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  • Hagiography: Igbos deliberately distorting Yoruba history

    Hagiography: Igbos deliberately distorting Yoruba history

    What happened to all their previous claims? Before now, Igbos claimed that their ancestral origin was Nri where their mythical ancestral father, Eri, descended from with a chain many a millennia ago.

    At some other time, they claimed they originated from somewhere around the Rivers Niger and  Benue confluence. They are known to have, at other times, claimed both Benin  and  Egypt as their originat. Even until now they claim to be Jews, have their roots in Israel and, therefore, among the ten lost tribes of Israel” – Olukoya Dele Ogunfowora

    So who truly are the Igbos and where do they come from?

    They may soon claim to have originated from River Limpopo.

    Igbos have a long line of witheringly brilliant History scholars, among them the likes of Professors Kenneth Dike and Adiele Afigbo both of the Ibadan School of History, representing the old generation while, amongst the new are Professors Elizabeth Isichei,  Okoro Ijoma and Nnolue Emenanjo.

    These eminent historians are well regarded in, and outside Nigeria, having made significant contributions to the study of History, particularly to the study of Igbo and African history and their work continues to be highly influential in the academic community.

    But brilliant as they are, and despite the seminal work they have done on the History of their people, not one of them claimed that Igbos founded Ile -Ife. Unfortunately, this cannot be said of some Igbo charlatans now revelling in historical vandalism.

    More surpring is the fact that these ones did not limit themselves  to verbal diarrhoea as in when some Igbos say ‘Lagos is no man’s land’. Instead, they have attempted to cast this lie in stone by publishing it in  school text books.

    Let’s now see how a trending WhatsApp post exposed their blasphemy:

    “Yoruba history is under siege, not by ignorance, but by a calculated ethnic agenda. A false claim is being pushed, namely, that the Igbo people founded Ile-Ife and were later chased

    out by Oduduwa. It’s not on Facebook but in school textbooks.

    It is in ‘Standard History Studies for JSS 1–3’, by Tony Duru & Ijeoma Duru, allegedly approved by NERDC where

    students are being taught that Ife was originally occupied by Igbos until they were “invaded” by Oduduwa, thus foolishly accepting, for once, that these ‘Jews’ – or are they no longer Jews – were at a time not only conquered, but banished by the Yorubas.

    Do they know what they are saying?

    And was this before, or after they became Jews?

    In ‘The Igbo: People, History and Worldview’ by Dons Eze & Chinedu Ochinanwata, they go even further, claiming that the Yoruba monarchy is built on Igbo spiritual systems, that Oduduwa overthrew a peaceful Igbo order, and that modern Ife is a hybrid of stolen identity.

    Which of these their spiritual systems can they name?

    Let it be said clearly:Ile-Ife is the cradle of Yoruba civilization. It was not founded by any Igbo. It was neither inherited nor conquered. And no amount of fiction can change that”.

    There is no archaeological, linguistic, cultural, or oral record, Yoruba or foreign, that supports this  heresy. What we have here is a disturbing weaponisation of their usual fraudulent pecadiloes.

    And NERDC – the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council, the Head of

    whose Book Development Centre is, unsurprisingly IGBO, must be held  accountable as an accomplice. would have since been afoot.

    But we owe it a duty to make these conspiratorial ignoramuses unlearn what they are not only regurgitating, but are deliberately trying to force down the throat of younger generations of Nigerians.

    I now proceed to educate them by pressing into service, the most authoritative historian of the Yoruba people, namely, Prof Banji Akintoye, via his 498 – page book: ‘A History of The Yoruba People’.  

    Full disclosure: Prof Akintoye is my life teacher; he was my teacher at Christ’s School, Ado – Ekiti in the early ’60’s and taught me History at the Great University of Ife, Ile -Ife, same decade.

    In ‘A history of the Yoruba People’, Professor Akintoye deployed four decades of  historiography research with current interpretation and analyses to present the most complete and authoritative Yoruba history since Samuel Johnson’s work in the early twentieth century.

    Therein, he traced the origins of the Yoruba from its earliest, legendary and mythical beginnings, to the development of early Yoruba society, the revolution and early primacy of Ife from the tenth to the fifteenth century, the founding of Yoruba kingdoms and the power of frontiers as well as to the rise and fall of Oyo Empire.

    I write here of Professor Akintoye’s stupendous, Magnum Opus, a highly definitive story of the Yorubas.

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    Yet, not once was reference made to Igbos as inhabitants of Ife at any point in time except when reference was made, tangentially, to some external aggressors called  Igbo – Igbo who never one day inhabited or lived in Ife.

    These external aggressors have  since been positively identified as the Ugbo people for which reason Ugbos, a sect of the same Yoruba race – and not some wayfarers, forever laying claim to what does not belong to them – have not stopped asserting that they were the original inhabitants of Ife.

    That was the story they heard from a highly placed Yoruba Monarch, misrepresented and weaponised, to claim that they were expelled from Ife by the legendary Oduduwa.

    No historian (before these perennial trouble makers). – archaeologist, anthropologist, or linguist, Nigerian or foreign, has ever claimed, talk less of presenting credible evidence, that Igbos founded or ruled Ile-Ife.

    A History of the Yoruba People traced a long history of internecine turmoil and wars in, and around, Ife but  they were between well known, and named, Yoruba individuals, among them:Oduduwa, Obatala, Oreluere and Obameri to mention a few.

    Professor Akintoye also wrote as follows on the Igbo – Igbo, the external aggressors:”Concerning the attacks from Igbo- Igbo, a tale exists in Yoruba folklore about one of a LATER King’s wife named Moremi.

    According to this tale, which various generations of Yoruba people have amplified and even set to song, this beautiful woman, having determined that the Igbo raids had to stop, deliberately let herself be captured and taken to Igbo – Igbo. While there, she became a wife to their leader and was therefore able to learn all the secrets of the planning and execution of their raids on Ile- Ife.

    She subsequently escaped and returned home and the information she brought enabled her husband( said to be the Oni Obalufon) to defeat the Igbo- Igbo and end their raids. Most of the people at Igbo – Igbo ultimately returned to live in Ile – Ife”.

    He continued:”The most touching part of this tale is that this woman, in preparation for her adventure, had asked protection from the spirit of a local stream, and pledged that if she succeeded in her adventure, she would sacrifice her only son to the spirit.

    And when she returned alive and the Igbo raids were decisively brought to an end, she did take the painful step of sacrificing her only son”.

    Now that a Petition to Defend Yoruba History From Ethnic Distortion in Nigerian  Textbooks by concerned citizens of Yoruba origin has been forwarded to the President, demanding that the underlisted steps be taken, it is hoped that government would act without any delay:

    1. Immediate retraction and public disapproval of any textbook or material spreading this misinformation.

    2. A formal investigation into how these textbooks were approved by NERDC.

    3. Inclusion of Yoruba scholars and cultural experts in the curriculum review process.

    4. Public apology, and correction notice, to be sent to all schools using these materials.

    5. Implementation of safeguards to prevent ethnic propaganda disguised as education.

    All these  steps are important, according to the group, because:

    allowing false ethnic narratives in our education system would endanger national unity, undermine cultural integrity, and misinform future generations.

    Also, if this distortion is not corrected, millions of Nigerian students, especially Yoruba children, will grow up believing a lie about their ancestral identity”.

