Category: Columnists

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XXIII)

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XXIII)

    For the first time in the history of capitalism, in the wake of the Great Depression, government became involved in capitalism, not just to regulate it but to steer it into a new path and to change the character of the beast, profoundly and forever. At least that would have been the hope of the American government led by President Roosevelt. The mechanism for doing this was the New Deal which as it went along was given a theoretical foundation by John Maynard Keynes who has turned out to be the most influential economist of the twentieth century. And that has turned out to be for good as far as his admirers are concerned and as an anathema from the point of view of those who are opposed to his economic theory. Either way he cannot be ignored. Some eighty years after his death, he is still the elephant in every economics chatroom. Not bad for a mathematician/philosopher who took formal lessons in economics for all of eight weeks.

    One of the immediate effects of the Great Depression was a massive increase in unemployment. Without a salary, the unemployed can no longer make a contribution to the amount of money in circulation. This almost inevitably leads to the fall in the amount of money in the economy. It allows it to fall to catastrophic levels as indeed it did in the period following the Great Depression. Keynes argued that the only way to reverse this undesirable situation was to use government funds to create jobs and in doing so, regulate the economy and restore it to good health. This was so important that in his opinion, the government could resort to deficit spending, at least until the situation improved to such an extent that government spending could be brought back to a balanced budget. Without the exegesis created by the Great Depression, Keynesian economics as it came to be known could not have stood any chance of implementation. This is because for the first time, Keynes brought workers into the economics equation in a positive way. After that, they were then recognised  as having a  voice and a role to play in bringing a modicum of order to the market place. Up till then, the bosses, the owners of capital had shown a stern determination to keep wages low because in their warped imagination, they were sure that the lower the wages they paid to their workers, the greater the profits that accrued to them. Not for one moment did they think that better paid workers could become genuine and reliable consumers of the products of capitalist exploitation. True, Henry Ford had seen the light in this direction long before, but even he was vehemently opposed to trade unions and did all he could to keep them out of his factories. Without unions however, there was no way for the workers to even breathe, talk less of being part of any economic decision making process.

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    Keynes may have been the brains behind the New Deal but without the muscle provided by Roosevelt, it would have been dead on arrival. Desperate as the situation was, the forces of conservatism were still quite active and without Democratic party control of Congress and Senate, Roosevelt would have found it impossible to make the New Deal workable. And in the wake of the reduction in   the control of both houses in the 1938 midterm elections to the Republicans he found the going very difficult, verging dangerously on the impossible.  However, he was saved by the bell, to use a boxing term, when the USA was dragged into the maelstrom created by WWII in December 1941.

    The entry of the United States into the war was heaven sent for the New Deal as the ensuing war economy led to full employment and factories began to function at optimal capacity. The farmers were not left out of the effect of this wave of prosperity. Armies had to be fed and so the farmers were kept hard at work to keep the fighting men adequately provided with food. No army in the history of warfare had been better fed than members of the US armed forces through their engagement in WWII. This boosted the economy to such an extent that the economy of the USA was ticking along merrily until the end of the war. The capitalists rubbed their hands in glee as their profits mounted. At the same time the Democrats built up such a healthy head of political steam that the Republicans were locked out of the White House for twenty straight years. During this period, Roosevelt won four presidential elections on the trot and in 1948 his less flamboyant but phlegmatic, successor, Harry Truman won the presidential elections against all odds. It is interesting to note also that General Eisenhower who won the White House for the Republicans in the 1952 election and kept it in 1956 continued on the same economic trajectory as the Democrats. There was no need to change course  because the American economy was booming as never before. It has to be said that the economic dominance of the USA was predicated on her unique position as the only major power standing at the end of WWII.

    In the period immediately after WWI, the USA went back into isolationism in a bid to protect herself from the economic vagaries that afflicted the leading economies of the world. In spite of this precaution however, she was still dragged into the pits of the Great Depression. This more than ever encouraged the US to develop strict isolationism from the rest of the world. The USA, separated from the conflict in Europe by the width of the Atlantic ocean which raised a bulwark behind which it could shelter whilst maintaining her neutrality. To make her stand unmistakably clear, Congress passed Neutrality Acts through to 1938. But by 1939, it had become obvious that a war in Europe was inevitable. And reading the situation on ground, Roosevelt assured Americans that their sons were not going to participate in any European adventures.  But, it was also clear after a little while that American sentiments were on the side of the Allied Powers and her continued neutrality favoured the Axis. Besides, the Americans saw a way to make some money. They came up with what they called the Lend Lease Act which allowed them to sell any material to any country which could pay cash for their orders which were evacuated in their own ships. As far as any transaction did not put the USA at any risk. The major beneficiaries at the start were Britain and France. Both countries had been bruised and battered by their encounter with German forces and desperately needed ammunition for the fight and food for their armies and civilian populations. The Lend Lease Act served to preserve American neutrality even as they prepare to enter the fray and to make some money on the side. Eventually, the veil of neutrality was broken in December 1941 when Japan attacked US naval installations on Pearl Harbour in Hawaii in her desperate attempt to break the stranglehold to which her economy was subjected to through the imposition of American sanctions. In the wake of Japanese bombing of Pearl harbour, Germany her ally declared war on the USA and WWII became a global conflagration.

    Like WWI, this rematch was caused by a clash of imperialist ambitions. The British and French were in it to defend their respective empires. Germany attacked Poland and the Soviet Union in an attempt to create what Hitler described as space for German expansion. Japan was determined to create her own empire in the far East; in China, Korea and parts of the British empire including India. Given the scenario, the USA, the leading global capitalist nation had to be in it to protect the overall interest of capitalism. Early in 1942, the USA was engaged in war across the Atlantic in Europe and in the Pacific coast to the east.

    Combatants were bogged down in trenches for most of WWI, fighting what they came to describe as a war of attrition in which virtually defenceless men were exposed to pitiless war machines dispensing death and serious injury with awesome efficiency. This time around, the fronts were broad with tanks and all sorts of warplanes being involved in the fighting. This brought virtually the whole of Europe within harm’s way so that cities, manufacturing plants, communications installations and just about any built up areas were targets for destruction from land, sea and air. In an attempt at imperial domination, mankind had reached a state of total war. This was to have a critical effect on the rise and rise of capitalism.

    The Americans had entered the war on the side of the Allied forces made up principally of the British empire, the French Empire and the Soviet Union following the collapse of the non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviets. Ranged against them were the Axis powers; Germany, Japan and Italy under Benito Mussolini who was hell bent on expanding the Italian empire in Africa. The immediate impact of this war was the total destruction of industrial infrastructure in all major industrial countries with the exception of the USA which came out of the war with her industrial infrastructure not only intact but enhanced. There was no stopping her from that point on especially after her paralysing display of the power of her atomic bombs unleashed on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in the closing stages of the war.

    All in all, the USA had a very good war not just because she drove the Allies to victory but because she was given the authority to bring forth a new world economic and diplomatic order. At the end of the First World War, the Americans, bent on isolationism as a form of defence refused to enforce the formation of the League of Nations. This time around they were the proponents of the United Nations Organisations, the successor to the League of Nations. In addition, they were able to foist on a bemused world, the twin financial institutions of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The age of American global economic domination had arrived.

