Category: Sam Omatseye

  • Uncommon man

    Uncommon man

    The story began in an obscure room in England. The ignominious fall of the Abacha junta foreshadowed a new era in Nigeria. Like bivouacking armies, the habitués of that room had shifted their tents from home to a stranger’s land. There and elsewhere in the western world, they pitched battles for democracy against an era of the butchery and finality of a tyrant’s order. IBB first represented it and preceded Abacha of the Gestapo, goggle frame and the fame of excited whores.

    The unraveled Abacha era meant it was time to go home for this man. Others did not trust the so-called promise. They doubted democracy would return. To them, it was a false dawn, shadowy with booby traps. Isolation and battle from a distance had imparted them with an awful comfort. Better to grieve and throw lobs of bombs from outside than risk the fates of the then lamented dead. Kudirat Abiola, Alfred Rewane, Bagauda Kaltho, Shehu Yar Adua, et al.

    It was not fear; it was realism. They had love for country. But as Chinua Achebe noted in his Things Fall Apart, it is from the house of the coward that fingers are pointed to the ruins of a brave man’s house. They were not cowards, but they had had enough ruins to lead them to the path of caution.

    But this man was not for the popular caution of his fellow fighters for democracy. After a futile drama of cajoling, persuading and jostling for ideas, he surrendered any effort to sway them along his path of bravado.

    “I want to go and see my mother,” was the clincher for Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu. No one could argue against that sentimental salvo. They surrendered to mama’s boy. He left them in London, back to the land of his birth for a rebirth of politics of the progressives. He did not want to stay back like a fighting romantic. Not like the Japanese soldier Hiroo Onoda, who would not return home 29 years after the Second World War was fought and won.

    For Tinubu, the war was won, that war against the soldiers. If Heraclitus knew that the story of life is battle, he knew another theatre was about to brew at home. He wanted his rifle loaded.

    He craved the solitude, or what Alan Sillitoe called the loneliness of a long distance runner. He had to win but he had to trust his gifts and conscience. That capacity to trust his judgments and instincts and win in unlikely circumstances has come to typify his public life.

    We have seen this in the past decade. We saw it in his decision to defy Obasanjo while other Southwest bigwigs of the AD followed the president’s coattail. They were caught napping seeking the oxygen of survival while the Owu chief swept all the states for PDP. Lagos State with Asiwaju Tinubu became an island of the progressives. We saw it when he hit on the bright idea that independent power projects would simplify power. He was ignored, but it is the wisdom of the day.

    When his years as governor were in their last flames, he placed his cards on one Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN. He weathered a bitter and divisive storm from within his inner sanctum and outside interlopers. But that choice of the governor of example has remained the best decision to date of his public life.

    With the captain came a whirlwind of progressive onslaught in governance in the country. The Adam of change in Edo State, Adams Oshiomhole, has stunned the state of red dust and doughty warriors with his forays of spectacular achievements in education, roads and the environment. Then came the other states in the Southwest. Ekiti State under Kayode Fayemi signposted a welfare programme for the elderly and unleashed infrastructural renewal. The State of Osun under Rauf Aregbesola is turning a supposedly backwoods state into a city on the hill, with his audacious blend of educational innovations, infrastructural breadth and policies of compassion. Later came the duo of Abiola Ajimobi in Oyo State and Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun State. All over Ogun State are testimonials of roads and bridges constructed in such breakneck speed that states with fabled riches have not matched in eight years of performance. You just have to visit Ibadan to see how one man’s tenacity and devotion can change a society. Ibadan has been liberated from the squalor and timid vision of all the governors in that state since 1999.

    All these men stand for the opposition in national politics. They have governed with a greed for change. I wonder what their predecessors think now when they see what these men have done.

    How different would the nation have been if Asiwaju Tinubu did not act alone in that sultry room in London, or if he had tagged along with his fellows with Obasanjo? We would be a nation of one party, with the opposition clawing and snarling impotently from the sidelines. The same is said of France today about Charles de Gaulle, whom historians have described as “always alone”. He is the most remarkable Frenchman since the small general from Corsica.

    It was in that spirit that he embarked, about a year ago, upon a mission to build an opposition party. That has given the nation the All Progressives Congress. This is, as it stands, a titillating proposition. He has with his accustomed brio, empathy and fiery dexterity brought together the most formidable opposition in the nation’s history. As it is, this is a stellar achievement. All the other coalitions in our history, from UPGA to PPA, were soap bubbles because the partisans could go back to their default homes. APC presents a fait accompli. It has weathered the disorienting logic of its critics that it is a pigsty, accommodating the scum of prostitutes. Those who say that lack historical judgment. All great political acts were no moments of purity. Ask Churchill who coalesced enemies into his war cabinet, including those who would have sold out to Hitler. Or Lincoln, who ran a government of rivals as documented in Doris Kearns Goodwin’s A Team Of Rivals. They forgot that even Awolowo’s Action Group was a whirlpool of strange ideological bedfellows as historian Sklar and even Duddley tell us. Charles de Gaulle, the statesman of rigidity, accommodated communists when he set up his government.

    The party is a winnowing machine and it ultimately yields to the organising genius of its leaders. This is the task that Tinubu faces and the jury is still out on that. If he succeeds, then it would be his greatest decision. So far, except his critics don’t want to admit it, he is the most influential citizen of this era. He is a picture of endurance and wise daring. As his foes come at him, he soars and fattens like John Webster’s black birds in a dark and stormy cloud.

    As he marked his 62nd birthday, he focused on the common man. Yet he is not a common man. But few leaders combine his contradiction of a “patrician” breeding with the common touch like him. He can speak the language of the CEO with the same assiduity that he chants the rhythm of the Mushin meat seller. Street wise, elite savvy, he is a double threat who can descend from the sky and erupt from the earth at once, to paraphrase American journalist Roger Rosenblatt. He has the skill to speak anyone’s language and rally others together. We need that kind of temperament and talent in an age of religious schisms and tribal loyalties. If that is his gift today to Nigeria, it is also his challenge. Happy birthday.

  • His shoeless majesty

    His shoeless majesty

    I am looking for Jonathan the shoeless. It is a quest I take seriously. Since the half-dusk when President Goodluck Jonathan proclaimed his humble beginnings a few years ago, Nigerians have tried to reconcile him with the rural, maritime misery of the Niger Delta.

    Imagine him around Otuoke, without shoes, walking the water-logged streets. All kinds of spikes, jutting stones, entwined weeds, worms, water-borne diseases lurked. He suffered in that morning of simplicity. He might have defied his fate with play. He might have jumped and laughed in the soggy terrain, splashing the brown water, making balls out of mud and flinging them at other boys who tried to toss same at him.

    He wanted an education then. Today, he has a PHD and he is president presiding over 160 million souls. Like the tale of Joseph, he rose from bowing down to being bowed to, from ordinary to king. He has soared from the prison of the poor to the palace.

    But since he became president, I have tried to see the shoeless man. I have not yet found luck. Two things made me begin that search recently. His minister of immigration, Abba Moro, invited ordinary people to apply for jobs at the ministry. It seemed he was doing something good. But I learnt he asked those who had no money to feed themselves to pay in order to apply for jobs. A profit of six billion naira resulted.

