seen with 753. Maybe, it is a new chapter in thievery. We all want to get this set of carcasses. These ones are a gem. As the Bible says, “where the carcass is, there will the gathering of the eagles be.” The Nigerian eagle just found gems of corpses. It is gem as precious as William Faulkner’s dead character in As I lay dying. The dead seem to be more remarkable than the living in the novel, much like Cassandra in Homer’s Odyssey where Faulkner sourced his title. When the bible’s Samson duels a lion to the death, the carcass invents a marvel: it drips with honey. Out of the eater comes forth sweetness.

    Well, the good news is that this honey of a carcass will be open for all. The houses are now government property, and the EFCC will now make it a thing for all who can pay. As Malian singer and instrumentalist croons, “honey does not only taste sweet in one mouth”

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    The EFCC could not cement its efficiency and loyalty to nation with a courage: to name the thief. Its first statement locates the person as a sacked government official. Heads turned to former CBN chief Emefiele. Many asked questions but the most worrying was: Is it the former CBN chief, and why not name him who is known as Mefi in his intimate circle? Again, even Mefi, who in the past was quick to lash back at any perceived media hurt, has been as quiet as a pond. Not once when he was in office did he keep quiet over even a slight innuendo. He even hired his media minions to take a two-page advert against Sam Omatseye in this newspaper over his ambition to be – remember? – Nigeria’s president. He wanted the Job Tinubu now has. But he, who toted a giant bible – is as retiring as a mouse. As Abiola said in the June 12 tumult, “an elephant has given birth to a mouse.”

    His silence has created a guilty verdict, even after the EFCC hid under a legalese to take back its first statement. Not one  person but a chattel. That is what it can tell. So, EFCC told us without telling us that it is Mefi. Those who accessed the document have shown that it is Mefi. The judge knows it. The document said it. It is another irony in this tale. The accuser is guilty of accusing, or not accusing enough or well. But no matter.

    What is important is that Nigeria has gotten a big find. The untold story of the saga is the boon of a major project using government funds but administered like a private concern. We do not know how much it cost to erect the duplexes. But imagine if government wanted to build the same 753 duplexes. It might have cost ten times more.

    Normally, for government to complete this, there would have been a long time spent doing the necessary paper work. Billions of naira would go to architects. Billions more to acquire land, to do the survey, and also to get the contractors to bid for it. Then we shall have bribes for the government officials who would award the contracts.

    After that, there might be merry-go-rounds about work done on the survey, and why one report needed to be reviewed and another survey done. Or when the architect has done its work, there might be an order from above that the architect was not the right one. Anyway, they would spot a professional error in the process the architect was appointed, and another bid will ensue.

    In all these, no work has started, and billions have already gone down the drains. At last, they get to work. They pay to clear grass, although there is none. They pay to save the pond and marshes on the property, although it is solid earth. Billions, you may be surprised, has gone down a nonexistent strip of land.

    After they start, they realise inflation has set in. They do a variation, though the initial cost was ten times the original. With variation, they double it, which makes it twenty times. Then they set out to work. Everyone is happy: minister or commisioner, perm sec, contractor, publicists, lawyers, even bricklayer. We are happy that it happens during the reign of a governor or president. Or else, if its lapses, a new government decides to begin again. If the money sunk is too much of a scandal to bear, it becomes an abandoned project. Why get bogged down when you can start your own merry-go-round. That’s why we have abandoned projects all around.

    But the 753 duplexes did not have to go through that. The thief handled it like a private concern, and there was discipline from survey all the way to building. So, it happens fast, and efficiently. It is meant for profit, not for charity, since that is how government projects are perceived.

    This 753 thief steals to deprive us of corruption. He defeats bureaucracy, short cuts, lies, account variations, fronts, impersonations, and billions of naira down the drain. For once, a project was started and completed in right time, without kickbacks or red-tape rigmarole. Out of rottenness blooms a flower. In pidgin English, it is called “thief thief thief.” Where process fails, crookery prevails. Public indiscipline begets private discipline begets public good. Out of Samson’s carcass drips honey. It is the purest act of corruption in Nigeria’s history.

    The bible says “one man builds and another occupies.” Here, one man builds, the owner occupies. The thief has stolen for the owner. It is an edifying act, a sacred theft. It begins a theft, but ends a gift. It is unwholly but ends up holy. It is like Judas, who betrays but saves mankind. It is forbidden but we accept the fruit. We never pray for another Judas but we cannot resist such plums out of a rotten earth.

    Now that we have the carcasses, we expect that the homes get to the right buyers the right way and the money is ploughed for the common good.