  • The Igbo lie is blown: Ministry of Education denies responsibility for distorted instructional materials

    The Igbo lie is blown: Ministry of Education denies responsibility for distorted instructional materials

    In ‘The Igbo: People, History and Worldview’ by Dons Eze & Chinedu Ochinanwata, they go even further, claiming that the Yoruba monarchy is built on Igbo spiritual systems, that Oduduwa overthrew a peaceful Igbo order, and that modern Ife is a hybrid of stolen identity”.

    Published on this column on Sunday, 8 June, 2025 was my article titled:’Hagiography: Igbos Deliberately Distorting Yoruba History’.

    Partly in reaction to it and also because some concerned Yoruba individuals and groups were already pondering  the next line of action regarding this falsification of their history by persons whose ‘god’ is money, and would, therefore, do anything – legal and illegal – to look for it – petitions had gone to, not only the Federal Ministry of Education but as far as to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu because, as one of the groups put it, to allow these scammers continue unchecked is to “allow false ethnic narratives in our education system, endanger national unity, undermine cultural integrity, and misinform future generations.

    Also, they wrote: “if this distortion is not corrected, millions of Nigerian students, especially Yoruba children, will grow up believing a lie about their ancestral identity”.

    Kudos to the Honourable  Minister who, I am aware, proactively went to work, tasking ministry officials to quickly unravel the circumstances surrounding the alleged NERDC approval being claimed by the authors.

    In particular he  wanted them to confirm whether the two books  were truly presented to the NERDC for review and  recommendation, which year they were presented and who the reviewers of the books are. He also wanted

    confirmation as to whether NERDC actually recommended the books for publication.

    If truly, and genuinely it did, he recommended  that an appropriate machinery be set up to thoroughly investigate all the circumstances surrounding the publication of the books.

    These done, a report was made to the minister presumably on whose authority the ministry, this past week, made the following public announcement:

    “The attention of the Federal Ministry of Education has been drawn to a petition titled: “Petition to Defend Yoruba History from Ethnic Distortion in Nigerian Textbooks” submitted by the Concerned Citizens of Yoruba Origin and Supporters of Truth, through its National Chairman, Otunba Abayomi Odunowo.

    The petition raises concerns over alleged historical inaccuracies in a history textbook authored by Tony and Ijeoma Duru, and published by Tones Publishers. The publication is said to contain claims regarding the founding of Ile-Ife that have been described as misleading and potentially harmful to national unity.

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    The Ministry wishes to clarify that the said textbook was not authored, commissioned, or approved by the Federal Ministry of Education. It is not among the instructional materials approved for use in public basic education institutions across the country, and the Ministry is not in any way affiliated with the publication.

    The Ministry appreciates the vigilance and concern of stakeholders regarding the potential of such content to misinform learners and provoke ethnic tension.

    While these concerns are valid, it is important to note that the Ministry is not responsible for materials that fall outside its regulatory framework.

    Instructional materials officially endorsed by the Ministry are carefully curated to meet national education standards. They are developed to support effective learning in public schools, promote literacy, and ensure inclusive, equitable access to quality education throughout Nigeria.

    The ministry will work with the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) and other agencies to investigate, ensure fair and timely resolution of the issue.

    Nevertheless, given the sensitivity of the matter and its implications for education, cultural identity, and national cohesion, the Ministry will work closely with the Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) and other relevant agencies to thoroughly investigate the issue.

    All necessary steps will be taken to address the anomalies identified and to ensure a fair and timely resolution that respects historical truth and promotes unity.

    The Federal Ministry of Education remains fully committed to providing quality, inclusive, and culturally respectful education that fosters peace, understanding, and national development”.

    Some questions then arise following that clear and authoritative statement from the Ministry of Education, the only authority that could have given approval for the books’ publication and without which approval, the books can be described only as a hatched job which should be completely incinerated to obliterate its memory.

    But then why are a particular group of Nigerians so infernally given to perpetuating fraud? What exactly drives their inordinate quest after money for which they would do anything, killing inclusive?

    Must they continue to shame Nigeria all over the world? And what exactly would they not do to make money if they could  turn hagiography into a source of money making, seeing it requires intellectual imput far beyond the mundane requirements of making a 4- 1 – 9 hit?

    But the million dollar question is: must these people, forever, have an eye for anything, and everything, Yoruba?

    Igbos are a uniquely talented, brilliant and industrious people.

    This they have demonstrated here in Nigeria and internationally where they rank amongst the most prodigiously brilliant scholars holding down professorships in many prestigious Universities worldwide but, especially in the U.S.

    Back home they own the most industrialised part of Nigeria.

    But for God’s sake, why would a people so gifted, so talented be equally damn fiendishly avaricious they are never content with all they have?

    Why is there no single effort by any group of Igbos themselves, however miniscule, criticising these their negative proclivities? Why do we never see any concerted effort by Igbos themselves against the bad among them?

    Not even against the Unknown Gun Men tormenting them, paralysing not only their economy but the social life of the entire Southeast region?

    Instead, behaving like a horde, you would find even the most educated Igbo defend his kinsman, no matter the gravity of the offence committed.

    More than the generality of Nigerians, Igbos need a Regional Orientation Agency(ROA).

    They believe they are not much loved by other Nigerians.

    If this categorical assertion is true, Igbos would have only themselves to blame.

    Scattered thin, everywhere all over the country, Igbos must have a rethink over many of the things they do, or casually take for granted, among them: the erroneous belief that because they have the financial resources, from sources known and unknown to buy physical properties, they can purchase  the possibility of ruling over places where they are only, at best,  aliens.

    Without a doubt this write up will be met with some acerbic diatribes by those who hate to hear the truth.

    But then I say: they are welcome 

  • National honours, missed opportunities and questionable choices

    National honours, missed opportunities and questionable choices

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s recent national honours list has generated considerable discourse across Nigeria’s political and civil society landscape. While the recognition of distinguished Nigerians through national awards remains a vital tradition for acknowledging exceptional service to the nation, the current list reveals troubling patterns of historical revisionism, political expediency, and a fundamental misunderstanding of the hierarchy of sacrifice that built Nigeria’s democratic foundations.

    Perhaps the most glaring oversight in the current honours list is the relegation of Professor Humphrey Nwosu to the Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON), a decision that fundamentally misrepresents his pivotal role in Nigeria’s democratic evolution. Nwosu, as Chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) during the 1993 general elections, demonstrated unprecedented courage and integrity in conducting what remains Nigeria’s freest and fairest presidential election.

    The June 12, 1993 election, won decisively by Chief Moshood Abiola, stands as a watershed moment in Nigeria’s political history. It was Nwosu’s meticulous planning, innovative electoral mechanisms, and unwavering commitment to transparency that made this achievement possible. His introduction of the Option A4 system, the open ballot method, and the modified open ballot counting system revolutionized Nigerian electoral practice and remains a template for credible elections decades later.

    More crucially, when faced with enormous pressure from the military establishment to manipulate the election results, Nwosu chose institutional integrity over personal safety. His decision to announce results as they came in, despite knowing the political consequences, demonstrated a level of patriotism that deserves the highest national recognition. Without Nwosu’s courage, there would be no June 12 to celebrate, no democratic mandate to defend, and no foundation upon which Nigeria’s current democracy stands.

    While Nigerians are grateful that President Tinubu deemed it fit to confer such honour, many perceive the CON award as  a fundamental misreading of historical significance. Nwosu’s contribution to Nigerian democracy warrants nothing less than the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), the highest honour reserved for exceptional service to the nation. His role in preserving the sanctity of the electoral process during one of Nigeria’s most critical moments deserves recognition commensurate with the magnitude of his sacrifice and the enduring impact of his actions.