    Concluding, as Moremi did to Yoruba’s eternal glory,  the time has come for Yorubas to find the final solution to the Igbo problem, not only in Lagos, but Pan – Nigerian, if they refuse to rein in their antagonism to Yoruba interests everywhere.

    Please Google:”Understanding Yoruba Mindset in context of Igbos as traitors”—A Tribute to Bishop (Prof) Funmilayo Adesanya-Davis,  by a honest Igbo scholar, Dr Nwankwo Tony Nwaezeigwe, PhD.

    Incidentally, the final solution needs not be deleterious. It may just require Yorubas helping to infuse sense into their perennial, bloody and economically ruinous “war of independence” being spearheaded by some Unknown Gun Men(UGM).

    Let us join them to work towards a meaningful devolution of powers in Nigeria in the hope that they will then go back home to develop their own territory rather than continue to ogle what belongs to others.

  • 58 Years after: Biafra and the challenge to national unity (2)

    58 Years after: Biafra and the challenge to national unity (2)

    The search for peace saw Nigerian leaders journeying to Aburi, Ghana, in such a gathering did lie the nation’s last hopes for a peaceful resolution, while the eastern contingent led by Colonel Ojukwu came to that meeting understanding the import of such a meeting and the grave consequences  of not finding a lasting solution  to ending the bloodshed, the killings and the displacement of over 3 million Eastern Region citizens came to that meeting prepared to the hilt, Gowon on the other hand came to the meeting with the impression that it was an old boys reunion, something of an officer’s mess gathering irrespective of the gloom that pervaded the air then. To Gowon and his ilk it didn’t matter that over 500 000 Eastern region citizens had been killed and another 500,000 or more maimed and displaced, what was more important was that the regions return to the status quo.

    It is alleged that Ojukwu rebuffed such a posturing and demanded that concrete steps be taken one that would provide for a confederation of regions with significant autonomy, particularly in matters of finance and security. For Ojukwu and the Eastern Region, this arrangement offered the region the protection they sought while remaining within Nigeria. For Gowon and the federal government, it provided a framework for keeping Nigeria together despite the centrifugal forces threatening to tear it apart.

    However, upon returning to Nigeria, Gowon facing pressure from minority technocrats who viewed the Aburi Agreement as a betrayal of the minorities who were seeking to establish some form of independence from the supposed Igbo domination and a capitulation to Eastern demands. Legal advisors argued that the confederal arrangement agreed upon at Aburi was tantamount to dismembering Nigeria. Federal civil servants, led by Permanent Secretary Allison Ayida, produced memoranda highlighting the dangers of implementing the Aburi decisions.

    Rather than seek a rapprochement with Ojukwu to at least arrive at  further middle grounds took the  eventual decision to repudiate key aspects of the Aburi Accord, this proved to be a fatal miscalculation and set Ojukwu who had earlier adopted a dovish stance towards the path of secession.  This betrayal of the Aburi spirit convinced Ojukwu and many Easterners that the federal government could not be trusted and that peaceful coexistence within Nigeria was impossible.

    Read Also: No fight between Ooni and I, says Alaafin

    Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu stands at the center of the Biafran controversy, and his motivations remain a subject of intense debate. Critics argue that his declaration of Biafra was motivated by personal ambition and a desire to create his own kingdom where he could rule as a strongman. However, these critics forget that the repudiation of the  Aburi Accords placed Ojukwu in a quagmire, how could he look his people in the face, a people rife with anger and repeatedly clamouring that ojukwu nye anyi egbe( Ojukwu give us guns) and do otherwise? How could he ask his kinsmen and women to go on with one Nigeria when on two occasions he had done so only for another set of pogroms to be unleashed on them?

    However, a more nuanced examination of the circumstances suggests that Ojukwu was responding to genuine threats to the survival of his people. The systematic killings of Easterners, the massive refugee crisis, and the federal government’s apparent inability or unwillingness to protect Eastern lives created an existential situation that demanded decisive action. The Eastern Region Consultative Assembly, comprising traditional rulers, intellectuals, and community leaders, had unanimously mandated Ojukwu to take any action necessary to protect Eastern lives, including secession if required.

    Ojukwu’s own statements and actions suggest that he viewed secession as a last resort rather than a preferred option. His consistent advocacy for the implementation of the Aburi Accord, even after declaring independence, indicates that he would have preferred a confederal arrangement within Nigeria. The timing of the Biafran declaration, coming only after Gowon’s repudiation of Aburi, the imposition of an economic blockade on the East and the provocative creation of states supports the argument that Ojukwu was pushed into secession rather than actively seeking it.

    The die was cast and on May 30, 1967, Ojukwu declared the independence of the Republic of Biafra, named after the Bight of Biafra. Gowon responded by declaring a state of emergency and mobilizing federal forces to preserve Nigerian unity.

    The war that followed was characterized by immense suffering on all sides. What began as a conflict over political arrangements evolved into a humanitarian catastrophe that claimed over one million lives, mostly civilians who died from starvation and disease. The international community became involved, with various countries supporting different sides for their own strategic reasons, further complicating efforts at resolution.

    The Nigerian Civil War offers profound lessons about the fragility of national unity and the catastrophic consequences of political failure. The crisis demonstrated how quickly ethnic suspicions readily escalate into violence particularly when political institutions fail to manage diversity effectively. It highlights the dangers of winner-take-all politics in multi-ethnic societies and showed how military intervention, far from solving political problems, can exacerbate existing tensions.

    However, more than five decades after the war’s end, Nigeria and its key actors appears to have learned little from this traumatic experience. Contemporary political discourse still revolves around ethnic and religious identities rather than issues of governance and development. The rise of various separatist movements, including the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), suggests that the underlying issues that led to the original crisis remain unresolved. Political leaders continue to manipulate ethnic and religious differences for short-term gains, while the federal system remains skewed in ways that perpetuate feelings of marginalization among various groups.

  • The road to inclusivity and the call to owning Nigeria

    The road to inclusivity and the call to owning Nigeria

    The just-concluded week offered another poignant window into the style, substance, and symbolism that define President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s leadership. While the week began with a relatively quiet spell — as the President spent time in Lagos in the lead-up to the Eid-el-Kabir festivities — its close was anything but muted. From his robust defence and detailed exposition of one of his administration’s boldest infrastructure undertakings — the Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway — to his deeply human call for prayers for the Nigerian Armed Forces during the Eid celebrations, Tinubu once again demonstrated a governing philosophy grounded in national inclusion and patriotic consciousness.

    These twin moments — the infrastructure explanation and the Eid message — may appear disjointed at first glance. But they are united by a common theme: the burden of leadership borne with a vision for unity, and a deliberate effort to enlist every Nigerian as a stakeholder in the nation’s development journey.

    At the heart of Tinubu’s public remarks during the commissioning of the Lekki Deep Sea Port Access Road was a forceful defence of his legacy projects, including the Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway, a legacy infrastructure project that has, until now, flown under the radar compared to its more publicised cousin, the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway.

    With calm but firm articulation, President Tinubu dismantled the narratives spun by critics who had either misunderstood the scale and structure of these mega projects or, more cynically, chose to sow confusion for political gain. “Let them pay a toll if they think the road is too expensive,” he said, with a touch of humour that thinly veiled a deeper truth — nation-building cannot be done on the cheap, and progress must not be stalled by misinformation.