  • Misunderstood

    Misunderstood

    Not many are happy that the Port Harcourt Refinery is back on stream. Not all humans crave prosperity. It is an aspect of the human archetype. The Israelites clamoured for redemption from Pharoah’s gulag. When it happened, they idealised their oppressor saying, at least, they had regular meals. They did not appreciate Moses and their new berth of freedom and the manna that dropped free from heaven. It recalls what Shakespeare said of drooling servants: “How fine my master is.”

    Hence, when the NNPCL announced the rebirth of the refinery, the pushback was fierce. We were not supposed to be this fortunate. Mele Kyari should not have done this to them. Bola Tinubu should not have a reason to gloat. They are a culture of complaint. They wanted a reason for tears. Joy was not part of the bargain.

    For them fortune is not fortune, unless it comes from somebody other than President Tinubu, much less from Mele Kyari whose head they have been seeking with the machete of ritualists.

    Kyari is like Nostromo, the hero in Joseph Conrad’s masterpiece who was lying down in respite after a battle. A bird of prey hovered with menacing appetite, salivating for a meal of carcass. Nostromo saw the flapping creature, and he said, “I am not dead yet.” They want Kyari as a prey of their malice.

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    They did not like the video of the NNPCL chief in the PHR overall as he stood ramrod tall beside some labour partisans. He announced the first flushes of the engines, and the labour men chanted. It was a nightmare.

    They were not happy with Kyari for a number of reasons. They were not happy that on his watch, the NNPCL paid off the $2.4 billion debt with IOCs, and that proclaims the company has become debt-free. Putting NNPCL in the black is not what they want from him. They just want to paint him black. It did not make headlines. Yet, when the debts happened, they splashed the headlines and sullied talk shows on television.

    Nor are they happy that we now have moved to drilling 1.8m crude per barrel a day and 7.4 billion standard cubic feet per day in gas production. It passed the news as though it was bad omen. We are quick to remember when people err, but not to forgive. As Ghandi wrote, “the weak never forgive.” I had a dialogue with a top media fellow the other day over the crude uptick. Rather than celebrate it, he pointed out that why would you employ Tantita and Tompolo. I shot back that Tompolo, if not perfect, had led us to a milestone over and above those military men who had become stumbling stones. They love the stumbling stones, but not milestones.

    The PH Refinery has been long on the way. It was a hard journey. There were promises made and joys delayed. It is now known that sabotage played a role in  that journey, ambushes and derailments. Lately we learned that the last time it was to take off, gaskets blew. It turned out the folks at the refinery could not trust everyone in their midst, especially the security personnel.

    They had to deploy DSS officers for their eagle eyes and fealty. That was how they got to this point. Even in a matter that should help everyone, a few want us to fall. Now that we have it running, those who are not happy will have to live with the facts. After the PH rollout, I called another media topman who had written off the refineries. They argued furiously that Kyari was taking the nation on a merry-go-round. I said it would happen sooner than he expected. When it happened, I placed a gloating call to him.

    Many forget that you can only work as well as your boss allows you. Did Buhari begin the process to revamp the refinery? Of course. Was deadline sacrosanct? Of course not. But it was not Kyari’s fault. He operated according to the interest of his boss. Obasanjo may have been right to say Buhari was Baba-go-slow, but Obj was Baba-go-nowhere. He spent a golden $800 million on the refinery only to sell it off for nothing. It took a discerning “Umoru” to nullify it.

    Kyari is doing much because he is operating in an enabling environment. Even at that, it was on his watch that the NNPC instrumentalised the PIA? Was he not the one who engendered many gas infrastructure projects from Ohaji-Egbema to Oredo  to Kwale? Or the Gwagwalada Independent Power Plant, or GIPP now seen as a game changer for power? Is he not in the middle of the CNG project, an arduous undertaking that requires the buy-in of all?

    The refinery news is maybe hard to absorb. It is good news but good news can be bad news for those who want us to stagnate. T.S. Eliot wrote: “Humankind cannot bear very much reality.”

    Maybe they want an angel, and angels in human forms are an illusion. As poet Rilke noted, “an angel is terrible.” It is the same a certain set of critics expect of the President. They want him to be perfect so they can make him a fallible human. If they make you human, your genius may shine. Angels are no geniuses because only humans are. If you make your foes human, then you will bow to their geniuses and absorb their frailties are persons in flesh and blood. As essayist William Hazlitt wrote: “It is well that there is no one without a fault; for he would not have a friend in the world.”

    Kyari should remain human, if even his critics want him otherwise. That is perhaps why he is, perhaps, the misunderstood public servant today.