    Equally problematic is the inclusion of the late Shehu Yar’Adua in the honours list, a decision that appears to conflate political opportunism with genuine democratic struggle. While Yar’Adua’s eventual opposition to General Sani Abacha’s self-succession agenda is acknowledged, a careful examination of the timeline reveals a more complex and less heroic narrative.

    Yar Adua, readily welcomed the annulment of the June 12 elections, thinking that a reelection as proposed by General Ibrahim Babaginda would favour his long driven ambition to lead Nigeria.

    Yar’Adua’s opposition to Abacha’s perpetuation in power emerged primarily when it became clear that the general’s plans threatened his own political ambitions and those of his northern political allies. This was not principled opposition born of democratic conviction but rather a strategic repositioning driven by personal and regional interests. Unlike genuine pro-democracy activists who opposed military rule from its inception, Yar’Adua’s resistance was conditional and self-serving.

    The decision to honour Yar’Adua while numerous authentic democracy advocates remain unrecognized sends a troubling message about the criteria for national recognition. It suggests that political calculations and post-mortem reputation management can override the need for genuine democratic credentials. This selective amnesia about the true nature of various individuals’ contributions to democratic struggle undermines the integrity of the honours system.

    The current honours list’s most damning indictment lies not in who was included, but in who was conspicuously absent. Nigeria’s democratic journey was forged by countless individuals who chose principle over profit, courage over comfort, and national interest over personal advancement. Their absence from national recognition represents a fundamental failure to understand the true architecture of Nigeria’s democratic evolution.

    Colonel Abubakar Dangiwa Umar stands as a towering figure of military professionalism and democratic advocacy. His consistent opposition to military coups, his principled resignation from military service rather than participate in anti-democratic activities, and his decades-long advocacy for good governance and national unity mark him as a patriot of the highest order. His exclusion from the honours list represents a missed opportunity to recognize genuine military statesmanship.

    Read Also: FULL LIST: Tinubu confers national honours on Kudirat Abiola, Soyinka, Saro-Wiwa, others

    Arthur Nwankwo, the intellectual and publisher, used his platform to challenge authoritarian rule and promote democratic values. His writings and advocacy contributed significantly to the ideological foundation of Nigeria’s pro-democracy movement, yet his contributions remain unacknowledged in the current honours framework.

    Osa Director, another fine journalist and media activist, chose to put his life on the line rather than enter a dalliance of sort with the Abacha regime. His deployment of guerilla media tactics in the struggle to reinstate democracy and the Abiola mandate rattled the Abacha regime.

    Again, the awards list betrayed a narrow focus on June 12 and its immediate aftermath, while important, has led to the neglect of other foundational figures who shaped Nigeria’s intellectual and moral landscape. The honours system should recognize the broader ecosystem of individuals who contributed to national development across various sectors.

    Professor Bala Usman, the revolutionary historian and intellectual, spent his career challenging conventional narratives about Nigerian history and promoting critical thinking about national development. His scholarly work and political activism contributed immensely to Nigerian intellectual discourse and deserves posthumous recognition.

    Dele Giwa, the pioneering journalist whose assassination remains a dark chapter in Nigeria’s press history, represented the courage and integrity that should define Nigerian journalism. His commitment to investigative journalism and his ultimate sacrifice for press freedom make him a natural candidate for national honours.

    Tai Solarin, the educator and social critic, dedicated his life to promoting educational excellence and social justice. His innovative approaches to education and his unwavering commitment to social reform contributed significantly to Nigeria’s human development efforts.

    Professor Pat Utomi stands as one of Nigeria’s most distinguished public intellectuals, deserving of national honours for his multifaceted contributions to the nation’s development. As an economist, political scientist, and management expert, Utomi has consistently advocated for good governance, economic reform, and democratic consolidation across decades of public service.

    His academic excellence spans prestigious institutions globally, while his entrepreneurial initiatives have created jobs and economic opportunities. His consistent opposition to military rule and promotion of transparent governance principles mark him as a patriot whose intellectual contributions deserve formal recognition through Nigeria’s national honours system.

    The current honours list reflects a system that prioritizes political convenience over historical accuracy and genuine contribution. Several reforms are necessary to restore credibility to Nigeria’s national recognition framework.

    First, the establishment of an independent honours committee comprising historians, civil society leaders, and respected public figures could help insulate the process from political manipulation. This body should have the authority to research, verify, and recommend candidates based on objective criteria rather than political expediency.

    Second, the criteria for national honours should be clearly defined and publicly available, with emphasis on measurable contributions to national development, democratic governance, and social progress. The current system’s opacity allows for arbitrary decisions that undermine public confidence.

    Third, there should be provisions for posthumous recognition of individuals whose contributions were not acknowledged during their lifetime. Many of Nigeria’s most significant contributors to national development died without recognition, and the honours system should provide mechanisms for correcting these historical oversights.

    National honours represent more than ceremonial recognition; they embody a nation’s understanding of its own history and values. When these honours are distributed based on political calculation rather than genuine contribution, they become instruments of historical distortion rather than national memory preservation.

    President Tinubu’s honours list, while containing some deserving recipients, fundamentally fails to capture the true heroes of Nigeria’s democratic evolution. The undervaluation of Humphrey Nwosu, the questionable inclusion of Shehu Yar’Adua, and the neglect of authentic democracy advocates like Dangiwa Umar, Lawan Gwadabe, Arthur Nwankwo, and Osa Director represent missed opportunities to accurately document Nigeria’s democratic journey.

    The path forward requires a commitment to historical honesty and a willingness to prioritize genuine contribution over political convenience. Only through such an approach can Nigeria’s honours system serve its intended purpose of inspiring excellence and preserving the memory of those who truly built the nation. The current list, unfortunately, falls short of this standard and requires fundamental reconsideration to restore its credibility and relevance.

  • Wike’s OAU lecture

    Wike’s OAU lecture

    Barrister Ezenwo Nyesom Wike, former Local Government Chairman, former Chief of Staff to the Governor of Rivers State, former Minister of State for Education, former Governor of Rivers State and current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, was at Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU)’s iconic Oduduwa Hall, Ile-Ife, where he delivered the well-attended and well-received 5 June, 2025 Distinguished Personality Lecture of the university titled “Nigeria of our dreams.”

    In the 24-page lecture, Barrister Nyesom Wike remarked: “In an era when leadership is often misunderstood or misjudged through partisan prisms, I consider your invitation a balm and your recognition, a vindication and a challenge.” He then declared: “I thank the Governing Council and the University Management for this remarkable gesture, which I do not take for granted.”

    The Minister noted: “Nigeria, as we know it today, was conceived in the crucible of a paradox: consummated by the colonial imperative of amalgamation, yet nurtured by the enduring hope of unity in diversity. From the very beginning, there has always existed a powerful dream that this vast land of many tongues and traditions would someday become a beacon of harmony, justice, and prosperity.”

    He observed that contrariwise, “The Nigeria we see today is not the Nigeria we dreamt of. … We stumbled on the jagged rocks of corruption, danced too long with the ghosts of mediocrity, and surrendered too frequently to the paralyzing cynicism of despair. Our institutions, once envisioned as pillars of progress, have buckled under the weight of impunity and ethnicity. The rule of law is often treated as an inconvenience.”