    But beyond defending procurement frameworks and construction logistics, Tinubu used the opportunity to offer a compelling picture of the Sokoto-Badagry corridor — one that radiates economic potential, social inclusion, and national integration. Spanning seven states across Nigeria’s northwestern and southwestern flanks, the 1,068-kilometre six-lane superhighway is more than an asphalt ribbon connecting Sokoto to Badagry. It is a deliberate act of geographical justice — linking farmlands to ports, rural outposts to urban centres, and forgotten communities to federal infrastructure.

    This is not merely a road; it is a declaration that no part of Nigeria will be left behind. Tinubu noted that over 10 kilometres of the project’s Kebbi stretch have already been completed, and similar milestones are being achieved in Sokoto. The phased structure of the work — each section awarded with clear procurement transparency — reflects a leadership style that prioritizes both vision and accountability.

    And what a vision it is: a highway that connects over 58 dams, energizes commercial agriculture, integrates trade with West African neighbours, and even harnesses potential for renewable wind energy. These aren’t pipe dreams — they are blueprints actively being realised. By reviving a project first conceived under the Shehu Shagari administration nearly 50 years ago, Tinubu is demonstrating that legacy is not just about initiating new ideas, but also about fulfilling deferred dreams with modern urgency.

    As the President turned from the bricks and mortar of road-building to the spiritual reflections of Eid-el-Kabir, another layer of his leadership came to the fore. On Friday, during his Sallah message and again after prayers at Dodan Barracks in Ikoyi, Lagos, Tinubu did what few political leaders consistently manage — he centered the nation’s attention not on himself, but on those who stand daily in harm’s way to protect the country.

    His call for prayers for the armed forces was more than ceremonial; it was deeply empathetic. He reminded Nigerians that while many of us were celebrating with family and enjoying the comfort of our homes, there are men and women in uniform — some nameless, many young — braving terrorist enclaves and bandit-infested zones so that others may sleep safely. “We must pray for them specifically,” he said. “They are making sacrifices in the challenges that we face today.”

    This statement, simple as it was, revealed a profound understanding of leadership as stewardship. In echoing the idea that national security is not the responsibility of soldiers alone but a shared civic obligation, Tinubu subtly reframed prayer as a form of democratic participation. If Nigerians can be urged to pray for the country’s protectors, they are being asked — quietly but firmly — to take emotional ownership of the country’s peace, security, and unity.

    It is a strategic form of nationalism, couched in the moral grammar of faith. And it works. The call to prayer is not just religious; it is psychological — anchoring every Nigerian to the idea that our collective wellbeing is interconnected, and that our differences must not dilute our shared destiny.

    Both the infrastructural advocacy and the spiritual exhortation reflect what is increasingly becoming the signature of President Tinubu’s administration: intentional inclusion. He is building with vision and governing with empathy.

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    Critics who try to paint his administration as favouring certain regions were firmly rebuffed in his remarks. “We are not nepotic,” the President emphasized. “We are inclusive.” It was not just rhetoric — it was backed with geographical data, progress reports, and state-by-state milestones. The Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway is not in the South; it is not in the North; it is across Nigeria. Its benefits will be harvested by truck drivers and traders, farmers and exporters, mothers and students — from Illela in Sokoto to Badagry in Lagos.

    This sense of shared benefit is critical in a country where regional marginalisation — real or perceived — has often been the root of resentment. Tinubu’s administration appears aware of this history and is attempting to write a new one — one kilometre at a time.

    Similarly, his Sallah message was devoid of ethnic or religious lines. He spoke as Commander-in-Chief, but also as a father of the nation. His call for compassion toward the vulnerable, for unity among citizens, and for remembrance of sacrifice, was the voice of a leader who sees Nigeria not as a battleground of factions but as a family of faiths and hopes.

    President Tinubu’s week may have started quietly in Lagos, but it crescendoed with clarity, purpose, and humanity. He defended the integrity of his legacy projects with data and transparency. He cast infrastructure not just as a physical endeavour but as a moral duty to connect people. And in urging prayers for the armed forces, he pulled every Nigerian into the sacred enterprise of nation-building.

    Infrastructure alone does not make a great nation. But when it is backed by inclusion, transparency, and a leader who calls not just for contracts but for prayers — then you begin to see the architecture of something truly lasting.

    A Week of Diplomacy, Recognition, and Reunion in Lagos

    Besides the very significant events of Thursday and Friday was the flurry of activity on Tuesday. The most remarkable of the Tuesday engagements was the conferment of one of Nigeria’s highest national honours, the Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (CFR), on American billionaire philanthropist and Microsoft co-founder, Bill Gates. The brief but high-profile ceremony took place at the President’s private Ikoyi residence, underscoring both the personal importance of the event and the diplomatic message behind it.

    In Tinubu’s words, the recognition was not merely ceremonial. It was rooted in decades of Gates’ contributions to public health, education, digital innovation, and agricultural development in Nigeria and across Africa. “Bill Gates’ contributions have saved millions through the Gates Foundation and many such initiatives, uplifted communities, and inspired global action,” Tinubu wrote via his official X (formerly Twitter) handle.

    The honour symbolised a deepening of ties between Nigeria and philanthropic international networks, but it also spoke volumes about Tinubu’s vision: a Nigeria that is open for partnership, innovation, and global cooperation. In a world increasingly shaped by digital and biotech revolutions, honouring a figure like Gates is a signal of where Nigeria wants to position itself.

    Yet, as powerful as that moment was, it was not the only political theatre staged at the President’s Ikoyi residence that Tuesday.

    In a move that caught many by surprise, Tinubu also hosted the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke, his elder brother and respected industrialist Chief Adedeji Adeleke, and the globally celebrated Afrobeats star David Adeleke, better known as Davido. The optics were rich in political symbolism and cultural unity.

    Governor Adeleke, a PDP governor, has often been seen as occupying a different political space from Tinubu. Yet, in Lagos, they shared smiles, handshakes, and conversation, signaling the President’s ongoing efforts at national reconciliation and inclusive governance. In Chief Adeleke, Tinubu acknowledged the role of private enterprise in Nigeria’s development. And with Davido, he recognized the role of culture and soft power — a sector in which Nigeria now stands as an undisputed global leader.

    That same Tuesday, Tinubu also met with Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, a man currently suspended amid a state of emergency in the oil-rich region. Although the details of the conversation remain undisclosed, the timing of the meeting — held amidst a charged political atmosphere in Rivers — suggested behind-the-scenes efforts to restore calm and constitutional order.

    Earlier in the week, on Monday, the President had offered warm congratulations to Bashir Bayo Ojulari, Group Chief Executive Officer of the NNPC Limited, who turned 60. Tinubu described Ojulari as an “accomplished energy professional” whose leadership is vital to Nigeria’s economic growth and energy security. This tribute was more than personal; it was a quiet reaffirmation of Tinubu’s focus on stabilizing Nigeria’s oil and gas sector as part of his Renewed Hope Agenda.

    Midweek, the President celebrated another icon, Chief Oyin Jolayemi, a distinguished industrialist who clocked 85. In his message, Tinubu lauded Jolayemi’s “grass-to-grace” journey, calling his life a reflection of resilience and hard work. On the same day, he welcomed Pastor Tunde Bakare, who came bearing what was described as a “message of national vision.” Such meetings, steeped in thought leadership and spiritual foresight, point to Tinubu’s ongoing attempt to harmonize moral authority with political leadership.