    Some of the applicants probably had no shoes in their beginning. They tried to get through school, just like the president. Thank God they succeeded. They were asked to pay to apply. Even private companies don’t do that. Yet the public establishment buoyed by taxpayers’ money and our oil money were asked to pay. Over 500,000 young men and women applied for about four thousand positions. Not only did they not have an interview, about 19 of them died of suffocation. Sources say the jobs had been allotted to top politicians.

    The president, who once had no shoes, was missing in action. All he has done so far is to query the minister, according to the media reports. But the president of shoeless origin would not show more passion. What about asking the minister to step aside, a minister who accused the dead of impatience?

    Maybe I made a mistake. The shoeless president was not in that incident. The other incident was in the story of the oil minister, the royal Diezani-Alison-Madueke, who now has to answer the query from the National Assembly about spending about N10 billion on a jet travelling around the world. This is not the first time such a charge has hit the peacock madam. Once a N2 billion charge ricocheted the airwaves about her junketing mania. We must admit she is not alone in this jet-set jamboree. Many ministers and governors do this routinely.

    But she is the Teflon minister. We would think that a president who did not have enough money to buy a pair of slippers would show public discomfort. At least, he would summon the minister and make a public show of alarm at the matter. Here again, the president of shoeless origin is missing. How many shoes can N10 billion buy? Let us forget the cheap ones. How many Armani, Gucci, Ferragamo, Louis Vuitton, Brooks Brothers, etc shoes will N10 billion buy?

    I also pondered all the noise over the power crisis in the country. He said he would face it head-on. He probably did, but it is the heads of the poor that are drowning in sweats of sleepless nights because they cannot have power. He said he would follow due process, but it turned out to be doomed process. The people who secured the DISCOs and GENCOs are not those who really want to work. No due process was followed. Rather the friends of government secured it. They are complaining today that what they anticipated was not what they found. If they followed due process, won’t they know the costs of transmission and transportation and the inventory of functioning and damaged equipment? Now they are complaining. We don’t have power because those in power did not contemplate the poor. I know that if the president did not have shoes, there was no way he had power growing up in the village. The irony is that their lack of due process has backfired on the elite. If they followed due process, the wrong people won’t get the contract. Now that they have the contracts, they are on the wrong end of the stick. We the people have to suffer as usual. But the man of shoeless origin has constant supply, whatever the adversity.

    Now, they have announced that they are contemplating the removal of subsidy again. About two years ago, the nation crawled in protests over the same issue when fuel prices soared. Soldiers were deployed on the streets of Lagos, the hotbed of resistance, to maul and silence everyone. They succeeded. They promised that it was the right thing to do. They promised palliatives against shocks the price rise would inflict on us. They included the revamping of the old refineries, the installation of three new green field refineries, the SURE-P project to help build infrastructure, transportation and other welfare efforts. In spite of the insensitivity of the subsidy removal, it seemed the president’s shoeless origin could be sighted in the promised palliatives.

    But where are the green field refineries? His shoeless majesty has not explained. The old refineries now are so in poor shape that the same government is contemplating selling them. It is still a matter wrapped in a stalemate. SURE-P has so failed that even the government has not found the words to explain why. Where are the palliatives? Forget also that what they promised to do are the routine assignments of government. They secured extraordinary money from us and still could not accomplish ordinary work.

    So, why do they want to remove subsidy? Supporters say we are still importing fuel and it makes it difficult to make money for the country. Listen. Is it not incompetence that makes Newcastle to import coal? When learning figures of speech in school, we were told that it was wrong to take coal to Newcastle because Newcastle had it. It was like taking coal to Enugu. Enugu as a city is a metaphor for Nigeria as a nation. There is scarcity in abundance and abundance in scarcity.

    Back to the immigration tragedy. Is it not enough that the government takes money from the people indirectly through taxes, subsidy removal, contract inflation, power projects, life on the jet sky and inflated car deals, etc? Now, they take the money directly from the poor who want jobs and the poor die to the bargain.

    If in the past, they could not account for all the gains in the removal of subsidy, why should we trust them this time? As Cicero quipped, “to stumble twice over a stone is a proverbial disgrace.”

    President Jonathan has to dialogue with the young boy Jonathan. To paraphrase the short story, Going to meet the Man, by black American novelist James Baldwin, the small boy Jonathan should go to meet the man Jonathan or vice versa. Maybe the shoeless boy can redeem the man. So far, I am still looking for the boy without shoes.

    Poet William Wordsworth crooned: “the child is the father of the man.” Is the shoeless child in touch with the man? In the same poem Wordsworth connects the child with the man: “So was it when my life began/so is it now I am a man/ so be it when I shall grow up.”

    So, let it be with President Jonathan.

  • On our behalf

    On our behalf

    The story fizzes with fear and trembling. Young men and women rose in the morning with zest and hope. For years, all most of them wanted were jobs. Jobs gave them food on the table but, more importantly, the pride of life. But few days ago when the countless numbers of them attended the Nigeria Immigration Services job recruitment exercise, death replaced hope. It skulked and triumphed over at least 19 lives.

    Stampede swamped the venues across the country. Imagine the sight of the three pregnant women gasping for air in Ogbemudia Stadium in Benin City, or the three who lost their footing and choked as the crowds trampled over them in Sani Abacha Stadium in Minna. Imagine the families of the beloved ones in Port Harcourt who had to swap their earlier wishes of good luck with dirges and funeral faces as they headed for the state hospital. Five died in the garden city. In the nation’s capital Abuja, which was the headquarters of the recruiting agency, how could you explain the eight snuffed out giddily?

    Explanation will trump explanation in the coming days. The inspector general of police may utter sympathies to the families of the bereaved while doling out symbolic punishments to the police men who shot into the air at the Ogbemudia Stadium. Already the Federal Government is commiserating with the families.

    The narrative affirms a cliché narrative of contemporary Nigeria. Our youths are wasting away. To paraphrase the poet Wordsworth, it was not bliss that day to be alive, and to be young was not very heaven. In fact, some went to heaven prematurely. The youth wanted an opportunity to toil, to be useful to themselves, to their families and their country. Plato wrote youth is the time for any extraordinary toil. They lacked the opportunity. Those who survive would wonder about their own fortunes in a day they wanted to change their fortunes.

    These are the youths who belonged to a different universe from the young men who are ravaging northern Nigeria in the name of faith and in rebellion against their despair for a nation. These are the young men who would not rumble like the others in the Niger Delta for the brutal flamboyance of militancy. These are not stalking the well-heeled for kidnaps. In these days of female vulnerabilities, the young men wanted work, not harlotry.

    But what of the sheer numbers of these young men and women? They are big enough to form a division of an army, and fight for their fatherland. But more importantly, shall we not see this as example of a failing state, if some would not call Nigeria a failed state as yet.

    I also see the irony of some of the venues, the stadiums. Stadiums were primarily the fare and fair centres of the land. Football of the local varieties dwarfed any foreign intoxications of the FA Cup of European Leagues. That made the stadiums special places of memory. With increasing poor leadership and the contraction of the economy, every other part of the Nigerian life dipped. So the value of the stadiums changed. Stadiums became constants not for entertainment, but worship. We did not go to stadiums to play but to pray, not to laugh except in ecstasies of belief, not to kick and clap for the physical prowess of the young. They kicked the devil away – dem mash am – and clapped for the Lord, and hailed the prowess of God.