    He continued: “Insecurity festers across the land. Infrastructure lies in ruins. Our public school system is gasping for breath, and our economy is reeling under the weight of bad policies, runaway inflation, and a currency in free fall from a time when one dollar exchanged for one naira, to today, when over 1,500 naira chases a single dollar. The Nigerian passport has become a red flag at foreign airports. It is a symbol of suspicion rather than pride, our global image tarnished by decades of corruption, fraud, and state failure.”

    He also noted: “Religious institutions, which ought to be moral beacons, have joined the parade. … The litany of woes is long, and for many Nigerians, the dream has faded into a nightmare. … And yet, in the face of this bleak landscape, we must ask: Is all hope lost? Is this the end of the Nigerian story? Can we no longer dream of a nation that works, that cares, that inspires?”

    Wike opined that reclaiming Nigeria’s dreams required a framework with pillars, including leadership, infrastructural development, democracy and good governance, the rule of law and justice, quality education, health and human development, economic prosperity and inclusive growth, security and national cohesion, unity in diversity, cultural renaissance and moral rebirth, and strengthening local government and community resilience.

    On leadership, Wike said: “Many scholars agree that the greatest challenge confronting Nigeria and chronically militating against her development is the plague of bad and mediocre leadership.” He thus declared: “A leader of our dreams must be one who is prepared to lead. … This leader must have the courage and audacity to act, build, innovate and generally expand the frontiers of development with a hands-on approach that would emphasize excellence over mediocrity.”

    The FCT Minister then declared: “Our current president [Bola Ahmed Tinubu] embodies a lot of the qualities that I have stated above. … Leaders before him all spoke about the evil of fuel subsidy, but none had the courage to dare the blackmail of removing it. Tinubu did and is fittingly grappling with the inevitable, unintended and sometimes orchestrated consequences of this removal.”

    Wike continued: “The security situation is being addressed through proper funding and the training and retraining of our army and other security forces. There is no doubt that with the recent Presidential approval for the recruitment of forest guards across the country to take charge of our forests, bandits and terrorists would no longer find incubation points and free territories to operate.”

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    On infrastructural development, the Minister noted: “In this journey towards realizing the Nigeria of our dreams, it is both necessary and noble to acknowledge the efforts of President Tinubu. … Through massive investment in infrastructure, President Tinubu has demonstrated a commitment to tackling the inherited complexities of our federation with candour and courage.”

    The FCT Minister also observed: “The rapid transformation of Abuja is a clear testimony to the President’s dedication to infrastructural revolution in Nigeria. It goes without saying that, although I drive the process in Abuja, it would not have been possible without the overwhelming and ceaseless support of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR.”

    On democracy and good governance, the guest lecturer opined: “At the heart of the Nigerian dream lies the vision of a thriving democratic culture. … In this vision, public office is not a privilege to be exploited, but a sacred trust to be honoured, a platform for transformation, not self-enrichment. Good governance is the engine that drives this dream, ensuring that institutions function efficiently and equitably, and that the government remains responsive to the needs and aspirations of the people.”

    On the rule of law and justice, Wike declared: “The Nigeria we dream of is one where the rule of law is not merely enshrined in the constitution but enforced with courage and impartiality, without fear or favour. … Central to this vision is an independent and courageous judiciary, immune from manipulation, and committed to safeguarding human rights and upholding justice for all.”

    On quality education, the Minister remarked: “At the core of the Nigerian dream lies the unwavering belief that qualitative and functional education is the bedrock of national development. … From nursery school to the university level, education in the Nigeria of our dreams must be accessible, inclusive, and relevant, reaching every child regardless of geography, gender, financial status, or ability.” He noted further: “In this regard, for instance, the establishment of the Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) is … a monumental step towards realizing the Nigeria of our dreams, a nation built on knowledge, equity, and opportunity.”

    On health and human development, the lecturer said: “At the heart of the Nigerian dream is the unfailing commitment to the health and well-being of every citizen … We envision a Nigeria where health is not a privilege but a right … This vision moves beyond hospital walls to encompass access to clean water, proper sanitation, and a resilient public health system capable of responding decisively to crises.”

    On economic prosperity and inclusive growth, Wike said: “We dream of a Nigeria where prosperity is not the preserve of a privileged few but a shared reality that cuts across regions, social classes, and sectors. … Critical to this vision is the creation of a citizenry empowered with self-reliance and control over critical aspects of their lives, food, shelter, education, and health, with the ultimate goal of eradicating poverty and underdevelopment.”

    On security and national cohesion, Wike observed: “Security is the bedrock upon which every meaningful national aspiration must rest, for no dream can flourish in an atmosphere of fear or instability. At the heart of the Nigeria we envision is a society where every citizen feels safe in their homes, in their communities, and across the federation. … Ultimately, security is not just about protecting borders, it is about protecting hope. It is about building a society where every Nigerian can aspire, strive, and succeed without fear, a nation where peace is the norm, not the exception.”

    On unity in diversity, Wike said: “Fundamental to the Nigerian dream lies a profound recognition: our diversity is not a burden, but a blessing, a source of strength rather than division. … The Nigeria we dream of does not erase differences but celebrates them; it does not impose uniformity but inspires unity.”

    Furthermore, he noted: “At the heart of many of Nigeria’s challenges is a deficit of trust between leaders and followers, ethnic groups, religious communities, and even neighbours. Rebuilding this trust requires more than lofty rhetoric; it demands honesty, transparency, fairness, and justice. Our national policies must be inclusive, participatory, and responsive to both current needs and historical grievances.”

    On cultural renaissance and moral rebirth, the lecturer said: “The dream of Nigeria demands not just institutional reform, but a profound moral and cultural renaissance. … We must return to the timeless values that once defined us: honesty, hard work, mutual respect, and community spirit. Nigeria of our dreams is one where our cultural heritage is preserved, our stories are told with pride, and our values form the moral compass that guides both leadership and followership.”

    On strengthening local government and community resilience, Wike observed: “Without functional, transparent, and empowered local governments, the dream of national transformation will remain a distant illusion. The Nigeria of our dreams is one where development does not hover above in abstraction, but reaches the very doorsteps of the people, through decentralized governance, fiscal responsibility, and vibrant, community-led initiatives. The status, structure, staffing, operations, and funding of the local government system are not mere administrative concerns – they are central to the survival and consolidation of democracy itself.”

    Wike averred that Nigeria is “bruised, perhaps battered, but never broken,” and that “her voice is rising above the din of disillusionment, summoning her sons and daughters, at home and abroad, not to mourn her fate, but to mold her future.” He also counselled: “And above all, we must act not because it is convenient, but because it is essential. … Let us write a new story, not of how Nigeria collapsed under the weight of its contradictions, but of how it rose on the strength of its convictions.”

    In concluding, Wike admonished: “Nigeria of our dreams will not fall into our laps by wishing; it will be won by working. It will demand of us not only passion, but patience. Not only inspiration, but perspiration. Not only courage in moments of glory, but character in seasons of testing. … Let us rise above cynicism and mediocrity, and embrace vision, sacrifice, and purpose. Let us dare to believe that greatness is not beyond us, but within us, waiting to be awakened. Let history record that we gathered here not to mourn what Nigeria has become, but to proclaim what Nigeria must be.”

    The content of Minister Nyesom Wike’s cerebral and illuminating lecture was remarkably broad in its coverage and on point. The style was dignified and engaging, with an effective dose of soundbites and claptraps. The lecture impressively exemplified the positive value of inviting such distinguished, sometimes controversial, personalities to share their thoughts and experiences on an elevated academic platform. For this, the authorities of OAU truly deserve commendation.  