    By Thursday, the mood turned reflective. The President mourned the passing of Professor Jibril Aminu, a former Minister of Education and one of Nigeria’s most respected elder statesmen. He paid tribute to Aminu’s “erudition and brilliance,” describing his career as one that brought intellectual gravitas to the corridors of power.

    And on Friday, the President extended his condolences on the death of former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Mohammed Lawal Uwais, calling him a “phenomenal jurist and statesman.” Tinubu praised the late Justice for serving the nation with “honour, courage, and exceptional integrity.”

    The week, in sum, was a blend of solemnity, celebration, diplomacy, and subtle political signaling. From his use of infrastructure to unite further to his aim at strengthening security, the global recognition of Gates to the local optics of hosting governors and artistes, and from honouring the departed, President Tinubu once again demonstrated the art of governing by gesture — where every meeting, every message, and every handshake carries a layered meaning. In Lagos, last week, it was diplomacy with a distinctly Nigerian touch.

  • Amaechi and politics of birthday

    Amaechi and politics of birthday

    The greatest miracle is the creation, particularly of human beings, in the image of God. Birth is an extraordinary event, which science cannot totally unravel. Its divine nature makes birthday a compelling anniversary.

    Thus, many people, especially politicians, usually package remarkable activities to mark their special days.

    For them, it may be a day to make certain statements before assembled guests, who are their fans, associates, admirers and spectators. For critics of lavish birthdays which mirror ostentatious lifestyles, birthday may as well pale into attention-seeking and attention-getting schemes, and a sort of defense mechanism.

    It could also be fittingly designed for ventilation of grievances, as recently witnessed by friends of the eminent politician, Rotimi Amaechi, former transportation minister. When the former governor of oil-rich and crisis-ridden Rivers State rolled out the drums for his 60th birthday in Abuja, he also drummed support for coalition ahead of 2027.

    Between now and the next general election, birthdays of political gladiators may follow the same pattern.

    These milestones: 25 as jubilee celebration, 50 as silver and 60 as diamond are significant events because the history of political actors is also, in part, synonymous with the history of their impact, positive and negative, on communities, states, regions or zones, and countries.

    If the party leaders enter the septuagenarian, octogenarian and nonagenarian club, in the light pf the fact that executive stress is concomitant with political life, there is much joy. Yet, few manage to attain a century, thereby making an exceptional celebration more captivating.

    Prayers for the celebrators by the celebrants are effusive. Lectures, visit to orphanages, book presentations, and empowerment programmes are common features nowadays. On their birthdays, leaders like to make some important statements that may make media headlines the following day. An example was Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who said what he was celebrating, at 77, was the imminence of his transition to eternal life. He said he would continue to serve after his departure.

    It was in difference to the the prayer of the Psalmist: teach us to number our days, so we can put our hearts in the path of wisdom. This is stock taking, and it is critical to consolidation and preparation for the reality of an end in the transcient world.

    Barely a year after, the sage passed on.

    The many perspectives about birthdays are shared by those who are inclined to celebrate. It is a day of thanksgiving and honour for the sacredness of human soul, which only God can decree into existence. Birthday then, is a celebration of procreation, generativity, breakthroughs and survival. 

    To parents of celebrators, it is a celebration of family extension. It may also be the celebration of feats, academic success and marriage, parenthood and work.

    Many new generation Christians have now added a new dimension to it. To them, birthday is a celebration of new birth and salvation; a mark of being born again. Some converts now change their date of birth to the day they made a decision to shun the world and all its evils to embrace Christ.

    Indeed, birthdays become a day of resolutions for the faithful who intend to make a clean break from the sordid past and chart a new course of history.

    Yet, it is for many a festival of worldliness, show off and vanity; a display of wealth, connections, networks and status.

    For the weaker sex, it is an avenue or platform for subtle private accumulation. It is an occasional trading opportunity, whereby the husband sponsors the ceremony, with the celebrator-wife receiving multiple gifts and smiling to the banks. It is even common these days for ladies to openly announce their impending birthdays on WhatsApp page, accompanied by the display of account numbers. The commercial message is clear.

    In the ancient Roman society, birthday became a day of bravado, ego and assassination; a celebration of power and brute force. John the baptist was the casualty. He was imprisoned by Herod Antipas because he condemned the monarch for divorcing his wife and marrying Herodias.

    During the king’s birthday, Herodias’ daughter, Salome, performed a dance that pleased the monarch, who promised her anything she desired. Apparently in excitement, Salome consulted her mother, who prompted her to request for John’s head on a platter.

    According to the biblical account, Herod, despite his distress, fulfilled his promise and had John beheaded in prison. His head was brought on a platter to Salome, who gave it to her mother.

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    In contemporary Nigeria, for some top politicians, birthday is an avenue for political mobilisation. In this generation, only two leaders – Awolowo and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, President of Nigeria, have had the unique privilege of hosting the world for their birthdays. Others try to mimick them occasionally in varying degrees, but theirs are unable to surpass the Tinubu crowd.

    The charismatic Zik could not even rival Awo in that spectacular planning and organisation of socio-political event. Interestingly, Awo challenged his arch-rival to a duel by allowing the take off of his newspaper, The Nigerian Tribune, to coincide with Zik’s birthday on November 16, 1949. It was possible that Awo was trying to make a point.

    When he was in jail, Awo’s disciples never missed his birthday. All newspapers were filled with congratulatory adverts by admirers on March 6. Except those outside the country, all Awoists would throng Lagos, Ibadan or Ikenne for the annual festival, obviously the major political event of the day in the country.

    Before cutting the cake, Awo, with his jewel of inestimable value, Yeyeoba HID, beside him, would thunder. His well researched speech would dwell on the state of the nation and remain a reference point in socio-economic and political commentary.

    Even, after his passage, Awo Foundation continued to celebrate the birthday, which was later sparsely attended by scartered Awoists whose strife and rancour had polarised Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, up to now.

    Like Awo, President Tinubu’s birthday, from when he was governor of Lagos, has always attracted the cream of the society, cutting across the political class, government functionaries, diplomatic corps, business community, academia, pro-democracy forces, clergy and laity, traditional institution, and the media. In actual fact, no elite of the progressive bent, and even friends in the conservative camp, distinguished and influential member of the society would want to be left out in the informal census. After the national anthem, the next is : ‘On your mandate we stand,’ sung by fanatical supporters.

    The highlights of the spectacular gathering, usually organised by Prof. Yemi Osinbajo (SAN) and other disciples ‘in those days,’ were the colloquium and the panel of discussants who usually dissent a given problem and proffer solutions. It is usually an enriching engagement and reunion of associates from far and near, with the Amazon, First Lady Senator Oluremi, resplendent in moderate colourful attires, playing the role of host at the reception.

    It appeared that a week ago, Amaechi attempted to raise his birthday as platform to draw attention and  mobilise for his current pre-occupation – coalition, the subject matter that has polarised the polity ahead of 2027.

    The coalition jointly spearheaded by him, Atiku Abubakar who he opposed in 2015 and 2019 presidential polls; Peter Obi of Labour Party (LP), Nasir El-Rufai and other co-travellers who are still hiding their faces.

