The Nation Newspaper

Category: Columnists

  • LGS, governors and Supreme Court

    LGS, governors and Supreme Court

    Months after the Supreme Court gave judgment against states maintaining leverage over local government finances through the state joint accounts with LGs, the conundrum of LG autonomy is yet to be resolved. The Supreme Court judgment all but gave autonomy to the LGs by completely delinking them from any financial controls erected by governors. But both the judgment and the bid for financial autonomy have appeared to falter.

    Firstly, the states outrightly resisted the push for autonomy, until Justice minister Lateef Fagbemi threatened them for deliberately and provocatively undermining the Supreme Court judgment. No governor seemed eager to be hauled a second time before the Supreme Court for contempt of court. Secondly, after sensible avoiding open defiance, the governors sought for more time to resolve some technical issues plaguing the account opening at the CBN. Whether those technical details have been fully and satisfactorily resolved or even partially resolved, no governor has volunteered to any explanation.

    But last week, the governors leapfrogged over all the loose talk and considerations regarding those technical details that needed explication and instead jumped into another stratagem to halt the delinking of the LG accounts. The states now want the federal government to enable the LGs to operate their commercial bank accounts instead of compelling them to open new and ‘unconstitutional’ accounts with CBN. They cite legal and constitutional provisions to back their claims. They are partly right to caution against forcing the LGs into opening accounts with the CBN, but it is nevertheless clear that the governors are clutching at any straw to stifle the LG financial autonomy judgment which the court granted.

    Thirdly, other than a few states prepared to sustain their defiance of the Supreme Court judgment and to demonstrate their opposition to LG autonomy, most states have been clever at showing their hands. They remain unconvinced that the LGs can run themselves well or avoid bankruptcy if given autonomy. They fear that once LGs enjoy financial autonomy, it is just one or two steps away from open defiance of the governors. In fact, a few states, such as Anambra, have begun to make laws for administration of LGs as provided for in the constitution, but which cleverly subvert the Supreme Court judgment. The talk about letting the LGs maintain their commercial bank accounts is merely a red herring.

    Read Also: First Lady urges empathy, unity at Eid-el-Fitr

    At bottom, all the controversies about LG financial autonomy are a reflection of the contradictions contained in a few provisions of the 1999 constitution. The controversies will continue and the struggle for influence and control will not abate until the country is restructured to enable financial federalism on a scale that matches or even supersedes the federal arrangement between the federal government and the states. If the country does not get it right regarding the federating tiers, the acrimony will persist.

    The safe bet is that governors will find extenuations to subjugate the LGs. One way they do this is to ensure that the subversion begins at the level of electing LG officials. Thereafter, with all or nearly all the seats safe in the hands of their political party, they will dare any of the elected LG officials to cross or defy party lines or discipline. Usually, the LG officials are too glad to be elected than care about judicial or even constitutional niceties.

    If the effort of the federal government to ensure that development permeates the local government is not to go up in smoke, they will have to go the route of general political restructuring. Piecemeal selection of core constitutional issues and challenges will only deliver temporary reliefs. So far, the governors are winning, despite the federal government’s comprehensive victory at the Supreme Court. If the governors manage to sustain their victory for a little longer or dither about implementation until close to the general election, they may get away with a largely and deliberately compromised Supreme Court judgement. In fact, the federal government is going to discover that it is alone in this matter. Some few LGs may make a lot of noise, but they will not let the noise develop into a huge fight. Since the state legislatures still make laws for the running of the LGs, it will be a tool dreaded by the elected LG officials, particularly the chairmen, whose suspension could easily be procured by a combative and unforgiving governor.

  • FG’s infirm approach to law enforcement

    FG’s infirm approach to law enforcement

    Though law enforcement is a key driver of societal stability, the federal government has not always applied it proactively and imaginatively to stem the tide of indiscipline and chaos in the country. The Rivers state imbroglio could have been prevented if the law enforcement agencies had been diligent in carrying out their responsibilities. If a state of emergency was proclaimed, it was because anarchists took for granted the weakness or dithering of federal law enforcement agencies like the police and secret service.

    The Rivers political crisis, which culminated in the proclamation of a state of emergency, began with antagonists talking tough, armed with incendiary statements and threats of unleashing mayhem. The police engaged in handwringing at that stage. Then stories of impeachment began wafting across the state. There was of course little the law enforcement agents could do when it got to that point. But immediately the House of Assembly was torched, it was time for the security agencies to bare their fangs, especially because everyone seemed to know who did it or led the operation. In fact, names were mentioned.