  • Poor ambassador

    Poor ambassador

    The other day in the summer at Denver, Colorado, I attended a renewable energy meeting. One of the attendees walked up to me, and probably recognized me from my time as a journalist in town, and confirmed with my accent and my clothing.

    “Are you not from Nigeria?” she asked.

    “Yes.

    “I love Nigerian music.”

    “Thank you. Which of the musicians?” I asked

    “Wizkid and Burna Boy,” she said with suppressed glee. “Whenever they are in town, our whole family attends their concerts.”

    I thought these two guys are better ambassadors of Nigeria than Davido, who calls himself an ambassador of the country but talks it down. He said Nigerian economy is in shambles. One, he does not know the meaning of the word. Online illiterates cheer him on. To be in shambles is to be in total disarray or disorder.

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    It is in disorder and he makes his big money here. It is in shambles, his father, as Reno Omokri noted, runs a $2 billion power company. It is in disorder and countries’ leaders visit us and receive the president to invest here. Top banks oversubscribed their share calls. Bonds fill to bursting. The refinery is back on stream. Many young men not born with a silver spoon like him are taking advantage of loan scheme for university education. Davido is no ambassador. He should learn, even when he wants to flay his country, from Winston Churchill: “When I am abroad, I always make it a rule never to criticize or attack the government of my own country. I make up for lost time when I come home. “

    I would want  him to  talk about the vanity of his dancing uncle and his governance of levity.

    Some have said even the president attacked the country from abroad during the Abacha regime. Abacha was a pariah regime and ran an autocracy.  We are in a democracy, just like Churchill’s England.

  • Misquoting Kukah

    Misquoting Kukah

    I got a call from Bishop Matthew Kukah, and I kind of knew why. So, I hailed him and called him “the great Bishop.”

    “Don’t call me great,” he retorted. He was not in a mood to return my humour.

    He said he was not happy with me because of a comment online over his assertion, as reported in some major news media, that President Bola Tinubu was not prepared for the job. He denied it flat. He said he didn’t say such a thing. He then remarked that I had his phone number and we spoke quite a few times and I should have called him to ascertain if what was reported was true. I then remarked that it was in major newspapers. If it was not true, he had all day to rebut, and he didn’t. So, I had to assume it was true.

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    I also argued that Wole Soyinka never brooked anyone who misquoted him or took his words out of context. Bishop Kukah said he was a busy man. I replied that he should not be too busy for his image. It was an important news story attached to his name. When he said he did not say so, I promptly apologised for the inconvenience with the advice that all he needed was a press statement denying it. I looked at the tape, where he was addressing an audience last week. The bishop was right. He said President Tinubu was prepared for the job, although he said most Nigerian presidents since 1999 were accidental and unprepared for the job. The news reporters got it wrong.

    It is a sad commentary on journalism. It is also a feature in the Tinubu era that some news organs tend to skew reports to put the president in a bad light. That is what happened. They collapsed him into a collage of accidental leaders. If reporters or their editors are looking to make great headlines, they should not sacrifice veracity for sensation. That is what happened. It took a phone call from Bishop Kukah to correct this. How many have the opportunity or privilege of a rebuttal. Even the Bishop did not know he had that power.

  • Terribly Rabiu

    Terribly Rabiu

    The terrible thing about Rabiu Kwakwanso is that he wants to be Aminu Kano.

    But he does not think like him, talk like him, organize like him and, more importantly, perform like him. He is an imitation, even self-mockery of the Talakawa hero.

    He likes to believe he is a man of the people. But he is like Chinua Achebe’s M.A. Nanga in A Man of The People. Just as we have false prophets and fake products, we also have false inheritors. So, his Kwakwansiya movement is not a movement of ideas but of sentiment.

    The people want an Aminu Kano rebirth, a new ferment like of old, so we have impostors trying to exploit it.

    Now he wants to fight Lagos with his platform. He said Lagos wants to colonise Kano. He is not ashamed to say so. He is attacking the new tax proposals and the emir as the permutations to overthrow Kano. Pity for him. Let him analyse the tax proposal and tell where it colonises Kano. Kano is supposed to be the commerce hub of the north. It has fallen out of that orbit.

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     He never helped it in his over 16 years in government. If he is fighting the tax policy, it is because he wants to reap where he did not sow. His rant is a confession of failure more than a complaint, fearmongering more than love of his people. Recently, the young rioted and was emboldened by his Governor Abba Yusuf.

     It backfired as they almost overturned the Government House. Rather than rant over tax, let him pay attention to his neighbour in Kaduna who is installing economic infrastructure for the future. Governor Uba Sani said the north should not lie to itself and its people but do something about it. Kwakwanso is blaming others. His governor Yusuf wants to make the north an enemy of the president because the president wants justice for Talakawa, not vampire elites like Kwakwanso.