    The snag is that why coalition or alliance talks that had prospects in the past were based on the activities of like-minded political parties, groups, organisations, the current effort is motivated by aggrieved individuals who were left in the cold after the setting up of the cabinet by the President. They are retracing their steps and seeking collaboration with elements they once disowned and derided during past electioneering. While some angry politicians try to acknowledge Asiwaju Tinubu’s feats, they now cleverly assert that the benefits end in private pockets.

    The former Rivers State House of Assembly Speaker, one-time governor and ex-minister, who was in power for uninterrupted 24 years, told what  his successor as governor, Nyesom Wike, described as lies when he said that he was hungry. The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister said it was a wrong way to celebrate birthday.

    That remark, coming from him, never resonated with the public that sustained him with huge resources while in power between 1999 and 2023.

  • Super Eagles’ nameless jerseys

    Super Eagles’ nameless jerseys

    Please, can somebody appeal to chieftains of the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) never to field a Nigeria side wearing nameless jerseys in matches. It was shameful to observe and watch in awe as Nigeria became the only country among the four teams that partook in the last Unity Cup played at the Brentford Stadium in west London putting on jerseys without name tags on days when the coach was fielding new players. It speaks to the kind of kitting contracts the federation signed with our kit suppliers or should I say manufacturers? It explains why our players couldn’t exchange jerseys with their opponents and fans after games? Shouldn’t somebody be sacked for this international disgrace?

    Again, what manner of sports administrators or should I say specifically soccer chiefs do we have who take delight in throwing decency to the dogs? How do you explain brazen way in which the NSC boss and the federation’s President were busy taking their turns in photo ops with the Unity Cup as if they played the games? Wonders shall never end in Nigeria. The behind the scene optics at the Unity Cup were awful and largely around our officials. The bigwigs’ conduct in London puts a big question mark on who can remind Chelle that it would be unacceptable for our coach to be shown a red card during any game. Chelle needs to be told to be calm during matches. Nigerians would need to scratch their heads to find out the last time any Super Eagles coach was red-carded.

    One of my cynical friend whispered to me whilst watching the matches that perhaps, the nameless jerseys could be rewashed for the girls to wear in their games too. Disgusting. Better imagined than witnessed. But will you blame this fellow when the NFF has refused to number our players’ jerseys during matches? Who does that? In other climes, heads will roll. Not so in Nigeria.

    I’ve been having a good laugh with myself having repeatedly watched a corrupted version of intelligent coaches’ ideas and markers around the full pressing game by the Super Eagles as directed by Eric Chelle. What you don’t see, hear or talk about in Nigeria’s football arena does not exist. What Chelle should take quickly into his head is that sides which play the full pressing game do so with young, intelligent, fast, energetic and inventing boys. The basic ingredient about this style is the ease with which full pressing sides easily dispossess their opponents off the ball when they lose it.

    It comes with a lot of mental alertness and swiftness in which they transit from a defensive role to a lightening counter attack which ends up most time inside the net or saved by the opposition’s alert but magnificent goalkeeper.

    The pivot of the enchanting pressing style is the evident teamwork which eliminates showboat players for the pragmatic ones who play for the collective, not self. The strength of the full pressing tactic is that any delay in the transition time could expose the team’s weaknesses which could be exploited by smart and thinking coaches such as Jose Mourinho in his heydays as a coach, not the highly quarrelsome Special One of today.

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    And so when Chelle in a post-match comment revealed that his players haven’t embraced his full pressing style of play, necessitating the late goals which his team conceded lately, one wondered what he was talking about. Certainly not the full pressing which we saw in the two matches involving PSG and Liverpool in Paris and in England in one of the epic games of the last UEFA Champions League. Nor could Chelle be talking about the magnificent way in which Barcelona adopt theirs, using their two young gazelles, Lamine Yamal and Rafinha, both left footers but highly discerning players with expertise in dribbling themselves out of a tightly marked setting.

    Pray, it would be cruel not to mention the goal-banging two-legged games between FC Barcelona and Inter Milan in Spain and San Siro, which produced 13 goals. The difference is that Inter Milan’s coach wasn’t playing the full pressing game. Both teams had average goalkeepers, unlike what we saw from Liverpool’s Alisson Becker, and PSG’s Gianluigi Donnarumma.

    Eagles hitherto midfield marker, Wilfred Ndidi, has evidently lost his marking prowess to his recent injuries and age, leaving Alex Iwobi as the fall guy when the team’s midfield malfunctions.

    Frank Onyeka, Raphael Onyedika, Nathan Tella, Fisayo Dele-Bashiru, Christantus Uche and Papa Daniel Mustapha haven’t shown that they have the guile and wit; and they have also not been as consistent to be trusted with permanent roles in the team’s midfield. In the same vein, Samuel Chukwueze and Kelechi Iheanacho have been major disappointments in their outings. With many wondering how Iheanacho was selected for the Unity Cup competition, with a vulnerable defence having very slow runners. The Eagles need a solid and mobile midfield to compliment the devastating form of its strikers comprising Victor Osimhen, Ademola Lookman, Cyriel Dessers, Felix Agu, Victor Boniface, Simon Moses and Tolu Arokodare, with Chelle left with the option to call up Russia-based former junior international Olakunle Olusegun, who plays for Krasnodar FC for the friendly against Russia.

    The Nigerian side has two top-rated defenders in Ola Aina and Bassey, who play for Nottingham Forest and Fulham in the Premier League, leaving Coach Chelle with the most difficult task of getting a left wing back and two central defenders who can sprint very fast when the Eagles lose possession of the ball.

    William Ekong (Al-Kholood FC, Saudi Arabia); Bright Osayi-Samuel (Fenerbahce SK, Turkey); Bruno Onyemaechi (Olympiacos FC, Greece); Oluwasemilogo Ajayi (West Bromwich Albion, England); Igoh Ogbu (SK Slavia Prague, Czech Republic); Sodiq Ismaila (Remo Stars) and Benjamin Fredericks (Brentford FC, England) don’t look like good defenders, with many of them ageing, which has reduced their speed on and off the ball. Most of the late goals conceded by the Eagles have been from defensive slips. Add these defensive flaws to the fact that our big boys don’t fall back to retrieve the ball when the team loses possession, and you can begin to understand the precarious setting the country has found herself in the ongoing 2026 World Cup qualifiers.

    Yes, Chelle wants to be part of the new coaching pattern in the modern game. Indeed, Chelle should be told pointedly that the Nigerian team with an average of 28 years old players can’t play the fully pressing game because they would tire out easily. And with millipede-like slow defenders, it would pay us greatly not to play at the 2026 World Cup to be co-hosted by Mexico, Canada and the United States (US). This will be the first time a World Cup is hosted by three nations. The tournament will take place in 16 cities across North America.

    Pity. This rot in the Eagles didn’t start today. It has been staring us in the face like a sore thumb. We failed to address the problems which have now returned to haunt us.