    Read Also: At 73, President Tinubu’s acts of compassion in leadership

    But the police merely let it be known that they were looking for the culprits. Meanwhile the alleged masterminds were retrieved from public view and protected by the state government. Worse, one of them was rewarded with highly prized public appointment in the full view of law enforcement agents who saturated the Government House. Still no arrests were made. With such encompassing laxity, was it surprising that the Rivers crisis gradually worsened from 2023 to 2025 until a state of emergency was proclaimed? Reference the following proverb of unknown origin: “For want of a nail the shoe was lost. For want of a shoe the horse was lost. For want of a horse the rider was lost. For want of a rider the message was lost. For want of a message the battle was lost. For want of a battle the kingdom was lost. And all for the want of a horseshoe nail.” A stitch in time, they say, saves nine. It is time the federal government and its law enforcement agencies applied themselves diligently to their work. As the Rivers crisis and those who call for coup or revolution have shown, the consequences of pussyfooting are hard to quantify.

  • Democracy, dysfunction and sustainability

    Democracy, dysfunction and sustainability

    One of the strange paradoxes of modern democracy is the fact that those who are incapable of mastering its tough habits and finer rituals have taken to teaching its practice. As Oscar Wilde once famously observed, “those who are incapable of learning have taken to teaching”. It is straight out of the theatre of African magic when anti-democratic bullies take to the bully pulpit exhorting and exulting about the sweet wonders of democracy. But then it is said that in the last days of civilization as we know it, several strange occurrences will test the patience of humanity and task their sanity.

    These are not the best of times for liberal democracy. In the west, where democracy derived its latest franchise and mandate from after the triumph of capitalism, there has been a determined assault on its fundamental canons and wise assumptions from extreme far right groups and ultranationalist movements bent on torpedoing the whole system. France barely survived a rightwing civilian putsch which only receded when center-right and leftwing elements coalesced in a precarious coalition which has not been seen since the inauguration of the Gaullist Republic in 1958. In Germany which has not found the Socialist East Germany rump it swallowed in 1989 very digestible, a rightwing party has just swept into power. In Britain after a series of inept and corrupt rightwing rulers, the people sent the Conservative government packing and elected Keith Stammer and the Labour Party. The Poland of Viktor Orban does not need any prompting and Italy is about to catch up with them all.

    But it is America, the home of modern democracy, that is leading the charge against liberal democracy since the return of Donald Trump to the White House and the resurgence of a rabidly xenophobic rightwing nationalism that threatens to upend the whole notion of American Exceptionalism based on the romantic idealism of its founding fathers. To be sure, Trump gave enough notice and declaration of intent. But nobody thought this was possible in the land of the Mayfair fathers who forsook and foreswore everything in Europe to found a new nation based on the alienable rights of all humanity to political and economic freedom. Neither did many, as it is turning out, foresee a fundamental shift in the mood of core America particularly among offspring of later immigrants from Europe who had been nursing a smouldering resentment against the East coast establishment with their liberal namby-pamby and global do-goodism which has cost America dearly in their estimation. It is the return match of ancient European feudalism and American neo-feudalism.                                                          

       Perhaps it is our brains that need a fundamental reset. We always put the cart before the horse in Africa . Democracy is a product of rising prosperity and declining poverty, not increasing global scarcity. No democracy can survive mass immiseration and biblical want for long. People do not continue to vote on the promise of food but on the presence of victuals. It is an ideological overreach. Scarcity brings out the worst in any people. But if gold can rust, what will iron do? African neo-colonial nations with their seething multi-ethnic and multi-cultural polarities were not founded as organic nations but as outlets for metropolitan goods and as garrison emporia. Like all occupied territories, force is the organizing principle central to the maintenance of the structures of domination whether in its colonial format or postcolonial incarnation. This is why rigging of elections which is the perpetuation of electoral violence in its pure or adulterated form is often the leitmotif of all postcolonial nations. Unless the unpromising and unpropitious circumstances conspire to throw up an authentic and organic nationalist elite that will drive development and the deepening of the democratic process, everything will be left to chancing and opportunistic gaming. This is why most post-independence African nations, with the exception of a few, are prone to military coups, ethnically and religiously motivated army uprising, despotic annulment of properly conducted elections, the rise of the selectorate over the electorate, civilian power grab and state closures euphemistically referred to as state capture with a delinquent and polarized political elite cheering and egging them on or urging Armageddon to visit the nation as the case may be.