     Kwakwanso seeks a feudal tax system.

     The Arewa Consultative Forum’s chairman was suspended because of the move to try a coalition against the president. He wanted to make it North versus South, and that shows that they brought their cards too early. Who is behind the ACF chair’s error? Why can’t Rabiu and Yusuf reverse the suspension? Enough of Kwakwanso being a Nigerian first. He is not even a Talakawa man. He is their cynical exploiter.

  • Bullet in the buttocks

    Bullet in the buttocks

    “Therefore, you are inexcusable, O man, whoever you are who judge, for in whatever you judge another you condemn yourself; for you who judge practice the same things,” Romans 2:1

    The Owu chief had a first life, and it was not as a soldier, a politician, or, obviously, even a head of state. In Ohi Alegbe’s interview with his first wife for African Concord decades ago, she taunted Olusegun Obasanjo as a “bush man because his favorite food is pounded yam and bush meat.” But that is not the story that often haunts me about the man. It is the picture of a soldier on the run. It was vivid in a passage in The tragedy of Victory authored by Alabi Isama – Obasanjo’s nemesis.

    During the Civil War, Obj had taken over from Benjamin Adekunle, alias Black Scorpion, as the Commander of the Third Marine Commando, and he went on an inspection in the battlefield. Biafran soldiers opened fire. Obj fled for his life but not before a bullet hit him on the buttocks. The bullet had the mercy of altitude, or the fear of height. It sailed low below his waist. Maybe because Obj looks more shrunken than tall. They say, the higher you go, the cooler it becomes. The bullet reversed the maxim. If the bullet had soared, it might have taken a fatal course. Shall we thank the Biafran soldier for his failure as a marksman? Lieutenant Colonel Iluyomade was a witness and confirmed it to me in an interview.

    Well, Obj had always lived a charmed life and benefitted where he did not labour. After all, he did not want to fight in the war. When Alani Akinrinade and others suggested to Gowon that he take over from Adekunle, he said in Yoruba, “You want them to kill me in battle?” He might have ruminated over it as the bullet made a tent of his bottom flesh. Yet, he takes credit for the victory. Even though when Biafra surrendered, he knew nothing about the firestorms in the battlefront. The guns rested, Akinrinade invited him to glory, to sign the documents on behalf of the federal army. He became a war hero.

    That was Obj the craven. He abides contradictions of the lower sort. He evinced it last week when he spoke at the Chinua Achebe Lecture at Yale University. First, the organisers gave no jewel to the bard’s memory. Achebe was no Obj fan, and, as Bayo Onanuga stated, he rejected his award while president. In his statement from his abode at Bard College, Achebe lashed out at Obj for turning “my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom. I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance, of the presidency.” Obj accused President Tinubu’s era, among other things, of chaos and insecurity. Achebe ribbed him over the chaos and insecurity in the country, with special focus on Anambra State when he played godfather, unseated a constitutionally elected governor in Ngige, and reveled in its hysteria of success.

    In my column in The Sun newspaper of October 24, 2004, I wrote: “The Achebe of compromise was not the one we saw in the past week. It was the Achebe of unflinching righteous indignation, an Okonkwo abandoning Obierika and reaching for the jugular.” As I noted in my TVC Breakfast show comment, Achebe would scream in his grave to see Obj exploit a platform in his name.

    Where did Obj get the moral authority to attack the president, when he was a failure writ large for history.  He also listed other Tinubu sins; “conflict, discord, division, disunity, depression, youth restiveness, confusion, violence and underdevelopment.” He capped it by calling for the sack of INEC boss Mahmood Yakubu. The paradox is that he is more guilty of all these than any leader, perhaps except IBB. On INEC Chief, did he not anoint Iwu’s skullduggery as electoral umpire? So much so, he was renamed  Iwuruwuru. Did he fire him? a tear for OBJ.

    His long list of Tinubu sins is repetitive. But let us afford him the benefit of nuanced wisdom and accept that ‘conflict’ and ‘discord’ post subtle differences. For conflict, did he not singlehandedly remove a party chairman Audu Ogbe at his home with military-style, or Ngige-style bullying? That was in Ogbe’s home after a sumptuous pounded yam meal served by the woman of the house. For discord, where did the phrase “do or die” come from? It was 2007, and he said it in Ajegunle Lagos because he wanted to “capture” Lagos. When he lost, he told INEC not to announce the results that everyone knew Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) had won. The announcer kept the result for over 24 hours and the whole country waited with bated breath. It was security operatives, especially Nuhu Ribadu, who warned him not to overturn Lagos result or the city would burn. Hence, he yielded. The victory cemented Asiwaju’s image as “the last man standing.” We can see where the man’s malice was brewed.