  • ‘Tinubunomics’ as last chance for the Nigerian bourgeoisie? (2)

    ‘Tinubunomics’ as last chance for the Nigerian bourgeoisie? (2)

    One of the most insightful assessments of the last two years of the President Bola Tinubu administration was undertaken, perhaps understandably, by the Chairman of the BUA Group, a leading investor in diverse productive sectors of the Nigerian economy, Alhaji Abdul Samad Rabiu. As a practical business operative at home with the realities of running functioning companies in Nigeria that engage in production, he was able to demonstrate with concrete examples the positive impact of the administration’s key reform policies including removal of fuel subsidy, merger of the parallel exchange rate markets and the consequent devaluation of the Naira, massive investment in infrastructure and temporary waiver of tariffs on agricultural imports among others on economic growth and development. Alhaji Rabiu ‘s hands -on understanding of the economy reminds one of the late Alfred Chief Alfred Rewane, another astute businessman, in his very public disagreements with the late Professor Ojetunji Aboyade, the brilliant but essentially theoretical economist, who was one of the academic pillars of military President, General Ibrahim Babangida’s Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP).

    Unlike Mr Peter Obi, for instance, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 elections who is a substantial player in the Nigerian economy but only as a trader,  importer and financial speculator with tangential involvement in production, Rabiu appreciates the critical significance of the Tinubu administration’s policies in expanding and strengthening the productive capacities of the economy. According to Alhaji Rabiu, “In infrastructure, the difference is also clear. Look at the Lagos-Calabar highway. Look at the Sokoto-Badagry road. Look at the Kwara projects we are executing under the tax credit scheme. Look at Kano-Kongolam. Look at the Okpella to Kogi State corridor. These projects are progressing because of the savings from subsidy removal and FX unification. With more revenue, Nigeria is building”.

    Continuing, Rabiu states that “These roads and others being built are critical because logistics have become a major challenge. Transporting goods from Lagos to the North is very expensive due to bad roads. Now, the President is addressing this. With better infrastructure, logistics will improve, and businesses will grow. These reforms have enabled long-term planning and serious investment”. When he gives concrete examples of how the reforms have enhanced the investment capacity and activities of the BUA Group in the Nigerian economy, you readily understand why Rabiu, just like Alhaji Aliko Dangote, another development -oriented capitalist, cannot indulge in the unproductive fantasizing of a Peter Obi who loves to travel the world to spread his delusional gospel of a non-performing Tinubu administration armed with manufactured statistics of dubious provenance.

    In the words of Rabiu, “Since President Tinubu took office, BUA Group has invested over one billion dollars in the Nigerian economy. We are expanding our food business, doubling our flour and pasta facilities in Port Harcourt and building another one in Lagos. Demand is increasing. People are earning more. Confidence is returning. We have also completed the first POP plaster manufacturing plant in Nigeria which is now operating and are soon starting construction of a 300 MW solar energy project in Sokoto State. In the oil and gas sector, we are completing our LNG project in Ajaokuta, Kogi State. These investments are possible because of stability that has been brought about by President Tinubu’s reforms. We can plan now. The exchange rate has been fairly stable for almost a year. FX is accessible. Money is coming in from different sources, and investors are responding. If you want 200 million dollars a week for trade, you can get it without lobbying anyone at the Central Bank. These are the results of good policies”.

    Speaking this week at the inauguration of the access road to the Lekki Deep Sea Port in Lagos, Alhaji Dangote expressed similar sentiments. According to him, “Your leadership has been both decisive and reassuring. Your actions have reignited hope for a prosperous Nigeria of today and of the future. From the very start of your administration, Your Excellency has worked tirelessly to foster an enabling environment for private sector -led growth”. It is perhaps people like Rabiu and Dangote that Alhaji Abubakar Atiku was referring to when he said the Tinubu administration’s policies were benefitting the rich who are being made richer. It is not known when the Waziri Adamawa became a fire -belching revolutionary. But at least the two businessmen are contributing phenomenally to the growth of the Nigerian economy and generating mass employment through aggressive and unceasing investment in diverse sectors. Most of those of his friends to which several of Nigeria’s public enterprises valued at billions of Naira were auctioned for peanuts when Atiku statutorily supervised the privatization programme were criminally enriched without adding value to the national economy.

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    Dangote and Rabiu are not the only inspiring examples that suggest that the sustenance and consumation of the ongoing economic reform policies of the Tinubu administration may offer the last chance for the creation of the conditions to enable the Nigerian borgeosie become catalysts for national development. Any failure this time around may make ever more imperative  far more radical and hardly peaceful or democratic options to force the country to break out of what is becoming to be perceived as an irresolvable developmental dead-end. This is why it is heartwarming that at least 22 manufacturing companies have so far benefitted from the disbursement of N16.1 billion loans of the N75 billion provided for under the Presidential Conditional Grant Scheme to strengthen their productive bases and expand their distribution lines at nine per cent interest rate annually. But it is now 14 months after the policy was first announced in December 2023 and it’s slow pace of implementation has been attributed to government bureaucratic delays.

    The Bank of Industry (BOI), which is the vehicle for implementing the policy must surely devise strategies for companies to have accelerated access to these critical funds without compromising procedural rigour and integrity. This is particularly so as the plan as announced also includes provision of another N75 billion for 75,000 Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) to obtain loans of N1 million each to support their businesses and cushion the adverse consequences of the reforms. The earlier the affected companies obtain and begin to utilize the loans, the better for the reforms and the brighter the prospects of achieving the objectives for which the fund is being injected into the economy will be.

    Radical political economists make a distinction between waves of transient economic crises in African countries and the more fundamental challenge of underdevelopment. Unfortunately, Orthodox economists tend to conflate the two. Thus, they often pursue policies that address the economic crisis in the short term, may achieve an appreciable rate of growth but still do not promote development in any concrete or meaningful manner. The radical political economist, Professor Okwudiba Nnoli, made this point in the late 1980s with regard to the SAP then being implemented and his submission remains valid. As he put it then: “The SAP is addressed to a steady and balanced growth, not to development. Therefore, it emphasizes changes in the indicators of growth, such as the gross domestic product, balance of payment, exchange rates, money supply, interest rates, privatization and liberalization of trade. It ignores the qualitative changes in society induced by changes in these parameters.”

    Critical as these technical considerations are in economic policy formulation and implementation, they must be supported by the most crucial factor in achieving national development, which is the mobilization of the popular energies of the people to engage as active agents in the development process. Unfortunately, this is where liberal economics is deficient and it is in the direct engagement of the people physically, psychologically, emotionally and spiritually to participate actively in and contribute concretely to the development process that ‘Tinubunomics’ can truly realize its potentials. For instance, with regard to food availability to curtail stratospheric prices, Alhaji Rabiu noted that the temporary tariff waivers on food imports granted by the Tinubu administration for six months, “allowed rice to be brought in and milled immediately. The hoarders were cut out. Prices began to drop. It was a short-term solution, but it worked”.

    But then, what happens when the tariff waivers expire after six months? Agriculture is one sector where large numbers of people can be mobilized to grow food on an expansive scale. The country has an abundance of fertile land.  In most parts, the climate is clement for productive agricultural activities. Already, considerable investment is being made made in the procurement and distribution of agricultural inputs such as seedlings, fertilizers and insecticides. Orders placed for tractors, harvesters and other mechanical appliances are being delivered. But these are not sufficient conditions to achieve munificent food production. Equally critical is the appropriate mobilization and organization of the people to engage in mass food production.

    As has been advocated in this space a number of times, the organization of Nigerian farmers into viable Cooperatives has become an indispensable categorical imperative. It is hard but unavoidable work if we are to develop a thriving and vibrant agricultural sector. As Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who had thought deeply and written extensively on the issue, submitted in one of his lectures, “To this end, the oft-repeated and sound policies of the Federal and State governments towards Nigerian farmers of (1) organizing them into virile, viable and prosperous Cooperatives; (2) subsidy in kind, cash and services; (3) provision of finance and technical know-how; should now be pursued and translated into realities with unabating dispatch and vigour”.