    Now, stadiums serve as death marches. From the recent incidents, the young did not play. They did not pray. They struggled to stay alive. Imagine the five who fainted at the Mudashiru Lawal Stadium in Abeokuta.

    The story is the tragedy of a nation unaware of the time bomb of youth. Not all the jobless showed up. Those who did still believe in a nation where many Nigerians think the exercise was mere government public relations move. They think the well-connected are already employed and the many others who came were to broadcast the government’s efforts to reduce unemployment.

    I think our elite have to think deeply from the tragedy. It is a signal and a warning. We cannot continue to live with flamboyance and see the young toil in despair. We cannot ride flashy cars, live gaudy opulence, in palaces and soar in private jets. The political elite ought to think deeply about how selfish efforts cut away employment opportunities. When a government votes billions for roads that don’t get done, or hospital contracts that go through variations every other year, they fizzle out job opportunities. Imagine if all the road contracts across the country were fulfilled to the letter. They would have not only created many jobs, they would have unleashed wealth in the land. Look at the Lagos- Ibadan Express Way, for instance. Shall we compute how many billions would have gone into it? And it goes through rigmaroles and nonstarters in the name of election promises and teases.

    If all the billions of dollars allocated to revive power have been executed faithfully, shall we not have thriving businesses, and fewer jobless men and women? The tragedy of the new power arrangement is corruption. Those who arranged the DISCOs and GENCOs allocated them to themselves. When they took over they discovered it was not as cheap and easy. They would need to seek more funds. They had seen only profit before the acquisitions. Well, they did not do due diligence just like other things in government. It has now backfired on them. The Frankenstein wonder has become their Frankenstein monster.

    If they followed due diligence, maybe those who really want to do it would have gotten it, and we shall not be in this tizzy of despair over power.

    They always tell us they are doing it on our behalf. Subsidy, for instance, is on our behalf. It is the way the political elite say they are doing infrastructure, roads, hospitals and schools on our behalf. The contracts are given on our behalf but we do not get the roads, or we get them partially done so they can get partially done again. So the unfinished road or school or hospital will remain a basket case for the people but a perennial goldmine for the contractors and the government.

    It is in the same way that the subsidy scandal must be viewed. They say they are giving us subsidy on petrol, the price goes up. They say they are giving us subsidy on kerosene, we don’t see the product. If they do roads, schools, and hospitals we don’t enjoy, why should we enjoy subsidies executed on our behalf? All these they do on our behalf led to the mass hysteria over jobs last week. They are our time bomb, and our political leaders must do something before the kidnappings, Boko Harams, militancy take new dimensions around the country.

  • Disgrace

    Disgrace

    ONE was condemned as a sinner, and the other side punished him. But the punisher, also agog with iniquities, gets away with many misdeeds. So what we have is an inequity of iniquity. One side is more endowed and the other on the scale of sinning.

    I am referring to the Central Bank Governor, Lamido Sanusi’s story, his suspension and the saga of the Jonathan administration with its litany of scandals. Sanusi accused the president of failing to account for a large sum of money. It turned out his was a mathematical gaffe, a stumble of figures that undermined his bona fides as the supremo of figures. What was $49 billion turned out to $12 billion on reconciliation? That was sin number one. Sin number two was that he did not apologise, but he insisted he was right, but that the money was not accounted for the way he expected it. After perusing the figures, he says he was not wrong, but the figures were accounted for through a different process. His other sin? He did not do enough homework before pealing to the world.

    It turned out that the president had been unhappy with him. So he suspended him for other sins. That he spent too much of the CBN money for charity, gave contracts to his friends and political cronies, allocated money to the mint that was used for printing money outside the country, acted as the be-all and end-all of the CBN because he was chairman and governor in the same breath.

    The sins of this man were compounded by the familiarity of cronies in the aftermath of his suspension. When he arrived the country on his suspension, he was received by partisans of the opponents of the president’s party, the APC. That was another sin. He was not allowed to have friends even if they belonged to another party, and if they had known each other before either the PDP or APC was conceived, or even before this democracy took seed in the imaginations of men.

    Sanusi bore a regal indifference to the charges. He did not agree with the charges, and rather he decided to challenge his suspension in court. Another sin. He was supposed to lie low and allow the president and his horde of incessant gunslingers pockmark him to oblivion.

    Those who were angry with the CBN chief did not ask many questions from the other side. They did not ask why the president did not show balance. The other side said that was president’s sin number one. He never showed any public umbrage at his minister who is ex-this and ex-that on the world stage. He did not say $10.8 billion is a lot of money, especially when it was now difficult to pay our bills. Price of oil is the highest in recent memory but our current accounts profile is going down to seed and dangerous territory. When this sort of scandal happened when I was a student, another president called Shehu Shagari, had to make a live address and explained to the nation the dynamic of the account. Lack of communication was Jonathan’s sin number two, if lack of outrage was sin number one. Lack of public censure of his two favorite ministers was his sin number three. The sins are piling up.

    Some raised an earlier matter. He had an aviation minister accused of car worship, or automobile vanity, depending on how you viewed it. She turned the ministry of celestial matters into a centre of terrestrial scandals. She was supposed to care for our skies and heavens but she came down to earth to ruin things. She did not care for the planes but she sullied the earth with sudden sedan sins. So hundreds of millions were spent to buy a car with armour. The president did nothing except to allow her to accompany him from the land of sin to the holy land where they all received blessing and purification. After they cleansed hands and souls, it was not proper to punish her because Stella Oduah had become the Lord’s anointed, especially when one of the top anointed ones who had heavenly gift with aircraft led the odyssey in their chariot to the Lord.

    Those who did not believe in the anointing said it was Jonathan’s other sin. He did not show balance, and did not suspend the woman. But when it came to Sanusi, he suspended him immediately. Thereafter he asserted in a choreographed media chat that if Sanusi was cleared of the charges he would restore him as the vicar of our financial soul. So what happened to the absolute powers he boasted about on Sanusi’s case? Why did he not apply them on other ministers? He gave Oduah a “safe landing,’ as though she was falling from the celestial sky where she was appointed to chaperon, a safe landing her inefficiency could not afford many Nigerians who are now history from air disasters. She is no longer minister, but her case has not been treated.

    If he wanted to follow due process and fairness, why did he not apply same to her other angels, Diezani Alison-Madueke and the Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, his ex-this and ex-that on the world stage? They are still in office while their stewardships are under investigations. That was another sin. Some holy tears for him. We now face the charge of $20 billion. Attention is gradually going to other matters. If it was wrong for Sanusi to give crony contracts, what of the many contracts to those who now watch over our waterways and pipelines where we keep hemorrhaging billions. One cronyism is better than another cronyism?

    Obviously the two sides are sinners. One sinner, Sanusi, has not denied he did things, even if he did not accept them as sins. He did not deny he unleashed high numbers that turned out hoaxes, and some said it might have destroyed our economy for raising such false alarm. True. I wonder if they did not think that other true alarms like Oduah’s N255 million, or Alison-Madueke’s N2 billion on jet or the agreed upon $10.8 billion were not serious enough to disrupt a nation? Now an aviation group says a certain minister has spent our N10 billion in two years on a private jet for repairs and leisure travels around the world.