    For division, can we forget how he capsized the houses of assemblies in Plateau, Bayelsa, Ekiti, and impeached governors without following the law with as few as six men? Lalong as a speaker spent 40 days and 40 nights in Lagos detention as chronicled in my book of that title. Is the Edo State House situation not his legacy of impunity? The phrase “overheating the polity” ceased after he quit office. I wonder what he meant by ‘depression?’ Did he mean sad? What would have made people sadder than most Nigerians lived on less than a dollar a day on his watch. Even at that, he spent billions of dollars to pay debts when our poor could not have one dollar. In my column for The Sun on December 5, 2004, I wrote: “That’s why he (Obasanjo) should teach the rest of the country as the baba of the land the reason his farm is fruitful and the nation cannot say so of itself.” What a genius. Or when he spent $16 billion on power but darkness persisted? That money could have restored our power infrastructure.

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    Did he not call our teaching hospitals centres of excellence? Only mortuaries excelled. On youth restiveness, could he stop the Niger Delta ferment? No. It was Umar Yar’ Adua, who cast oil on their spirits. Confusion? What of his third term? He wanted to remain Nigeria’s baba till death. Can we forget the savagery of Odi and Zaki Biam? His defiance of the courts? What of the harvest of deaths and assassinations during his presidency? In the polls in Ondo and Edo, no death was recorded. In OBJ’s time, cemeteries had great appetites.  He is the patriarch in Dostoyevsky’s novel, The Brothers Karamazov, who destroys everything he touches.

    Obj has been angry for a long time. Hence, he must pull down every leader after him. He has spared none, civilian or military. Before that, he wrote My Command to diminish all the war commanders and lionise only himself as the good soldier. He was called PHD in the 1980’s, meaning Pull Him Down syndrome. He has not changed. He is guilty of what Yoruba call Kenimani. Only I should have.

    If he wanted to critique the Tinubu policies, the earthy fellow is welcome, but he did not do it. He should have analysed the economic policies, his tax policies, his job programme and his fight for local government autonomy. That is maturity. Rather, he went the same way of the Civil war, of allowing himself to be shot in the butt.

  • Why Trump won

    Why Trump won

    The victory of Donald Trump has been described in many ways by many pundits. Some say it is a triumph for the working class when others are saying it is the failure of the Harris campaign to make the case. Some are saying it is immigration while others are battening down the logic of hyper-inflation. Some highlight the moral anathema of the LGBTQ folks while the Christian evangelicals hail a born-again Jesus at the polls.

    Of course, a loud voice hypes racism and gender bias while others are stoking the argument of Joe Biden’s fumbles as president. Before I went to bed on election night, it looked like a toss-up at about 4 am Nigerian time. By the time I woke up about three hours later, the battleground of all battleground states was smiling at Trump. Pennsylvania had broken for the con artist, lecher, liar, felon, fraud, racist, egotist, fear monger, impresario. The other battleground states, in the end, were an anticlimax.

    For the evangelicals, they are right. For those who say it is Joe Biden’s stumbles, they are right. Who says it is working class rebellion? They are right. They are not wrong who stress race and gender. Anyone is right after an election victory. They were right the last time. They are right this time. What they have not said is what one of America’s iconic football coaches of all time said about competition: “Winning is everything.” What Vince Lombardi said about American football years ago was right for Donald Trump.

    It may be simplistic to say it is racism. Not all simplistic facts are wrong, though. They just have to be proven. Trump knew his society, and he knew how to snatch power. He understood the zeitgeist of America. When he entered the race for 2016, he announced himself as the voice of the forgotten part of America and identified a bogeyman: the immigrant as a leech and moral scum. It flattered the hope of not just the forgotten part. He appealed to who Sarah Palin called “the real America” that had masked itself under the concept of neo-liberal accommodation.

    That America prospered. Its workers, educated or not, enjoyed what we call the American dream: a living wage, a car, a house, medical care, a vacation, etc. Then came globalization. Some of the worker’s privileges were going abroad, the jobs atrophying and the wages dropping. As Harvard professor Michael Sandel argued over 26 years ago in his book, Democracy’s Discontent, now vindicated, globalization was undermining the majority of the American worker and society. One area stood out: education. Many have always equated democracy with enlightenment. But it is often not so. Almost 70 percent of Americans do not have university degrees. So, when the jobs were scaling down wages, it was an attack on the suffering majority.  Nigeria and most of the world is no different.

    These people loved their country, accepted immigrants, hugged the idea of tolerance. But standard of living was going to change all that. This is not just the story with the United States. It is the case with the United Kingdom, Italy, Hungary, Sweden, Germany, France, et al.