    Even the requisite security without which displaced farming communities cannot fully return to active work on their farms in a safe and conducive environment can only be achieved with the active involvement of the people. The people, organized to secure their communities but armed to a level not below that of those who ceaselessly attack and seek to seize their land, must be the basis of an effective community policing system under federal or state control. The proposed ‘Forest Rangers’ recently approved by the President must thus be essentially people and community-based. The President should urgently give a deadline for its recruitment, training, equipping and take-off as the restoration and sustenance of security across rural and urban communities across the country is critical to the ultimate success of ‘Tinubunomics’.

  • It’s time for NNPCL to let go

    It’s time for NNPCL to let go

    The incessant shutdown of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) refineries with the attendant waste and loss of billions of US dollars with no real “turnaround” after the so-called “turnaround maintenances” were undertaken, and the macabre dramas to follow, are clear indications that the NNPC refineries are no longer productive or viable but rather they have become special purpose vehicles for corruption and waste. Therefore, it is time for the NNPC to let go of the refineries. This should have been done over 20 years ago.

     Dimensioning the issues

    Between March, 2021 to 12th of August 2021, the Federal Executive Council (FEC), under the leadership of former President Muhammadu Buhari, approved a total sum of 2.96 billion US Dollars for the turnaround maintenance of the three Nigerian Refineries, as follows: 1.48 billion US Dollars for Port Harcourt Refinery, 897 million US Dollars for Warri Refinery, and 586 million US Dollars for Kaduna Refinery. At that time, 1.48 billion US Dollars could be used to build a brand new 60,000-barrel refinery.

     In May, 2023, the then outgoing 9th National Assembly stated that, over a period of ten (10) years (from 2013 to 2013) Nigeria spent $25 billion to fix the three “moribund” refineries which amounted to about 11.35 trillion Naira (at the prevailing exchange rate at that time) on “repairs” of the country’s refineries, as the outgoing parliament called for a forensic audit of the matter (I wonder what they did to stop the slew during their eight years reign out of the ten years).

     Since January this year (2025), the Warri Refinery has been shut down, due to safety issues with its Crude Distillation Unit Main Heater. As if that was just the beginning of another meltdown, last week, around the 26th of May, the NNPC announced the shutdown of Unit 10 in Area 5 of the Port Harcourt Refinery (PHRC), officially citing sustainability concerns.

    We should also recall that, out of the above mentioned $2.96 billion that was approved by FEC in 2021, $1 billion was borrowed, syndicated from AFREXIMBANK; $450 million was borrowed through a crude oil swap agreement where a company that has a license to lift crude oil advanced the NNPC cash in exchange for giving it crude oil over a period of time as repayment with interest to do rehabilitation and maintenance. And to date, the values or impact of such huge sums of money expended for “turnaround maintenance” cannot be accounted for, seen, or felt. This is in addition to the deceptive drama of continuous failed operations of the refineries after churning out small quantities of refined products over a month or two, while the previous administrations of the NNPC keep telling Nigerians stories.

     This is a sad and unfortunate situation for Nigeria, of the inability if the NNPC to properly operate such low-capacity state-owned refineries, in comparison to ARAMCO of Saudi Arabia (as a classic example) that has continuously successfully operated, scaled, and sustained its large capacity 630,000 barrels per day refining capacity.  Indeed, other state-owned refineries in other countries are operating efficiently and profitably. Of course, Nigeria has the human and material capacity and competencies to successfully operate new, bigger, and better functional refineries, but corruption and the lack of political will have rendered almost all well-set-up, state-owned institutions and ventures either unproductive or unsuccessful.

     Around the year 2004, when President Obasanjo mandated an evaluation of the refineries, the experts’s Valuation and Opinion were that the assets (refineries) were qualified as “dead”, and that the refineries, as at that time (about 20 years ago), were no longer “going concerns”. We already know the story of how the administration of the then-President Olusegun Obasanjo approved the sale of the refineries. Companies like Dangote Group bid and won, amongst others. But that process was cancelled by President Umar Musa ‘Yar’Adua. 20 years down the line and with over 27 billion US Dollars down the drain, the refineries are worse off, and Nigeria is further short-changed.

     A call to action

    Based on the aforementioned facts and other justifications that I will highlight below, I believe that the right way to go for the NNPC under the new leadership of the Group Chief Executive Officer, Engineer Bashir Bayo Ojulari, and Engr. Ahmadu Musa Kida, as Chairman of the Board of Directors, is to recalibrate the NNPC strategy with new thinking, and focus. Certainly, for the team to effectively deliver the mandate given by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, with regard to the volume of crude oil output of 2.5 million barrels per day, etc., those refineries would be huge distractions for the NNPC with all the entanglements and encumbrances around them. For a long time, the NNPC refineries have been overdue for decommissioning, sale, or concession.

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     Therefore, I urge the new leadership of the NNPC, ers who I believe are practical and pragmatic leaders, to immediately, as a matter of priority, take a position and submit to Mr. President a proposal to sell off or concession all of the refineries to interested private companies and completely hands off the refineries which have become pipelines for slush funds for some vested interests.

     Some key justifications

    Economic and Finance perspective

    The refineries in their current state only impair the NNPC balance sheet, and therefore, they should no longer be considered as “critical national assets”, but rather “highly contentious liabilities”.

     Strategic Considerations

    Operational viability, product availability, supply chain reliability, and predictability are key determinants of decisions as well as commercial calculations. Hence, the incessant failures of the NNOC refineries should no longer be part of the NNPC’s current plans, operational framework, or strategic outlook. Going forward, I expect that the NNPC should be more focused on the upstream exploration and production strategies and exploits, and other key focus areas in line with the mandate of Mr. President, rather than for the NNPC to be burdened by the horror of what I call “the midstream deadweights” of failed refineries.

     Cost-benefit Analysis

    The emergence and success of the records-breaking and game-changing 650,000 barrels per day (BPD) Dangote Petroleum Refinery with the huge multi-refining capacity, and other upcoming refineries in Nigeria is a clearly demonstration that the NNPC refineries are no longer a productive part of Nigeria’s current midstream and downstream oil and gas value chain and they will certainly not be part of the future.

    More importantly, the fact that the 650,000 barrels per day (BPD) Dangote Petroleum Refinery was set up with about $20 billion is telling of the level of rot in the erstwhile NNPC, whereby over $28 billion have so far been sunk into our state-owned refineries with a combined refining capacity of 445,000 barrels per day (bpd) with obsolete and “dead” equipment over a period of 12 years with NO VALUE to show. This should be unacceptable.

     Way forward advice

    Consequently, it is no longer strategic, economically viable, morally correct, or even politically expedient for the NNPC to continue the “symbolism” of holding on to the ailing, unproductive, and wasteful NNPC refineries. In my opinion, this is especially so, given that most of the equipment has reached the “end of life” status, especially given the Billions of US Dollars that have been wasted/ stolen for decades under the pretext of “repairs” and “turnaround maintenance” by successive administrations. This vicious circle of corruption and evil should stop, just like the Fuel subsidy was stopped by President Tinubu. The “repairs” and “turnaround maintenance” are no longer defensible under any logical or responsible justification. Even the optics are offensive to Nigerians and deplorable to Nigeria’s partners and the international community.