    It is clear the nation is the biggest scandal of all. In any civilised society, neither the CBN governor nor the president would survive a month of the scandals on both sides. But Nigerians, ever tolerant of sins and forgiving of foibles, explain away the disgrace. We oversimplify them in terms of parties and tribes and faith. Sanusi is Fulani, Jonathan is Ijaw, Oduah is Igbo, Sanusi is Muslim, Jonathan is Christian with pastors drooling more around him than the Holy Spirit. So, we should let the matter be while many poor suffer, power is failing, jobs are few and infrastructure in coma.

    The irony is that we live in disgrace and we know it not. It is like the Nobel-Prizewinning novel Disgrace, by South African writer J.M. Coetzee, in which every side enwraps itself in disgrace and thinks the disgrace is on the other side. When a society falls into disgrace and it is not willing to challenge itself, it has lost its moral compass. That is Nigeria.

  • Centenary guests

    Centenary guests

    I contemplated a Nobel prize-winning novel titled One Hundred Years of solitude while I watched the centenary awards to a motley crowd of honourees. The novel told the story of a family that destroyed itself systematically over a century. Garcia Marquez’s opus, acclaimed as one of the best-written novels of all time in any language, unfolded in a mock-heroic tone of tragi-comedy. It seemed he knew of Nigerian awards because, in spite of the destructions, the family heroes thought they were noble people. That chimes in with the award night and its list. Here is what the guests did that night unseen to many viewers. It is dramatised in the following report.

    The queen of England attends the centenary awards night and gives an acknowledgement speech, and what sort of words does she unfurl? “Thank you Nigeria and President Goodluck Jonathan for this award. I thank you for acknowledging the role we played in enslaving your people, unleashing soldiers to suppress your resistance, for teaching you how to make laws, for exploiting your resources for the wealth of England, for suppressing your nationalists, like the upstart Macaulay, flamboyant Azikiwe and the subversive Awolowo.” And the audience, seeing the splendor of the queen in her aged and sluggish dignity, gets up and applauds.

    What would Abacha have said, if he were alive, with his trademark goggle and relentless scowl? “Thank you my countrymen, I did not want to give you democracy, but I was trying to stay in power for life. I survived the poison of the mistresses, and on my watch the great MKO, Abiola died of poison. After all, even though I stole a lot of money and this government is chasing my loot everywhere, I am happy you acknowledge that I increased our revenue, even if it came freely from oil. I did not have to work. The oil was there and the market ready. I take the credit. That was part of my legacy of vision 2010, which actually was not methodical. It was just a way to deceive all that I had a plan to hand over power. Thank you for the honour.” The hall comes down with applause.

    IBB would also mount the podium, with President Jonathan draping him with a medal. He says, “I knew you would recognise at last that it was an act of great patriotism that I denied my friend M.K.O. Abiola the mandate. Democracy was going to come today in spite of the annulment. If I did not annul, we would not have had Sani or Ernest and I wonder how different the award list would look today. I have not apologised for the annulment, and the honour today not only vindicates me, it has been proved right in all of history.” Kaboom!

    Ken Saro Wiwa, pipe in mouth, swaggers in. Once he sees Abacha’s ghost, he takes out his pipe from his mouth and bellows, “what am I doing here?” He disappears as if in chase of Abacha.

    MKO Abiola’s family rejected the award, but imagine the man came from the grave and accepted. Hear him: “I am here to reject the award. Please don’t put that thing on my neck. Why are you awarding me that gift, for dying and not becoming president? When you won your pan-Nigerian mandate, would you have loved it if they did not allow you mount the throne? By the way, I won the first and real pan-Nigerian mandate.” As the audience wonders how to react, the man, like Hamlet’s father’s ghost, disappears, saying in a voice of stuttering, tremulous plea, “Remember me.”

    Lord Lugard, if he had an opportunity to materialise on stage before President Jonathan, would also have his say. “Thank you for acknowledging my time in government. I was the first, and I was known as governor general. Thanks for praising me for all the good things I did. I suppressed your bloody natives for trying to resist my will that the HMG had assigned me. For your information, HMG means his majesty’s government. I presided over the amalgamation of north and south. I know you said God was behind the amalgamation. I know you are a religious man and do a lot of internal and external pilgrimages. But the amalgamation had nothing to do with love of your people. It was pure convenience. It was very costly to administer the north but the people were calm. It was profitable to administer the south, but your people were troublesome. So it paid us both economically and philosophically to bring you under one umbrella. I thank you for this acknowledgement. If I had any moral doubts in the grave, now I am at peace.” Before the medal reaches him, he saunters backwards and vanishes.

    If Buhari were asked, he would simply say, “I know I deserve it, but why are you giving it to IBB who removed me. Were you justifying his coup?” a murmur in the crowd responds: “He was a tyrant and he worked with Tunde Idiagbon to make life hell for Nigerians.” It was IBB amidst several disembodied heckles.

    Imoudu, the labour stallion, who fought for the underclass all his life, notes as he walks the stage. “Look,” he says as if addressing the President, but he is looking at the television camera. “I want to say the fate of the workers are as bad as any era in my days. All the heads of state did nothing for the workers. Why are you blessing me? Are you mocking me? Are you giving me a medal of failure since the workers’ fate has remained poor?” He also spirits away.

    The audience is now worried over some of the responses of the crowd. D.O. Fagunwa, also on the honours list, explains the spectacle of appearances and disappearances. He blares out: “Don’t worry, my people. You know in my stories I created the canvas of spirits. So I am the one who has enabled all of the men to come and go. Don’t be troubled. I am Fagunwa. I created the passageway. Where is Wole? I am told he is not attending. He should have told you about Abiku. He knows a lot about those who come and go and come again. Also Okigbo knows about the cycle. He receives his award but he spirits away and the award drops from midair.

    Flora Shaw emerges. “Why am I honoured,” she asks, “for giving you an anthem you rejected?” but before she acknowledges the name Nigeria, the abami eda, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, emerges.

    “Wetin una dey do for here,” he says in his mock-hectoring voice. “You are giving award. You are giving award to all the enemies of Nigeria. You gave to the queen? All hail the queen whose government made my people slaves for over a hundred years, colonised us. Na so una dey do am? Then una put Gani and IBB for the same podium. You want them to embrace or what. And the man wey kill my mama, influential mama, original mama, etc, una want make I take award with am, for this Nigeria where everything don tear to pieces like second tier…” a mixture of embarrassed acclamation and boos, just like a night in the shrine.

    Historians Dike and Ade Ajayi receive awards with reservations: “remember that the local peoples of Nigeria were in the throes of nation-building and we did not need the queen and Lugard to give us a country if we wanted it. The Yoruba were fighting a war of nationhood, and the same had happened in the Niger Delta and sameness already existed in the east. The Sokoto Caliphate and Borno Empire had formed with special dynamics. All of them could have come together in a conference from outside and without rancour rather than what we have today with national conference with internal rancour. The British did us no favours.” They depart in peace. Achebe makes a cameo appearance: “I agree,” he says, “there was a country before things fell apart.”