  • Inclusive democracy and the metaphor in pardon for Ogoni Nine

    Inclusive democracy and the metaphor in pardon for Ogoni Nine

    In a week shaped by reflection, celebration, and landmark decisions, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s maiden State of the Nation address on Democracy Day 2025 will be remembered not just for its innovation in form, but more so for its courage in substance. In one sweeping moment of presidential clarity and moral restitution, Tinubu granted a long-awaited presidential pardon to the Ogoni Nine — a group of environmental justice activists executed in 1995 — and conferred national honours on them, effectively rewriting a painful chapter of Nigeria’s history with compassion and bold leadership.

    Delivered before a joint session of the National Assembly, the address — a first of its kind — marked a significant departure from the customary early morning broadcast Nigerians have grown used to on June 12. Drawing on the traditions of American democracy, Tinubu instead chose to face lawmakers directly, with a live broadcast that conveyed not just the President’s agenda, but his tone, his emotion, and his message of unity in clear and undiluted terms.

    But the speech’s highlight, the “icing on the cake,” as many have since called it, was the full pardon granted posthumously to Ken Saro-Wiwa and his eight colleagues — Saturday Dobee, Nordu Eawo, Daniel Gbooko, Paul Levera, Felix Nuate, Baribor Bera, Barinem Kiobel, and John Kpuine. For the Ogoni people, the Niger Delta and indeed for Nigeria, it was more than a symbolic gesture; it was the long-delayed recognition of an injustice endured, a legacy restored, and an unmistakable step towards national reconciliation.

    The Ogoni Nine were executed on November 10, 1995, by the military junta of General Sani Abacha, following a controversial tribunal that convicted them of involvement in the murder of four Ogoni chiefs. That trial and its outcome were universally condemned — from global statesmen like Nelson Mandela and Bill Clinton to institutions such as the United Nations — all of whom called for clemency and due process.

    Ken Saro-Wiwa, the most prominent of the nine, had become the face of Nigeria’s grassroots environmental struggle. His leadership of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) brought global attention to the devastation wrought on Ogoniland by oil exploration and corporate neglect. Their execution was not merely a miscarriage of justice, but a scar on Nigeria’s conscience — a chilling reminder of the price of activism under tyranny.

    President Tinubu’s pardon does not erase the past. But it does bring overdue moral clarity. In conferring national honours — a Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON) for Saro-Wiwa and Officers of the Order of the Niger (OON) for the others — Tinubu elevated them from condemned men to national heroes. It was, in his own words, “an exercise of the prerogative of mercy,” but even more than that, it was a statement of the values his administration seeks to uphold: inclusivity, justice, and historical redress.

    In granting this pardon on Democracy Day — the very day set aside to honour the pro-democracy martyrs of the 1990s, symbols of which late Chief M.K.O. Abiola and his assassinated wife, Kudirat Abiola, were — Tinubu was deliberate. He was connecting the Ogoni cause to the broader Nigerian struggle for justice, equity, and democratic accountability.

    It was not lost on many that Ogoni leaders have, for decades, approached successive administrations with appeals for this very moment. But Tinubu, who himself bears scars from that era of dictatorship and led from the frontlines in the 1990s resistance, chose not just to listen but to act. His pardon and honours conferment were more than executive acts — they were reconciliatory moves signalling that no part of the country, no matter how geographically small or politically marginalised, is forgotten in his vision of a united Nigeria.

    That vision was further reinforced when the President made it clear during the same address that there is no intention under his leadership to transform Nigeria into a one-party state. In recent weeks, the ruling APC has welcomed a wave of defections from other parties, prompting unease from opposition quarters. But Tinubu’s words were unequivocal: “At no time in the past, nor any instance in the present, and at no future juncture shall I view the notion of a one-party state as good for Nigeria.”

    It was a sharp but necessary rebuke, one drawn from personal experience. Tinubu reminded the nation that in 2003, he was the lone progressive governor standing in the South-West, refusing to be swallowed by the then-dominant PDP machine. That commitment to political plurality, he assured Nigerians, remains unchanged.

    Read Also: Tinubu affirms commitment to multi-party democracy

    President Tinubu’s speech was not only backward-looking. It was also rich in policy direction and national optimism. He announced the expansion of consumer credit to 400,000 youths and NYSC members through CREDICORP, aiming to empower young Nigerians economically. He celebrated record GDP growth — 4.6% in the last quarter of 2024 — and a gradually stabilising macroeconomic environment. He spoke of food sovereignty, industrial transformation, and the digital revolution powered by fibre optic infrastructure now rolling out across the country.

    But these gains, he noted, mean little without justice, without healing, and without embracing the pain points of the past — such as the one carried by the Ogoni people for 29 years.

    That is why the Ogoni Nine pardon and honouring was so powerful. It captured the spirit of June 12 — the spirit of democracy that fights to be inclusive, that acknowledges mistakes, and that dares to do right even when it takes decades.

    Of course, some critics may say the gesture was political — timed for maximal impact, or designed to court sympathy from the South-South. But that argument ignores both context and intent. For years, the Ogoni cause has been a thorn in the side of every administration. Symbolic promises were made, but no president — not Obasanjo, not Yar’Adua, not Jonathan, not Buhari — had taken the decisive step of issuing a full pardon and backing it with national honours.

    Although in 2001 the then President Obasanjo, during a speech in Ogoniland, announced an intention to grant a presidential pardon. It never materialised. Also in 2021, former President Buhari suggested a possible posthumous state pardon during a meeting with Ogoni leaders at the State House and described the executions as unfortunate. The administration failed to issue the pardon. 

    Tinubu did. And he did so in a forum where all political persuasions were present, under the klieg lights of national television, not in a closed-door ceremony. That matters. That transparency is part of the message.

    By tying this unprecedented gesture to June 12, President Tinubu reaffirmed the essence of the date. Democracy is not just a milestone to be celebrated annually. It is a responsibility to be shouldered daily. It means recognising that justice delayed is not justice denied — but justice must come eventually. It means redressing wrongs, not to open old wounds, but to heal them.

    And for the Ogoni people — for whom November 10 has always been a day of mourning — this year’s June 12 became a day of recognition. A day when their sons were no longer remembered as criminals, but as citizens whose love for their land and rights led them to martyrdom.

    From Forgiveness in Lagos to Infrastructural Revival in Abuja

    Although the President’s riveting Democracy Day address inevitably dominated national discourse in the past week, the build-up to June 12 itself was packed with telling moments of leadership, reconciliation, and renewed infrastructural ambition. From emotional reconciliations in Lagos to headline-worthy project commissioning in the nation’s capital, President Tinubu’s activities this week once again reinforced his capacity to blend political symbolism with tangible governance.

    It began on a poignant note in Lagos on Sunday, where the President, still observing his Eid-el-Kabir retreat, welcomed key political stakeholders, including members of the Lagos State Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC). At the heart of their mission was a plea for reconciliation—particularly on behalf of Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. According to reports, the GAC Chairman, Alhaji Tajudeen Olusi, acknowledged the President’s perceived displeasure and openly begged for forgiveness.

    In a gesture underscoring Tinubu’s often understated political magnanimity, the President replied: “It’s all over now. All is forgiven.” The moment prompted visible relief, with Sanwo-Olu and others prostrating in gratitude—an emblematic conclusion to weeks of speculation about a rift. It was a symbolic closure in Lagos, where Tinubu’s political journey began and where his political family remains strongest.