      I urge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to approve the sale/ concession of the ailing and “cancerous” refineries, with the gusto and decisiveness that Mr. President stopped the Fuel subsidy, which I supported. I believe that it will be one of the quick wins for the new NNPC leadership, and more importantly, it will be a critical success factor for the reform of the Oil and Gas sector under the leadership of President Tinubu, which will be in line with the provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act 2023. Let’s cut our losses as a nation and move on. Else, the administration of President Bola Tinubu will again be bedeviled with this vicious cycle of throwing money into a bottomless pit. The refineries have become sources of embarrassment for successive leaderships of the NNPC, and indeed, they have also become sources of graft, humongous loss of our national revenue and income. Indeed, the refineries in their current state have outlived their usefulness and are now clogs in the wheel of progress of the NNPC in particular and Nigeria in general.

     Another key reason why the cyclical grafts and rot continue to happen with regards to the management of our refineries is the fact that to date, nobody has been held properly to account for the mismanagement of the NNPC and indeed for continuously playing the game of deception with the NNPC refineries.

     Hence, there is the urgent need for decisive consequence management by President Tinubu with regards to what had been happening in the NNPC, to demonstrate clearly that gone are the days that the NNPC as Nigeria’s critical national income pipeline which key to our national existence and sustainability; will be allowed to be toyed with by anyone or any group of vested interests.

  • FT and its high horse

    FT and its high horse

    The Western media treats developing countries condescendingly. It perceives Africa, especially, as backward, and so must be told how to run its affairs. The May 27 editorial of the Financial Times (FT) of London on Nigeria, as fair and objective as it may be, is a case in point. The paper rode the high horse in its attempt to make its point that Nigeria still needs to be spoonfed in leadership matters.

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    Nigeria does not need the FT to give it a tutorial on leadership and how to govern itself. The country may decide to spend on a Presidential Jet, if it wishes so that its leaders do not fly in a coffin. But then, who are we as a country to get a gift of Presidential Jet from Qatar as the American president? If it was the other way round, FT and its ilk would have torn Nigeria and its president apart for receiving such a gift. FT has not deemed it fit to do an editorial on that. You see, what is sauce for them, is taboo for us! “Teacher, don’t teach me nonsense”, as Fela would say.

  • El-Rufai: The evil men do…

    El-Rufai: The evil men do…

    As the governor of Kaduna State between 2015 and 2023, the petite Nasir El-Rufai was larger than life. He rode roughshod over those he governed. He drove some of his political opponents out of the state; others were arrested and detained arbitrarily, while the properties of those who dared to challenge him were demolished for allegedly violating town planning laws. But everything that has a beginning also has an end. His all-conquering power ended when his tenure ended in 2023.

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    Now a privale citizen, El-Rufai is struggling to remain politically relevant after he was chalked off the ministerial list following security report. He is still livid about the matter. Now, a court has cut him down to size for acting as an overlord while in office. Justice Hauwa’u Buhari of the Federal High Court, Kaduna, on May 27 held that El-Rufai in 2019 violated the rights of nine Adara community elders led by Awemi Maisamari, and ordered him to pay them N900 million.

    It is worthy of note that he was found culpable in his personal and not official capacity. The case was filed after he left office when he no longer enjoyed immunity. El-Rufai has the right of appeal. But before he files his appeal, the  point has been made that he acted arbitrarily and should pay for his action. As Shakespeare said: “the evil that men do, lives after them…”

  • Our Mokwa moment

    Our Mokwa moment

    What makes the whole thing painful is that the tragedy should not have happened. It could have been prevented, but as usual, we looked the other way. The ‘we’ are those with authority to do what should have been done to avert the horror that we are seeing right now. Flood water sweeping away people and properties on its path to God knows where. Rain is a seasonal event and it comes at specific times of the year.

    Despite climate change, the fact remains that rain starts around March, falling in bits and pieces to herald its full arrival. At times, it could even be heavy during this early period, with experts attributing the occurence to freaky weather. Freaky weather or climate change or by whatever name we want to call it, the thing is rain can come at anytime of the year because we do not have control over it.

    It is a natural occurence and weather forecasters only try as much as they can to help us prepare for it by telling us ahead of time what to expect. They did their job as best as they could before the Mokwa disastrous flood from which the nation is still counting the cost. It is sad. It is painful, distressing and depressing that the tragedy occurred. A four-hour torrential rain may be much, but it is not something to lose sleep over if the environment is well planned. Mokwa happened because of our selfishness and ill preparedness.

    I am not happy saying this because I am deeply pained by what happened. But the truth must be told in order to avoid a recurrrence somewhere else. It is more painful because the rain is not fully here yet; it is about starting and see what it has caused this early. It is a warning, that is if we will take it, for us to put our house in order and ensure that when we enter the months that the rain is usually heavy, we will not be caught hands down. Information is key to prevent disasters of this nature. This is why the meteorological and hydrological agencies work closely at the beginning of every year, looking at the variables, and advising on steps to take to prevent flood disasters.

    It is a fact that rain cannot be stopped (please, spare me the tale about rain catchers!). So, the next best thing to do is to create a channel for the flood which in some cases follow the rain. Flooding in most instances is as a result of negligence. It is a rare natural occurence caused by dams or rivers breaking or overflowing their banks. In Mokwa, there were no busting dams or overflowing rivers, but there were buildings along the flood plains, which are the channels for the rainwater to flow. Where water is hindered from flowing, it will force its way through, no matter how strong the blockade may be.

    Reason: Water will always find its course. The only way to prevent a flood disaster is to ensure that water channels are not blocked or built upon. Where they are, there must be alternative routes for channelling rain and waste water, otherwise a disaster looms. As it does every year, the Nigeria Meteorological Agency (NiMET) warned days before the Mokwa incident that there would be flooding in 15 of the 36 states, including Niger, where Mowa is, between last Wednesday and Friday. The Mokwa disaster happened on Wednesday. NiMET advised the residents of those areas to relocate and move their assets out of the way.

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    People can easily relocate, though it may be painful. But when it is a matter of life and death, the best thing is to move in order to save your life first. The snag is how do you move a house that is at the mercy of a looming flood which may be disastrous? This is the dilemma faced by many property owners who might have spent all their life savings on putting up those buildings. How did they get approvals to build on the right of way, which whether we like or not, is what a flood plain is? A flood plain, like a pipeline, is expected to remain an untouched setback.

    It cannot be encroached upon and those who do, do so at their own risk. The only way to avoid man-made flood tragedies is to be strict with the enforcement of the law. Obstructions on such plains must go to prevent these incessant flood disasters which result in high casualty figures and destruction of properties. Also, those who give the approvals for such buildings must face the wrath of the law, even after they might have left office, whenever such tragedies occur. But the best way remains to outlaw constructions on flood plains and to demolish buildings found there before tragedy occurs.

    Otherwise, we will be going round in circles, and merely lamenting when tragedies like that of Mokwa happen because we did not do what we should have done to prevent them. My heart goes out to those who lost

    loved ones in Mokwa. How do you compensate them for such heavy loss? And no matter what they get for their lost properties, it cannot be the same. I only hope that we have learnt a lesson from this disaster.