    Rather than attack the pain, the liberal elite started urging the less educated to go to the university, and that was the story of the future. The Ideal will collapse in the face of realism any day. Meanwhile, the same jobs that paid their big mortgages was funding many people in India, Mexico, the Philippines for far lower wages and higher profits for the corporations. The result was a gaping inequality. This has been the worst chasm between the rich and poor in history as demonstrated by the French economist Thomas Piketty in his book, Capital in the 21st century.

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    This has generated resentment in the country for a long time, and a clever Trump saw this and exploited it. As I stated last week, Michael Wolff wrote in his book, Fire and Fury, that Trump said the “white trash” – that is the poor Caucasians – were like him except that he was a rich man and they were poor. There is a part of America that is called traditional red states. They are Republicans. They used to be Democrats until the 1960’s. Lyndon Johnson flipped their love when he signed the civil rights bill that allowed blacks to vote. After President Johnson signed the bill, he told many people, as recorded by historian Doris Kearn Godwin, that the Democrats may have lost the south forever. Republicans like Richard Nixon exploited the moment and they crafted a platform that would transform American politics: it is called the southern strategy which broadcasts, “God, guns and gays.” Guns for evangelicals. Guns for gun rights, a special part of the culture and hacks back to large American swath from south to west as delineated in the novel Lonesome Dove by Larry Mcmutry. Gays as a fight against LGBTQ. That was a cultural tour de force. They combined that with conservative view of economics centred on tax cuts.

    After Nixon, the other man who exploited it was Ronald Reagan, and he had the Soviet Union and American power, prosperity and hubris to brandish. The difference between him and Trump was that America working class was still happy. The other was that while Reagan had the Soviet Union as the enemy, Trump had immigrants.

    Over the decades, the state of the American middle class has worsened. The consequence of this decline is a sense of the besieged. The person who thought he loved immigrants started to see them as the problem. They are the ones taking the jobs, taking away their peace. They are the criminals. Is it not an irony that it takes a criminal to tell them that they have criminals in their midst? It is the paradox of human civilization. Even God chooses the sinner to evangelise the sinner, Paul of Tarsus to Apostle Paul. Trump the sinner became the preacher.

    So, why did the evangelicals stand with him even though he lies and is convicted? Why do the workers cohabit with a crooked billionaire even though it is the people of his class that took away their jobs and prosperity? It is because he is the one who made the pitch and told the story, and flatter their secret hopes. The majority of blacks, men and women voted for Kamala, but they feel the economic crunch the most. Why? They say elections are about three Cs: condition, candidate and culture. Trump had all three working for him.

    Hence, they voted for Trump. It is about race because they need someone to blame, and it is what Jean Paul Sartre described as “hell is other people.” If they say it is  inflation, or the economy, at least, Trump would have made the case. How was a majority non-college educated class to understand the ins and outs of economics. Nobel Laureates  said Harris plan was better. On the border, why did they not listen when Biden came with an immigration plan but Trump stopped it from passing the Congress so he could use it as a campaign ruse. Why did that not resonate?. It is not because Harris did not make the case. Sentiment, especially of race, had made the case for trump.

    It is the unravelling of Jacob and Esau story in the Bible. The first time Jacob was asked who he was, it was the father who asked. He said he was Esau. That was not what he was. He grew rich but had to face the facts later when he wrestled with an angel. When the angel asked who he was, he confessed he was Jacob because he was desperate to live and escape the wrath of this brother who was coming after him. that was who he was.

    Americans said who they are in the last election. When things are fine, they can abide the outsider. When it comes to the crunch, identity matters. Hell, as Sartre wrote, are the immigrants. What of the minorities who went for Trump? They are bonding with their oppressors, the so-called Stockholm syndrome. It is basically the Hispanic who have crossed over and deny that Trump called them murderers and rapists. Trump knew how to talk to them, He knew how to win, and he is a true follower of Lombardi.

     Life is Hobbesian and Machiavellian. The end justifies the means. Jacob took Esau’s birthright. Yet, he got away with it and even was embraced by Esau, who forgave him. It is better, as Trump has shown, to be Jacob, steal, prosper and win, than Esau,  who is cheated, spends all is life waiting to exhale and revenge but accepts the victory of the cheat. It is the perennial pattern of history. It belongs to the cynic.

  • Many hurrahs for Otti

    Many hurrahs for Otti

    Governor Alex Otti did something few have done before in Nigerian politics. He defeated his own party, and harrumphed with gloating after the triumph. If for nothing, it shows who commands the politics of Abia State today.