    Soyinka walks in and says, “According generalised but false attributes to known killers and treasury looters is a disservice to history and a desecration of memory. It also compromises the future.” The curtain closes.

  • Jonathan’s innocence

    Jonathan’s innocence

    If the society today allows wrongs to go unchallenged, the impression is created that those wrongs have the approval of the majority – Barbara Jordan.

    President Goodluck Jonathan has always been a façade, and he basks in it. That façade is innocence. In his gait and simper, he affects the persona of childhood, and whenever he wants Nigerians to perceive him, he wants us to think of him first as an innocent. A man, in his grey years of the fifties, in his full Niger Delta outfit complete with the hat, still conveys the diaper sentiment.

    It is not for nothing that his only memorable quote is that he grew up without shoes. Or, to others, that he does not want to be called a pharaoh, etc, which also conveys the personality of the dove.

    A few days ago, he failed in trying to do that, although he tried. He asked Lamido Sanusi, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor and vicar of our financial soul, to proceed on suspension. This followed an earlier conversation with Sanusi in which he asked the imperious heir to the Kano throne to resign. The man said he would not and the President needed the Senate to effect his designs.

    The President bided his time, consulted his lawyers, and they told him he could suspend him. Since he had a few months left in the saddle, Sanusi could not return before June when his term expired. Practically, the suspension was a sack.

    That would be sack through the back door, a serpentine ambush. That is innocence, Jonathan style. “All things truly wicked start from innocence,” crooned American novelist of precision, Ernest Hemmingway.

    How to effect this? He would organise an investigation that neither the National Assembly nor the Nigerian public would be aware of. The result would be quickly documented, and the charges would become indictment. So they charged him with financial recklessness and misconduct. They said he was reckless for contributing hefty money to education, as if it was not part of the corporate responsibility to the society for a CBN that made an income of about N600 billion for the Federation Account under him. The CBN endowed chairs and contributed to some universities. The innocent man did not like that even though in his full term as president, no one university has advanced in any area and he has no significant track record. Yet, Sanusi erred for continuing a tradition that even his predecessor Charles Soludo participated in.

    They charged him with spending more money, about N38 billion on Nigerian mint, than the budget for Nigerian mint company. They did not look at the figures well because it is not Nigerian Mint Company alone that prints our money but other countries around the world also do it for us. They forget that the man cut down the cost of printing in his tenure from close to N50 billion for the same purpose. They accuse him of spending money on Boko Haram victims, as though to indict him for spending institutional money on his kinsmen in the North. But check the record. Most of the beneficiaries were Christians from the South. The CBN contributed about half a billion to flood victims and he helped mobilise banks to give one billion for that purpose.

    They said he spent money on Emirates Airlines to ship money within the country, and Emirates is an international company. But they were a little too excited or else they should have distinguished between Emirates Airlines and Emirate Touch, a local concern.

    For a president who delights in making pilgrimages from church to church and attracting the image of a lamb to himself, he should have done a little homework, or asked his men to be a little thorough with his work.

    He carried the game against Sanusi to a serpentine venom. It is in his style to act as though he did not act. He was only responding to the charges and so he sent the man on suspension, so the matter could be investigated.

    Really? The former aviation minister’s case was being investigated while she clucked in office. She even travelled with him on a Christian pilgrimage to the land of our Lord. No one pressured him to rid the CBN of Sanusi, but he let him go. Pressures mounted relentlessly over Oduah. He merely said the report was on his table. Up till the time of writing, he has not acted on it. She is still innocent and the President knows a lot about that. She was removed from office not on the ground of her malfeasance but because, like other ministers, they had to pursue some other personal goals.

    If you suspend after charges are levelled, why are the other two angels of Jonathan still in office? The one, is the minister of petroleum, Diezani Alison-Madueke, and the finance minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. Sanusi charged that $20 billion cannot be accounted for. Three important officers are involved. The finance minister, oil minister and Andrew Yakubu, the group managing director of the NNPC. None of them has been asked to go on suspension. The money at stake is close to N5 trillion, and that is the budget for a whole year.

    If N5 trillion is spent prudently in a year, most of our major roads will be in perfect shape, all our hospitals will not lack basic equipment, the schools up to the universities will be well funded and equipped and industries in full throttle and the jobs will be available for more than half of our restive youths today.

    Yet, Sanusi’s only wrong seems to be that he wanted us to look into this money and he is being punished for it?

    Sanusi’s style is the contrast to the president. He is direct, frank and has been accused of reckless volubility. That is true. He has been more than a little flamboyant for his sober position, and some of his utterances make him more of a gladiator than an accountant. He was hasty about the charge of $48.9 billion, which was cut down to $10.8 billion, amounting to N2 trillion. Yet, he was right to unveil the matter as he saw it. If he were quiet, we would not know of that hefty sum. He has said he did not leak the letter he wrote sounding the alarm of the missing money. Who knows? But the letter had reached the President about three months before it was leaked. Why the presidential tardiness or inaction?

    Some have also said that after raising the alarm, he should have resigned. It is a matter of style. The argument is that he could not be in government and fight from within. They miss the point. The CBN governor is no staff of the President. The President enjoys the privilege to nominate him, and there is a reason why the same law denies him the right to fire him. After all, the CBN governor does not report to the President but the National Assembly.

    The prerogative to appoint derives from the inability to confer that right on the lawmakers because of its rowdy potential, or the judiciary being the judge. You cannot be a judge in your own cause. Being the head of the executive branch the President can nominate him. But that is where it ends.

    The CBN also plays a role to check and report the financials of the executive and that is why the President cannot show power over him once the Senate hires him. In fact, it is the Senate that hires the CBN governor. The President merely suggests subject to the wisdom of the Senate. If the office of the auditor general of the federation had not been crippled, it should be checkmating an executive on a financial frolic.

    Therefore, the suspension was an act of serpentine impunity, a firing from the back door. He took liberties with his presidential powers and licensed himself to violate an institution over which he has no powers.

    He knew he fired him, hence he promptly appointed a successor at the same time he appointed the acting governor.

    Obviously the move was to divert attention from the $20 billion, so we can start saying “why is a corrupt Sanusi accusing Jonathan of corruption? Is it not a case of the pot calling the kettle black?” But if he was sure of his charges against Sanusi, why did he not bring it to the floor of the National Assembly so the nation can dig and know the truth about any footloose financing?

    As lawyers say, the President went to equity but where are the clean hands!

  • Avoiding tragedy

    Avoiding tragedy

    Last year, I caught a glimpse of one of Nigeria’s familiar tragedies. It was at the Adeniji Adele part of Lagos Island. By instalment, the residents were parting with their homes and lifestyles. Most tragically, they were going to part with their lives.