    By Tuesday afternoon, the President was back in Abuja, swiftly transitioning from statesman to reformer-in-chief. Stepping off the Presidential jet, he made a direct stop at the refurbished International Conference Centre (ICC)—now renamed the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre—for its formal reopening.

    Speaking at the event, Tinubu reiterated his commitment to infrastructure as a bedrock of national renewal. “Modern infrastructure is the backbone of a thriving economy,” he stated, affirming his administration’s readiness to transform sectors including transportation, health, education, and urban development.

    Commending the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, for his transformational leadership, Tinubu added a political undertone to his commendation: “Don’t pay attention to the busybodies… continue with your good work.” The endorsement, as it turned out, would not end there.

    The following day, at the commissioning of the Arterial Road N16 in Abuja’s Katampe District, Tinubu once again lavished praise on Wike. In a politically charged moment, the President teased: “He’s not a member of my party—not yet. But the day he changes his mind… we will enjoy him in singing, ‘as e dey pain them, e dey sweet us.’”

    While clearly tongue-in-cheek, the comment reflects a strategic openness to Wike—a PDP strongman—joining the APC formally, a prospect that could further reshape political alignments ahead of 2027.

    Away from politics, Tinubu also found time to mourn and honour national figures. He expressed deep sorrow over the passing of former federal permanent secretary, Fidelis Kaigama, lauding him as “a distinguished public servant.”

    On Friday, he saluted media icon Prince Sam Amuka-Pemu, the 90-year-old founder of Vanguard Newspapers. Calling him “a doyen of journalism” and “an elder statesman,” Tinubu’s tribute reflected his enduring regard for those who shaped Nigeria’s media and democratic history.

    In the whirlwind of the week’s activities — from the Democracy Day lecture, to the extensive list of honourees that included Kudirat Abiola, Wole Soyinka, and Uncle Sam Amuka-Pemu — what stood out most was the President’s ability to transcend the ceremonial. With the Ogoni Nine pardon, Tinubu did not just make a speech. He made a statement. He did not just celebrate democracy. He deepened it.

    It was a reminder that leadership is not only about pushing policies or managing the economy. It is also about leading the national soul — helping a country remember, reconcile, and rise above its wounds.

    President Tinubu’s first State of the Nation address has set a new bar — not only in how leaders speak to the nation, but in how they act in moments of historic gravity. It was a week not just of activities, but of purpose. And in the words he chose and the gestures he made, Tinubu reaffirmed that democracy — our democracy — is still alive, still evolving, and still capable of doing the right thing.

  • Ndume’s assault on facts and history

    Ndume’s assault on facts and history

    Senator Ali Ndume (Borno South) has done all in his power to posture as a man of candour. Since winning election and representing Chibok/Damboa/Gwoza constituency in 2003 in the House of Representatives, he has not looked back, and has not been fettered by any electoral loss save the troubles his frankness and idealism have brought him. Brilliant (having graduated magna cum laude from the University of Toledo in Ohio United States), and fearless, (having fought many a political battle and suffered grave injuries), he has remained undaunted by opposition and by facts that sometimes unsettle his suppositions and conclusions. He must be doing many things right in his constituency to have won promotion to the senate in 2011 where he has remained ensconced despite his prejudices and fallibilities.

    On June 8, undeterred by the constant explosions of his myths and hyperboles, the gritty senator took on President Bola Tinubu on television by denouncing the endorsements the All Progressives Congress (APC) has received ahead of the 2027 presidential poll. To Sen. Ndume’s unhappiness, some 22 governors have so far endorsed the president for the poll. That’s nothing, fumed the senator, some 22 governors also endorsed ex-president Goodluck Jonathan for the 2015 poll and still lost the election. As he snorted: “It happened before, not once, not twice. It happened during Jonathan’s presidency. That does not mean anything. Politicians are decamping, but the people who are the voters are not decamping. I don’t have access to Mr President, but I hope that he would look back historically and see that the gathering of people to endorse you does not mean anything. Jonathan had 22 governors then endorsing him, like was done now. And what happened? Jonathan lost woefully. And even that time, what happened? A lot of money was spent – over N2 billion or whatever. Even the election was shifted, but we are not learning our lessons. I pity Mr President for this kind of thing.”

    Read Also: Ndume denies Boko Haram attacked ex-COAS Buratai

    It may very well turn out that the endorsements may be overstated, but Sen. Ndume took too much liberty with facts by exaggerating Dr Jonathan’s endorsements. The former president did not have more than 16 governors endorsing him for the 2015 poll, not 22. Yes, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) controlled 22 states at the time, but some five of them had aligned their goals and destinies with the newly formed All Progressives Congress (APC) shortly before the presidential election. Dr Jonathan’s camp was unfortunately depleted in 2015. However, this was not the first time the Borno senator would be engaging in flagrant distortions. In 2017, with his characteristic candour unsupported by any investigations whatsoever, he accused former senate president Bukola Saraki of getting enmeshed in a scandal involving the violation of Customs and Excise regulations, and Dino Melaye, another senator at the time, of brandishing a fake university certificate. He was to apologise days later, but not before he was suspended for six months for unjustifiably traducing his colleagues.

    Does Sen. Ndume learn from his many verbal and legislative mishaps? No. That would not be in his character. Not only does he make mistakes, many of them shocking and profound, he also doubles down on his errors and even sometimes tries to canonise them.

    He revelled in similar fallacies two Fridays ago when he gleefully spoke about Boko Haram attacks on former Chief of Army Staff Tukur Buratai. He had said: “We are in a dire security situation. Just two days ago, Buratai was attacked at the front operations base in Borno. His team responded gallantly, but the insurgents managed to destroy several military assets. The situation in Borno is deteriorating rapidly. Insurgents now move freely, torching and stealing military equipment. It is becoming a full-blown crisis. All six geopolitical zones are experiencing security challenges to varying degrees. All six geopolitical zones are experiencing security challenges to varying degrees. Even in the South-South, we are grappling with economic sabotage like oil theft. At this point, the South-West appears to be the only relatively safe region.” But as soon as flak started to fly, he backed down and said he was misquoted. He insisted he spoke about an attack on Buratai town, not on the former army chief himself. He was of course more likely to have spoken about an attack on the army chief, instead of the town itself. But if he insists there was no such attack on the person of the former army chief, so be it. However, what made the story worthy of headlines in nearly all newspapers, thereby according it more oomph than it deserved, was the senator’s characteristic hyperbole. Reassuringly, it was obvious the army chief was uninterested in joining issues with him, perhaps recognising that it was the senator’s habit to cry and see wolf where none existed. But trust the senator to promote more hysteria.

    If he is as thoughtful as his office requires, and a little more reluctant to attack the government of the day, he will be less inclined to talking up a storm anytime he speaks, and even more admiringly providing depth and answers to the puzzles he raises with gusto. He referenced the instability and chaos in Nigeria’s five geopolitical zones, singling out the sixth, the Southwest, for praise. But he offered no clue why the sixth is rather safer and more developed than the rest. Might it be their secularism, their liberalism, their great historical conurbation, or anything nuanced and subliminal? Or does he think it is merely coincidental? Is he aware that the country’s common malaise is also beginning to erode the Southwest’s values? Sen. Ndume should kindly let his interventions be less acerbic and hyperbolic, capable of shedding more light on current social and political challenges, and explicating deep economic matters upon which he has sometimes imprecated ignorantly?