     He showed to all that it was not the Labour Party that won the election for him when he swept his way to the governor’s house of the state.

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     He has been doing the work for a long time. He has written, he has mobilized, he has stayed home to tap into the roots. He fought and fell and rose up again. He has abided by the Ballad of Sir Andrews: “I am struck and wounded, I lay me down and rest awhile, and I’ll rise and fight again.” He rose after falling and he is the patriarch of Abia politics today. Abia has always followed its own path in the politics of the southeast. It was PPA when PDP was the mainstay of the east. Now, they may say it is LP but it is LP because it is Alex Otti. It is not Alex Otti because it is LP. He is one man who has commanded his troops. It is not Peter Obi, who helped him. It is because of him that Peter Obi can say his movement has a state. Obi should thank Alex for that. Or else, it is no shishi for him. Abia is the doing of one man’s genius, and that man is Alex Otti.

  • Our boys

    Our boys

    The saga of the boys who “collapsed” in court reminded me of Dostoyevsky’s novel Crime and Punishment. In the immortal tale, it is not clear what the crime is and what the punishment should be, and the criminal, to many readers, was actually the hero.

    It reminds me also of the paradoxes of life. The pretender becomes the contender, and accepted as such. The innocent becomes the victim and the victim the innocent. The underdog is the big dog, the street urchin leaves the tale with a royal treatment, walking on red carpet, given a royal bath, a table was prepared for them in the presence of their enemies with one of them battling with epic victory over a large chicken part. Their cups run over, not only with drink from such lordly cups but they don’t even drink such juices or minerals or even such clean water. I hope the delicacy and hygiene do not startle their body order into shock and then illnesses.

    It is a classic Nigerian narrative. We have the underdog and we have those who say they will always stand for the underdog, even if that underdog is like Jas, a little girl in the puzzling novel and winner of the International Prize for fiction, The Discomfort of Evening by Marieke Lucas Rijneveld. Jas is abused but she is also, at age 10, an abuser under a delusion of self-innocence and who who must flee the suffocation of her parents and the puritanical tyranny of the village. I recommend the novel, A spell of Good Things by Ayobami Adebayo, for local context.

    It is a tale of instant amnesia. We forget when we call them malnourished that they were never well-fed in their whole life. Atiku and Obi wept at their lean looks in court but when did they say anything about them on the streets of Kano or Katsina or Jigawa before then? Suddenly, they were the heroes of the street poor.

    It was a time to act. The theatre began with the boys who fell in court. A person who falls from hunger does not cry. It is because he has lost all energy that he falls. In one word, he has fainted. It is just as though the critics lost all sense of biology or even drama. One of them was rolling on the floor. Faint and rolling? Does not add up. So the real actors were the cheerleaders, begun by Atiku and Obi and followed closely by the NGOs who must impress their international donors so they, too, should not faint from hunger. It is not that they are blind, but that they chose not to see or chose not to say what they saw. There was also the part of the lawyers, especially a SAN called Dauda, who says the boys should not be tried for treason, and that they should be tried only in their states. I remember a dialogue with Gani Fawehinmi. He said if he has a case between the rich and the poor, “I will find the law for the poor.” Gani’s heart was in the right place. But who will find the law for the poor, especially if it is about a dozen boys recently killed by the armed forces in the north for banditry, and they were in the age bracket of the minors in court.

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    Attorney general Lateef Fagbemi said there was enough law to sue the fellows. But from what the AG said, we see another part of the drama: amnesia. We forget that these boys stole, broke into homes and shops and impoverished some hard workers forever, destroyed a tech centre, torched buildings. In Kano, they did not see the books but eyed the computers, bathrooms accessories, etc. They called for the army; they hoisted Russian flags. I wonder why those lawyers and civil agitators who love this society so much have not wondered who paid for and sewed the flags? Who taught the boys who never saw a soldier in office or could not read about them to suddenly become lovers of the jackboot? Who were the politicians behind them?

    The NSA said N6 billion was traced to politicians. Has anyone addressed what Fagbemi said about having enough material to prosecute them? What happened was just a long and grueling drama about a society that loved to lie to itself.

     It calls to mind the ironic title of the Pulitzer prize-winning novel, All the Light You Cannot See about the Second World War. The author propounds a poser: the brain resides in a dark place in our heads but can make a lot of light. Which contrasts to Jose Saramago’s novel, Seeing, about those who have eyes but cannot see. A report in a mainstream newspaper dramatised the hunger by interviewing one of them. In one paragraph the “minor” said they did not give them food for days. In the next paragraph, he complained about having poor breakfast, lunch and dinner. If you know al majiris, they are happy if they have a meal a day. Remember when El Rufai was governor? They attended school just for food and then, they were gone!