    They knew this and they did not know this. They, like people in other parts of the city and the country, abided in buildings and blocks of flats with all the shadows of extinction. Surrounded by soft earth, marshes and fragile foundations, the homes threatened to either sink like a shipwreck or collapse like an Iroko tree. In whatever direction, apocalypse peered,

    That day, Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola of Lagos State met with the residents. It was part of a plan to relocate them before tragedy did it for them. If he relocated them, it would be to a home on earth and in the safe precincts of Lagos. But if tragedy relocated them, it would come like a thief in the night, and they might be in heaven or hell, or whithersoever they believed – my words! The response to the governor of example, who used tamer, conciliating register, reflected the quiet desperation of the inhabitants. The unanimity to his plans underpinned not just their plights but also those of other Nigerians whose homes sprang up into blocks of flats built without an eye to standards and the future. Down in their psyche, they knew they perched narrowly between life and death.

    That is why Nigerians should not take slightly the gratuitous debate about the standards of cement in Nigeria. Cement was always a part of the vocabulary at home when I was growing up because my father, Moses, was a sales manager in a major cement company in the country. I cannot forget his perorations on the value of cement in installing the civilised world. Cement is modern home, modern office, modern infrastructure, modern joy and fear. So its abuse vouchsafes us to cataclysm.

    So if the Standards Organisation of Nigeria is calling for a standard cement grade to be world class at 42.5 and some manufacturers are sticking to 32.5, we should worry. The SON has said that 32.5 is for pasting, and 42.5 for blocks. Yet, some of the cement makers are saying we have used 32.5 for 54 years. That is 54 years of tears. The sort that we have seen cause tragedies around the country. It is not just a matter of housing for me. It is a matter of standards.

    We have always lived, especially in the past 15 years, with the substandard. It pervades our whole life. We live with fake drugs, fake furniture, fake food, fake water, fake lovers, fake priests, fake politicians, fake elections. Because of that, we have Nigerians, rich or poor, who now crave makeshift in place of quality and longevity. So when those in the board rooms are counting their humongous profits, they should realise that real lives are involved.

    It is the real horror in homes. It is not for nothing that true horror movies happen in homes. Some of the homes are posh and luxurious. Others are derelict, hollow and abandoned. Whether it is the animal-sponsored fear with crocodiles or dogs, or the child-inspired trepidation, the tragedy of the house is the greatest tragedy. It is the shattering of intimacy, the loss of the basic unit of society, the implosion of the cell of civilisation.

    I visited last year The University of Toronto, the first time since I left in 1992. I was in the graduate residence known as Massey College. It was as though I left the place six months ago. Everywhere remained as intact as in 1992. One of the officials who accompanied me to the suite I lived in as a student said that was the plan of the founders: to maintain the quality.

    In western societies, standards are not up for compromise. The My pikin scandal that rocked the medical world in Nigeria is the same as the crisis of poor elections. Our education system has lived with what former president George W. Bush called the soft bigotry of low expectation. Just as Aliko Dangote has insisted, unlike others, that his cement is 42.5, others should follow suit. We need homes that do not fall. We want homes of laughter, not disaster; of faith, not fear; of solid walls not waiting for wailing.

    While some Nigerians are gung-ho about celebrating our centenary, they should realise that some countries have passed an age of bellyaching over standards. They take it for granted. Rather, they are itching to reinvent the world. The United States is now working on a new technology known as quantum computer, which will disrupt the world as we know it, from aging, to robotics to health care. It ramps up the current digital world of ones and zeroes by collapsing them into one unit. The CIA, NASA and Lockheed Martin are now investing in it. Rather than go up, we are grappling with the false version of what the world wants to leave behind.

    One thing that characterises this ominous addiction is the China syndrome. Now Nigerians go to China to make the counterfeit versions of world-class, blue-chip goods from electronics to fabrics to footwear. They have flooded the market, with the consequence of not only suffocating local initiative but also endangering our lives and currency.

    A new survey shows that while we gape for China goods, Chinese citizens pooh-pooh even the top brands like Gucci or Chanel in their country and prefer to buy them in the United States and Europe, buoying those markets.

    So if the world standard for cement is 42.5 as SON and Dangote have insisted is 42.5, then it is high time we criminalised any firm or group that insists on anything lower. It is not about the figure. It is about quality and safety of lives. I still recall the clear-eyed curiosity of the Adeniji Adele residents as they returned to their homes of quivering safety, and I still shudder.

     

  • The castle

    The castle

    Every Nigerian knows this. We may find something to eat, or secure a place to play, or embark on a rambling ride for work around town or from town to town. But one thing we must not escape, cannot escape is where we want to lay our head, the place with a roof, with a proprietary space, the place called home.

    The mighty and the small, in whatever state or estate, covet it. Yet the concept of home was for ages taken for granted until civilisation kicked us in the face, when the city sprouted out of our desire to strut out of our rural rut. The home before then was a mud and thatch and meals and family and joy of the simple. Poverty was defined differently in terms of the plenitude of barns, the size of harems and the stoutness of farms and expanse of compounds. The architecture of homes was tame, relative to today. But they never described their lives as simple even if we do so today retrospectively.

    Enter the city, and the throng of people from the rural reaches. Crowds became material to prosperity. The cash replaced cowries and other standards of currency, and roads had to be cleared for factories. Then the city met inventions, and the cars, the trucks, the trains, and the machines and the flavour of different cultures and peoples merging in one metropolis.

    Welcome to the modern world. All of them needed to have shelter. Just before feudal life collapsed into a capitalist half-light, workers slept in dormitories, coddled, curdled, huddled, the picture of a jumbled life. But they lived for the day, for the wage.

    Sounds familiar? If you live in any city in Nigeria, whether Lagos, Abuja, Ibadan, Port Harcourt, Kano, Kaduna, Enugu, Owerri, Warri, Benin or Ilorin, you know the story. People want a place they can call their own. In the west, the concept of the condominium, now called condos, has become one of the three Cs of capitalism – cars, condos and credit cards.

    The city is the place for the strangers, either from far or near. And they need two things from the city – a job and a home. But if they don’t have a job, they need a roof over their heads. Upon this depends their health, their pride, their launching pad for family. But, more than jobs, it throws up the greatest challenge. It is one of the triumphs of the western world that they have built sprawling condos that unleashed the middle class, especially in the aftermath of the Second World. The United States created the suburbs.

    To do this, you did not rely on the measly income of the average worker who could not buy his house even if he saved from here to eternity. So the genius of the mortgage system came to be-[I ing, and with that hope for the homeless.

    Well, the governor of example, Babatunde Raji Fashola, launched a programme that must be seen as the first in this part of the world, but also a domesticated version of it. To qualify for a home you must not have had one, must have paid taxes in the past five years, will fall into the trap of the law if you had a home while you applied, must pay 30 percent down and pay the rest in ten years, must be resident in Lagos. You don’t have to be an indigene, must not sublet it or rent it out in the period of the contract.

    It is a paean to vision and ambition. Pictures of all Lagos homes and their owners are in a data base, so you cannot lie that you don’t own a home if you do. Recently, a residency registration happened to document where you live and what house you own, and you must have a number to even qualify.

    The Lord also once lamented that birds had places to sleep but the son of man had nowhere to lay his head. Challenges abound though. It won’t be easy for those who want a bed-room apartment to fish out 30 percent of N4 million, or even the so-called middle-class to ferret out about N10 million for three bedroom flat of N32 million. But this is the skein of dreams. It means not all who are first time owners or those who have paid their taxes in five years can necessarily have the financial heft to own the home.