  • Still on one-party bogeyman

    Still on one-party bogeyman

    Last week, a senior special assistant to the president on public affairs, Aliyu Audu, resigned his appointment because he claimed to detect a creeping imposition of one-party system designed to replace federal or multiparty system. He offered no real grounds for his conclusions other than his presumption that the ongoing defections to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) smacked of budding dictatorship. Yet, he was an assistant on public affairs. No, he wasn’t miffed by the defections; he probably found himself, perhaps together with a few sulking others like him, becoming less relevant in the scheme of things. Idle and depressed by a lack of relevance, he simply flung the towel at his bosses.

    Read Also: Tinubu dismisses one-party state agenda, welcomes defectors to APC

    Too many politicians and commentators appear to believe, without substantiation, that the defections to the ruling party, which are unlikely to reach the 28 or 30 that defected to the PDP during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency, might herald a one-party state. If a one-party state could not be achieved when the PDP attained overwhelming dominance of the polity, why does anyone think it could be achieved now when the APC has 22 governorship seats in its pocket? It is simply part of the rhetoric of the next presidential poll in 2027, for which a bogeyman had to be found quickly to defang the ruling party and create a groundswell of resentment against the government. Had the same shoe been on the other foot in alignment with the goals of the opposition, it would be celebrations all the way instead of the metaphoric burning of effigies.

  • An evening with President Abiola

    An evening with President Abiola

    It was a scene out of the Roman Empire in all its glory and grandeur. The din was impossible, yet there was something sedulous and magical about this display of power at its awesome summit. It was medieval pageantry in Technicolor; a brilliant fusion of the traditional and the modern. A very important man was traversing the highway between mortality and immortality.

        Horses and horsemen collide with outriders and state of the art limousines. State spooks mingle with traditional enforcers dressed like local hunters. An empty gold chariot blasted its way through, heralding the imminent arrival of his imperial majesty, even as a remarkably ugly masquerade which reminded one of an ill-tempered hippopotamus began to press its luck with the crowd. He was Pakaleke, a.k.a the devil of Apataganga.

        From the distance, a dancing procession was approaching. The law enforcement agents were beginning to have problems with the rowdy crowd. As they surged forward, they were beaten back with batons and horsewhips. Everybody was trying to catch a glimpse of the royal carnival. This was not a scene to miss. In his youth and penurious prime, his majesty was known as a dancer and drummer of exceptional endowments. And judging from the royal harem, his prodigious appetite for ravishing beauties remained undimmed by time and tribulation.

        As the dancing procession drew nearer, you could swear that you knew the king somewhere. There was something faintly familiar and yet oddly distant about him; an otherworldly aura of perfect self-control and inner tranquillity. But by now, the lead drummer was getting in the way of the cognitive senses. A brilliant purveyor of social acrimony, he was panning out litigious lyrics with savage delight and with his face permanently contorted in subversive exertion.

     Omo agbon jeje bi eniti o r’obinrin ri

     Beni aya nbe nile; omo nbe nile

        Sugbon obinrin dudu obinrin pupa

     Olorun maje o kuku obinrin.

      And later in response to the din:

         Dami dami dami, Ologundudu

          Dami, dami dami, ariwo majesin

          Kii pa alakara, dami dami dami.

    And much later:

    Gbedogbedo kan o le gb’agogo

     Akanbata o le kan lekun

      Alagbede o le r’ojugun

      Pejapeja o le p’olorun oba

      Oro t’eso pe sobe, pe sobe

       Eyin le so, eyin leso.

      By now as this riotous carnival came into full view, the ever joyous visage, the kind compassionate features, the in your face, devil may care bravura of an Alpha male in full menace, had become unmistakable. He was even more noble of carriage and majestic of mien. Yet like all artists, he had a remarkable sense of rhythm and cadence and was responding to the inner music with a feline suppleness and glorious flair that drew rapturous applause from the crowd. The jaw dropped in awe and astonishment and before you could pronounce the name, the riotous crowd had beaten you to it.

       “It is President Abiola in triumphal procession”, they chanted in unison. The good people of Nigeria, irrespective of race, region and religion, spoke seventeen years ago. And now power is concurring. History shall vindicate the just indeed.

        It has taken a tectonic shift from the template of evil misgovernance to acknowledge the obvious truth that whatever his personal failings and the objective contradictions of the circumstances, Abiola is a hero of democracy in Nigeria. It is not how you begin that matters but how you end up. The fallen hero may yet be forgiven, but it does not vitiate the claim of the emergent hero.

    Read Also: MKO Abiola: The untold story of a metaphor

       Seventeen years ago in June 1993, Nigerians spoke in unison against the barbarity of military rule. Fourteen million of them voted, nine of these for MKO Abiola, charismatic mogul and candidate of the Social Democratic Party. The victory in itself was a political odyssey whose story has never been told in full. Abiola outgunned and outfoxed the military High Command who were expecting a different outcome which would have made their job easier.

    In the event, the military still went ahead to annul the freest and fairest election so far in the history of the nation. It led to a five-year low intensity civil war in which many perished and the Nigerian military junta anathematised by the civilised world. Till date, many still carry the traumatic wounds of that encounter.  There were many, this writer included, who were not Abiola’s fans and who never met him on a one on one basis but who chose to fight on the side of truth and freedom. We chose to lose all, rather than be ruled by primitive predators. A nation-state is not a military or feudal fiefdom.

    As the carnival drew nearer, snooper thought that Goodluck Jonathan ought to be commended for finding the inner strength and resolve to acknowledge the obvious, unlike his mentor and benefactor who, consumed by hatred, irrational envy and petty venom, could not even bring himself to pronounce the name of Abiola. The greatest beneficiary of the June 12 struggle could not abide its greatest martyr and casualty even in death. But as it has been noted, a man may make for himself a throne of bayonets, whether he will be able to sit on it is the question.

    Now that he has taken the tentative step, snooper wondered, Jonathan should be encouraged to go the whole hog in order to bring the necessary closure to this open sore of the modern Nigerian nation. Abiola should be declared a posthumous president of Nigeria with commensurate edification. Truth is constant and steady and no matter how fast a lie travels ahead, it will eventually be overtaken by the truth.

    But judging from the mood of the crowd, If Jonathan does not immortalise Abiola, a future government will after the current farce must have run its course. This is a historic wager which will come to pass soon, no matter what anybody does or fails to do. Jonathan should ask himself why the sudden and vociferous cries for electoral reforms even after his principal had famously and characteristically pooh-poohed the idea. Electoral chicanery, just like annulment, leads to a breakdown of government and governance, not to talk of international derision and opprobrium.

        By now, the din had died down. All the revellers had disappeared. A celestial calm enveloped the universe. In the distance, a few female praise singers could be heard chanting the heroic panegyrics of the first posthumous president of Nigeria. But the late tycoon was nowhere to be found. Even the mad drummer, Ayanlere, with his droopy and dolorous visage, had disappeared. The wild drumming had now been replaced by an Ebenezer Obey classic in honour of the late tycoon.

    Balogun Ojoo, baba Bada, badabarawu

    Ti nbari balogun lehin mi

     Inu mi a dun, ara mi a ya gaga

     Odede lowa tabi yara logbe wa

    T’oba ti gb’ohun mi o

    Masun mawo maa bo, Ologundudu

    Masun mawo maa bo, oko Atinuke….