    It is the drama of sight and ignorance, joy in self-deceit and the grandiose posing as grandeur. When the president said the boys should be set free, it was a way of completing the drama for a country that was in search of a climax. If you watched or read Luigi Pirandello’s play, Six Characters in Search of An Author, then you appreciate the chaos and self-indictments of the hour, especially from opportunists. It was many countrymen in search of a climax. When President Tinubu released them, he said it was out of a paternal compassion. Yes, that was part of it. But unwittingly, he mocked all of them who critiqued. By feeding, he said, when did you ever feed them like this? Atiku, Obi answer. When he bathed them, he asked, when did you get clean shower for them? When he gave them new clothing, he asked when did you visit a tailor for the poor? It was, in a sense, like Jesus said to his disciples in Matthew 25. Of course, President Tinubu has a right not to use his right to prosecute. And if the boys commit an offence again, it will be, well, you said we should not prosecute. So have at it. The critics created the cynical part of the presidential benevolence. It is what Apostle Paul wrote, “God will send them strong delusion so that they can believe a lie.”

    Other than Fagbemi, the best response came from the Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani when he said he received them, and he predicated their embrace on their sense of contrition, and would bring them into a skills acquisition centre. The governor is already building three acquisition centres at Soba, Rigachukun and Samarun Kataf in the Northern, Central and Southern senatorial districts. It is part of his Skills City.

    I recall in my days in Wudil, Kano, our NYSC training camp. An almajiri, named Aminu, was always there to run errands for me. I became fond of him, and I learned a few Hausa words from him, like abinchi, Rua, yauwa, kyau, daadii, madalla. Also, he knew some English, hence we could communicate. During the training month, malaria overwhelmed me. He showed so much compassion during that period before I left the camp for treatment. When I returned, I didn’t see him again. But he defined for me a special understanding of the almajiri till today. It is that sort of comportment that those set free should evince and all should encourage, rather than the hysteria over phony fits of hunger.

    Atiku’s exam ‘expo’

    When Atiku came out with his economic package, I thought he would give us food for thought that will bring food for the poor.

    But what we saw was poverty of thought. He could not deny that President Tinubu ought to remove fuel subsidy and collapse the foreign exchange regimes, rather he said it should be phased gradually.

    He was either insincere or lacked a sense of history.

    Did Jonathan not try to phase it? Did it work? To phase it is to create a scenario of trying to bail water out of a kitchen through the window while the tap is still running. It is like trying to redeem a threadbare cloth. Once you sew a part, the other part tears open. I tackled it in my recent talk at Cambridge University. They forget that everyone will expect another phase after the first and after the second, and the prices will anticipate the decisions. What you will have is a giddy, runaway inflation. Economics is not only about economics but sociology and psychology.

     Hence, Kissinger wrote during the economic depression of the 1980’s that “the economy is too important to be left in the hands of economists.” Especially those who helped Atiku to draft his. In fact, Atiku and his team were not original but copycats who were listening to half-baked analysts in newspapers and television. If Atiku could not get his certificates right in primary school, at least he should not act in public like one who likes exam ‘expos.’

     He even repackaged Tinubu’s economic stimulus plan by calling it social protection.  It was what philosopher Michel Foucault called narrative of discourse, where you want to change the focus by a subterfuge of language.

    This is another act of fraud from Atiku. If you must do an exam expo, please limit it to the classroom.

    Trump and White Trash

    The presidential election victory of Donald Trump reminds me of the two consequential presidents of the past 50 years and how they have the same things in common. I refer to both himself and Ronald Reagan. In a biography on Reagan by Edmond Morris, he referred to the United States former president as an airhead.

    The charge stormed the media. How could anyone describe the president for whom an era is named an airhead, that is empty upstairs?

    Yet, that is the claim that many will say of Trump. And both have great and enthusiastic following, and are defining an era in American history, and possibly the world.

     Like Trump, Reagan hardly knows the Bible but leads a groundswell of evangelicals. He is rich, but leads the poor.

     They are racists, but are embraced by even the minorities who they poohpooh. During his campaign for president, Reagan entered Mississippi and declared his support for “state’s right,” which is an echo of the fight to save slaves from the south.

     It was a coda for racism. Reagan asked those who did not have jobs to go to MacDonalds, where the pay is miserable. In his Book, Fire and Fury, Michael Wolff narrates a time, Trump was flying to a place in New Jersey and somebody said it belonged to white trash, and a naïve person asked, “what’s white trash?” Trump said, they are like me. The difference is that they are poor.” You can understand why he backs the poor whites, though he does nothing for them.