    But it is a start, and it is revolutionary. It is bold leap into a place where the cost of cement, iron rods, sands, etc is no longer as accessible as when Lateef Jakande built his. Owning a home for anyone is an act of will and ambition of a life time. Hence those who qualify know that it is not an opportunity to let slip. That is where the dream of a government meets the hustle of the citizen, and that is the beauty of the programme unleashed by Governor Fashola last week.

    For them, it will be Fashola’s castle brought down from the air. Before now, this kind of programme was like a castle in the air. People imagined it, caressed it, wedded it. Now they can own their castles.

    “Castles in the air,” mused Norwegian playwright Henrik Ibsen, “are so easy to take refuge in – and so easy to build.”

    I recall the story of the man who once asserted that in the early 1970’s, he hoped that when God took over the earth he would be one of the righteous ones left to pick the goodies. He exclaimed that he would inherit the UAC House and his fellow church members picked other big mansions in Lagos. That is the imagination of the poor, what Ibsen in his play, The Master Builder, saw as the human capacity to build rooms after rooms. The poor always seek a way out of their penury, and what other way than the home.

    When governments turn plebian phantasies into reality, they become dazed. The city dweller often comes to the city and finds it hard to find a home. It is like the novel by Franz Kafka titled The Castle when a stranger enters a city and cannot find whom he wants to see in the city castle. Bureaucracy, language, a serpentine row of rooms and offices and other barriers frustrate him. How do you get a land without bribe or frustrating agents, or certificate of occupancy, or survey or buy that room without loan or how do you get that loan without knowing somebody, or how do you buy that condo if you speak a different language from the owner, agent, etc. It is an irony that just as Kafka’s character never got what he wanted, Kafka never finished the novel before he died. “Illusions are more common than changes in fortune,” he wrote in the novel.

    The programme, with its inevitable drawbacks, provides a platform to temper dreams with experience.

  • Between prophets and alarmists

    Between prophets and alarmists

    When prophesies come, we ignore them because we are optimists. When they come to pass, we accept them as fatalists. Only prisoners of hope accept tragedies as a routine and never worry about storm clouds. They tell themselves in their fatalistic fashion: it was to be.

    That has been the way of Nigerians. Many societies around the world have ended up like this. But here we continue to live dangerously. In this season, we have wobbled into some of such prophesies, and Nigerians seem to take them in strides.

    That is why we ignore the cries of the skinny vicar of our financial soul over a depleting treasury and balding governor’s lamentations over the atrophy of the rule of law in his state. Rather we listen to a plump graduate of Breton Woods Institution when she says only $10.8 billion is missing and shows little righteous agony over the discrepancy. Again, when the opposition says the president should invoke the best of presidential soft power to rein in the drift in Rivers State before budget and ministerial nominees, some people say it is against the people.

    They forget that the federal government can always spend outside the budget, and that the ministerial nominees and service chiefs’ matters do little to affect the affairs of state and security. The issues are political. No one asked the president why he has not extended his powers on Mbu Joseph Mbu, the commissioner of police in Rivers State. Even when a serving senator was flown abroad after the potentially fatal rubber bullet shot, not a word issued out of the president’s lips.

    Shall we ask ourselves what they did with last year’s budget? For half of last year, state governments received fractions of their entitlements. The queens of government, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Diezani Alison-Madueke, have not explained in mathematics, graphics and plain English language why we cannot pay our bills even though oil prices beat the budget benchmark by over $30 dollars per barrel. Even at that, we have almost depleted the so-called excess crude account when the price did not fall to even 80 dollars any time last year. When CBN chief Sanusi yelled, we did not go beyond quibbles over whether his math was right or wrong. We forgot the implications for the ordinary poor.

    In Rivers State, we see Governor Rotimi Amaechi fighting with President Goodluck Jonathan. We see it as a partisan matter, so it is not important what the law says and what decency prescribes.

    We forget that every crisis in our history came with warnings over trouble to come. Here we have troubles on two fronts: politics and economy. Both spell dire consequences. A well-known priest Mathew Kukah joined the cynical crowd in a recent interview by saying that the threat to Nigeria is in the pages of the newspapers and no one will be there when the politicians solve their problems. This is another cynical way of capsizing before our elite where he has friends on both sides of the divide. Politicians always resolve their differences after so much has been lost in lives and resources. If they resolve their differences, do they resolve the nation’s?

    Our history teaches us sombre lessons. The crisis of the First Republic started in the Western region, but many saw it as simply an Awolowo and Akintola fracas. Until elections came and it strangulated the region and all of Nigeria. The larger consequence was a civil war, and the tales of deaths, starvation and misery belonged not to the Yoruba of the west but the Igbo of the east.

    As poet John Donne warned, “ask not for whom the bell tolls, it tolls for thee.” My father Moses often said that if you throw a stone into the market, you cannot guarantee the safety of your mother. When crisis comes, it has a life of its own. Those who trigger it suffer as well as those who know little about it. If you start a bush fire, you also have to run for your life.

    That is why it is important to listen when people warn about a national drift. The danger is that we see things in rigid partisan brackets and fail to realise that not all partisan cries are without merit. We chuck them aside as paranoia. Henry Kissinger purred: “even the paranoid have enemies.” When Asari Dokubo threatened over 2015 elections, no one paid him a visit. But when Nasir el RuFai uttered his own, he was detained.

    If APC or PDP makes a case, it is inevitably partisan. But it does not mean it lacks substance, especially if the substance pries into our very existence. In the closing chapters of the Second Republic, Awo warned over the drift of the Shagari regime into tyranny, and raised the spectre of the preventive detention act that made Kwame Nkrumah notorious. He was dismissed as a partisan. A few months later, he was proved right and the republic slurred into a last song.

    We have seen this sort in other lands. Sir Winston Churchill was the disregarded prophet when as a back bencher in House of Commons he warned his country. In his grand and elegant growl, he described Hitler as the mad man of Europe. He said all of the continent should stop the tyrant before he engulfed civilisation in his Nazi holocaust. He urged Britain to start re-arming to match Germany that was building the most formidable military machine the world had ever known.

    His foes described him as an alarmist, with the peroration of partisan. When Hitler was ready, he rolled over France with his Blitzkrieg, and it took the Americans to save the world with help from nature in Russia and miscalculation by the fuehrer. England paid for ignoring Churchill when the German air force, the Luftwaffe, strafed London and other cities into a daze of apocalyptic fear.

    Even France may have been spared the humiliation of German invasion through the Ardenne Forest if the Vichy quislings had heeded Charles de Gaulle’s warning over fortifying that section and warding off the Nazis from Paris.

    Crisis comes from what many often regard as little crisis. The Boko Haram crisis might not have escalated if Yar’Adua had not regarded the death of its leader as trivial. Ironically, it is in search of justice for their leader that that region fell into the malignity of deaths, bigotry, lawlessness and state of emergency whose end is not in sight. The Owu War that ignited into what historians call the Yoruba Wars started over a fracas over cheap peppers. How many know that the First World, that conflict of butchery, began by the killing of an Arch Duke of Sarajevo. Those little things only mark tipping points of escalating tensions. It is just like a divorce that is triggered by spill of a glass of milk.