           Baba Kolawole mi o ire.

    Snooper had slept, joyous but exhausted, with a crushing pile of newspapers containing President Jonathan’s proclamation about Abiola’s heroic stature. In the last stages of consciousness, this avalanche of printed matter began crushing the neck as it made its way to the bare floor. This was a sure recipe for political hallucination. A mobile handset was beginning to slide down towards the buccal cavity now made more cavernous by sheer exhaustion. Suddenly, there was a door from nowhere and as it opened lo it was the late tycoon resplendent and well-rested smiling his famous cherubic smile. The chief was obviously in a bantering mood as he opened up with his famous fusillade of native wisecracks and witticism.

       “Chief, congrats on your posthumous apotheosis”, snooper opened cautiously.

       “ Ah, apoti osi ko, apoti ogun ni.  Oyinbo ti poju .(Haba grammar is too much)  Agboyinbo ki ku le”, the chief replied with devastating wit and local brio.

       “I mean a serving Nigerian president has conceded that you are a hero”, snooper pressed as he suppressed an urge to laugh.

        “Ah you see, I told them you cannot abort a full pregnancy. Ti o  bape titi akalolo a pe baba” the great chief retorted.

        “We must now await the formal proclamation”, snooper continued.

        “ Ah leave them. Adie tosu ti o to, ara e lowa”, the chief observed with fortitude.

        “Even Babangida has joined the chorus”, snooper noted with a hint of disapproval.

        “Ah leave Ibrahim out of it. Omo buruku n’ijo tie. Besides, as our people say, makanmakan loye. A man that is being pursued by a masquerade should take heart, because as people of this world get tired, so do people of the other world.”, the chief noted with a deadpan demeanour.

       “Sir, please explain,” snooper pleaded.

        “You see, Ibrahim is not alone in this thing. When a man says he is Dodondawa, you must know that there is a problem, because Dodo o dawa. Enia lowa lehin dodo to fi ni ohun ni Dodondawa” the chief explained with an even more recondite Yoruba saying.

        “Ah chief, how do you mean?” snooper pressed.

        “Wo iwo omokunrin yi ma fitina mi. (Youngman, don’t trouble me) You see, it is like the case of a masquerade who is killed by a lorry and the people are saying that he has gone back to heaven. Very soon, the mother of the missing will ask for her son”, the chief concluded with wit and calm forbearance.

        Snooper decided to change the topic.

        “Chief, is that not an empty bottle of stout I am looking at under your bed?” snooper queried in a mischievous tone.

        “Ah, some people came and I entertained them. In any case, when you recite the Quran up to the point of rabana, omi amala loku.”, he replied with a boyish grin.

       By now snooper could not resist a wild laugh of relish at the great man’s native wisdom and traditional savvy. He was eyeing me with the poker-faced perspicuity of a traditional savant. Here was the Griot-president Nigeria never had.

      “Chief, by the way, have you seen Alhaji Abubakar Rimi?” snooper asked MKO.

       “Ah, is he here? O ntan lo na niyen. You see, it is like the case of the man who was caught in bed with his own daughter in- law. When he was asked what he thought he was doing, the old man replied, well, gentlemen, e ti gbo? Then it is almost over, it will soon be over”.

         At this point, the bed lamp, dragged by the cord of the mobile set, hit snooper on the ridge of the nose, sending him awake with a crushing pain. It was midnight in Lagos.

    • First published in June, 2010. Now being republished by popular demand.
  • Baba Lekki storms Panti building as Okon calls out Senator Kiti-Kiti

    Baba Lekki storms Panti building as Okon calls out Senator Kiti-Kiti

    The muted celebrations of the Sallah having petered out, Baba Lekki lapsed into a protracted meditative mood and mode. The old contrarian had spent the entire period holed up with his bosom childhood friend, Ibrahim Domingo, who had managed to slaughter a scrawny fowl to commemorate the occasion. This was in response to the biting economic condition. Of solid old Brazilian-Lagosian stock, Ibrahim Domingo was given to Sufi mysticism and end-of-the world-as-we know-it intellectual peregrinations. The dearth of good Sallah ram meat was to be regretted, but if this would cure the denizens of the biggest black nation on earth of their red tooth, the development was wholly welcome, the old man miserably concluded. By red tooth, the old scoundrel meant a predilection for the unrestrained consumption of raw red meat which harks back to some old cannibalistic ethos wired into the DNA of the Black person. But on Monday evening, the old man broke free of his meditative trance. He was back in his warlike default mode. He had bumped into Okon in a nearby street while the crazy boy was moonlighting as an itinerant cobbler.

     “Okon, I am going to Panti Building. Enough of this nonsense”, Baba Lekki growled.

      “Baba, abi dem don nab you for Indian hemp again? “ Okon sniggered.

    Read Also: Bishop Okonkwo plans free eye surgeries for 80th birthday

      “You are a fool. I am not going to that Panti “, Baba Lekki fumed, hiding a miserable grin.

       “Baba, I don tell you I no dey go near dem Panti place. Na like dis dem Yoruba people go dey put people for trouble. Dem last time for Panti, he get one Sergeant Pepper from Owo and him finis me. Him wan pull out my front teeth with dem old klipa. That one na real scorpion and him don be sergeant for fifty years. Even dem big policeman for Abuja dey dobale for am”, Okon croaked, looking furtively across his shoulder. The old codger could no longer contain his mirth.

      “Okon, I say you are a fool. This is not that Panti, na another Panti be dis one”, Baba Lekki croaked as he convulsed with laughter.

       “So, which one be dis oo?” Okon demanded with a cynical grin.

        “ Na where dem dey warehouse dem abandoned and displaced and yeye politicians, flotsam and jetsam of Nigerian politics. Dem boku there. Na from there dem go transfer them to dem main dining hall after proper registration”, the old man responded matter-of-factly.

       “Baba, wetin be flosam and jesam?” the boy demanded.

       “Rubbish and refuse meant for the dunghill. They contaminate everything. They pollute everywhere and by the time they finish with their invasion nobody will be able to recognize Akanbi or his party again”, Baba Lekki charged, trembling with indignation.

       “Excuse me baba, how dat one go bring down the price of garri and manpower? Se na defection we go chop?”

       “You are a bloody fool. Isn’t that what we are talking about?” the old man fumed as he stormed off with Okon in hot pursuit. “Baba, baba!!” the crazy boy screamed at the old man. “As you dey go meet dem panti politician, he get one of them who get juju pass dem Arochukwu people. Him be Senator Kitikiti Wotowoto and him owe man small change from last job. But tell am say as dem dey decamp, na so people dey camp too”

  • SNAPSONG 258 II

    SNAPSONG 258 II

    He knows no difference

         Between the truth and the lie

    Profanity gallops out of his mouth

         Like a rabid horse from a troubled stable

    His syllables stumble on the outcrop

         Of an oversize tongue

    His consonants are brittle bones

         Constantly at war with peace  

    Falsehoods come naturally to him

         Compulsive and serially insane

    “If you say the sun rises in the west

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         He once declared, “just stick to the line

    And watch the people swear

         By the veracity of your science”

    For him truth is the way it is

         Because of the way they say it is not

    Seal up the schools

         Latch up the labs

    Drag out the dons

         And trash their stubborn tomes

    Defund their dreams  

         And tame their thoughts

    Teach them the way

         To bend and bow