    The tragedy is that Nigerians are either facile or docile and accept injustices. So the political elite get away with any impunity. Russia wanted to impose its will on Ukraine, but the people resisted and have forced the prime minister to step down. In Turkey, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has lost popularity because of his highhanded ways. The Maghreb has shown in its Arab Springs, in spite of drawbacks, that it will stand for justice.

    If we take the rule of law and decency seriously, we shall have little tensions. Europe and America are no less contentious people than we. But they have decided to abide by rules rather and men. The worst, as poet Lord Byron once wrote, that we can expect when bad things happen is the three words: I told you so.

     

  • Of ideology and harlots

    Of ideology and harlots

    Since the All Progressives Congress came into being, some critics and commentators have rung the death knell of ideology. In their renditions, the PDP was supposed to be the conservative party, swarming with cranks and vandals. The other parties like the ACN, ANPP and CPC descended, in varying degrees of DNA, from Karl Marx and Lenin.

    This oversimplification came from the news stories of the strange bedfellows of the APC. How could the ACN votaries appear on television with their sworn enemies? Why for instance, would an Amaechi cohabit with an Obasanjo who once proclaimed his stake in the Rivers State governor ambition as being afflicted with K-leg? They also asked: Why, too, would an Asiwaju Tinubu, who shed sweat and career for June 12, romance an IBB who decapitated the best election ever? The same man capped it all with a clear-eyed boast that he was the evil genius. What is Ali Modu Sheriff looking for among progressives, and should the so-called child lover ex-governor roost with the governor of example, Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN)?

    The illusion derives from a lack of understanding of the evolution of ideology in Nigeria, especially among our political parties. They have a lineal rather than dynamic view of the growth of ideology. We forget that the only parties that have shown ideological fervour were Aminu Kano’s Northern Elements Progressive Union and Awolowo’s Action Group, and both morphed into PRP and UPN in the Second Republic. While the PRP dueled as NEPU reincarnate in the Second Republic, Awolowo had already set the stage in the First Republic as the inaugural premier of the Western Region. He initiated free education and free health care, the pilot schemes in the country, and followed up with integrated rural development and a vast array of infrastructure work. He also embedded the cooperative free enterprise spirit highlighted with the towering heft of the Cocoa House. His doing became the envy of the other regions, if they could not replicate the standard with the discipline and efficiency. That was because Awo had a clear sense of his ideological belief that tilted towards what philosophers call Fabian socialism, which sneers at doctrinaire devotion to cant and canons. Yet, it did not happen like lightning. Even his free education idea, taken for granted today, met brick walls of the soldiers of the past.

    In the Second Republic, it was easy to differentiate the UPN from other parties, including the PRP, since the Kano party did not have the discipline that UPN states evinced in executing their goals. Awo had by his singular acts entrenched ideological divide in the country. But it was not because the other parties had ideology in defined sense. Politics was about winning elections and providing leadership based on individual visions rather than a coordinated principle of a group. That was why in the Second Republic, the NPN and Zik’s NPP had little differences. Even the GNPPP also had no special love of ideas.

    What we had was Awo with his devotion to his Fabian dreams versus others who merely followed a vague path to progress known for an ill-digested mélange of laissez-faire and feudal predilections. That gave intellectuals the misguided conclusion that any party that did not chime in with Awo was conservative. But Nigerian conservatism propagated itself by a contrast to Awo. They did not want free education, free health care or forays into ambitious infrastructural platforms.

    This thinking encouraged IBB to bifurcate the party system with the SDP and NRC. Even then, it became clear that a big mistake had happened. The SDP, while telegraphing its message as the party of the left, threw up men who clearly would not be in the same bed with Awolowo. Big men replaced big ideas as champions of party principles. The result? No ideology.

    What we have seen in this republic is that Awo has so overwhelmed our sense of what should happen that what is leftist is difficult to define. Awo may have gone into premature oblivion if the AD did not emerge to continue his work. But it all gained traction in Lagos State, the state of example. All states now want to replicate the example. So, it is not only in the APC states we have free education or free health. What it means is that we are growing ideologically without knowing it.

    Yet it can be confusing. Shall we say free health is progressive or free education? Or infrastructural development as progressive or cooperative ideas for subaltern women and the poor? If that is the case, the progressives would say the conservatives have stolen their ideas. Or does it mean that the progressives are winning many hearts and some who are in the PDP are also in some ways progressives at heart? Or is it conservative opportunism?

    Governor Amaechi had progressive virtues when he was winning elections against the ACN, and all acknowledged his credentials. In the same way, we can say Delta State Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan’s free maternal, child and aged medical care are as progressive as any other. Or can we not say that Godswill Akpabio is a progressive as his free education has virtually eliminated the house boy syndrome and his vast infrastructure work in Akwa Ibom State.

    So when the leaders of the APC embraced former foes, it is because ideological divides are getting blurred. What Asiwaju Tinubu and his APC coalition seem to want is a new platform first that would wax with time to an ideological rampart. Whether this succeeds, only time shall tell.

    So politics should not always be about closing borders to foes especially in an ideologically inchoate society. In the advanced societies, leaders have shown the ability to bury the hatchet. President Barack Obama’s greatest foe was not his Republican opponent, but Hilary Clinton. Yet, when he won the nomination, he enlisted her support and she became his secretary of state, and a good one at that. President Obama took a cue from his role model Abraham Lincoln, who populated his cabinet with his rivals. In her book, A Team of Rivals, Doris Kearn Goodwin chronicles how Abe Lincoln coalesced the talents of three great foes who wanted his job. They were Edward Bates, who became his attorney general; Salmon P. Chase who became the secretary of treasury; and William H. Seward whom he appointed his secretary of state. Lincoln said he did not want to “waste precious time on recrimination about the past.”

    Winston Churchill’s greatest foe was Lord Halifax, and even King George did not want him to be Prime Minister. But the British last lion embraced all and made Halifax his envoy to the United States during the Second World War. The ANC might have broken into smithereens of parties if Mandela ossified his communist credentials as civil war loomed. Ronald Reagan began as a Democrat and ended as a Republican. Obj has never veered left in his life. That will be the miracle of the century. IBB has shown some thawing. For instance, he now accepts state police. Buhari, who hated democracy and free press, nominally accepts these.

    Politics is not for idealists. Such men are like American David Henry Thoreau who said joiners are like pigs who come together in a sty to feel warm.

    The challenge of the APC is real. We must not remain a country of the ideologically fluid. Conservatives need to define their views in clear terms even as Awo has helped define the progressive agenda. APC and PDP have conservatives who have liberal tendencies and vice versa. But it does not have to be cut and dry. We have social conservatives who are economic liberals and vice versa. Such diversities vitalise and re-pollinate parties and help them redefine their world views as things change. After all, what we call conservative today used to be the Democrats and Lincoln who freed slaves was a Republican. What we need are not harlots but thinking men and women of ideas. It calls not for rigidity but engagement. Countries, parties and individuals evolve. But they should do so credibly.

    The parties should be less about strange bed fellows but unions on the make. They should winnow the devotees from the opportunists. That is the challenge before our parties. The formation of the APC is an opportunity to revolutionise opposition but also the party system. Oscar Wilde wrote that “the only duty we owe history is to rewrite it.” Here is an opportunity.