      Let us now take a random audit of this African graveyard of liberal democracy. Apart from one-party autocracies fronting as pseudo-democracies such as Algeria, Tunisia, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, Congo Brazzaville, Cameroon, Angola, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Togo, there are at least seven full-blown military regimes on the continent: Egypt, Sudan, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Gabon. In Cote D’Ivoire after partitioning and a civil war fought over national identity, succession and his own ethnic origins, Alisane Quattara is enjoying an unconstitutional third term and yet all is quiet and placid on the Cocody front.  This is because the warring elite factions have all been pacified. Nobody now remembers that the former president, Laurent Gbagbo, has quietly returned to the country after serving out his term for crimes against humanity at The Hague and is enjoying the remunerations of a former president.

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      In Zimbabwe, only a palace coup engineered with panache and precision by the old military wing of ZANU could forcibly retire the wizard of Harare, Robert Mugabe, having ruled his nation continuously since independence in 1979. Without this timely military intervention, Zimbabwe was on the verge of anarchy and chaos as Robert Mugabe was bent on installing his wife as his successor. Forty years after “liberating “his nation, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is still calling the shots in Kampala. So is Paul Kagame, the king of Kigali, who is still ruling the waves thirty two years after genocide and civil war. The Eyadema clan has ruled Togo continuously since 1967 and between them Mobutu and the Kabilas ruled the Democratic Republic of Congo for almost sixty years. In Equatorial Guinea, the Nguema brood has been in power since independence. Forty six years after executing his uncle, Colonel Teodoro Nguema Mbasogo rules the nation with a tight fist. Paul Biya has been at it in Cameroon since 1982.

     It is only in countries such as Botswana, Namibia, Senegal, Ghana, Zambia and Tanzania that far-sighted nationalist elite formations have been able to buck the trend by continuous practice of the habits and rituals of democracy. In almost all these countries, one can see the handiwork and foundation laid by visionary founding fathers. Leopold Sedar Senghor and Julius Nyerere were Christian minorities in predominantly Muslim countries, yet they were able to lay the foundation of good governance and development in their countries. The same thing happened with Sam Nujoma’s Namibia and Seretse Khama’s Botswana. In Ghana following the footpath of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, succeeding generations of politicians have managed to paper over the cracks of ethnicity and religion by reverting to the old Nkrumah versus J.B Danquah fault lines of leftwing and rightwing politics.  Between the two tendencies and since the advent of JJ Rawlings, power has managed to oscillate about four times without threatening the foundation of the nation.

     Nigeria represents the best prospects of democracy on the continent as well as the possibility of its most fatal declension. Nigeria has enjoyed twenty six years of unbroken civilian rule and democratic experimentation. Given the turbulent antecedents of the nation, there is a lot to cheer about this development. We must avoid the pitfalls of self-constricting pessimism as well as the promiscuous optimism of democracy as a permanent work in progress. Sometimes the ripening of the banana fruit also coincides with the onset of irreversible rot. The longevity of civilian rule can also coincide with manifest institutional retardation and dysfunction. With its size, humongous population, stupendous human and national resources, its countervailing ethnicities and religions, Nigeria ought to be a showpiece and poster-boy of a dynamic democracy. This contradictory locus of power also makes it impossible for any hegemonic group to maintain their hold on power for long. The obverse of the coin means that once a government is installed, it is subject to continuous assault and withering criticism by hostile interlocutors thus stalling its momentum and impairing its concentrative capacity. Like a bear at bay savaged and bloodied by uncountable hounds the government spends all its time in self-defence and in warding off frantic attacks aimed at overwhelming it, leaving little room for creative governance and deep innovative thinking. This over-politicization of the polity does not conduce to thorough going economic reform or a determined overhaul of the ailing political system.

       Where circumstances conspire to throw up somebody who has not been endorsed by the old selectorate, all hell is let loose from the day of swearing in. New conspiracies, formation of new alliances, memoranda for new mega-parties and other satanic plots too dark for daylight spring up on a daily basis. Such is the atmosphere of fear and climate of insecurity that the government often succumbs to paranoid fantasies. When you are subjected to relentless psychological terrorism by masters of the game something is bound to give eventually. Leading the charge of new “activists” are former presidents, vice-presidents and top government officials who ought to know better than to perpetually destabilize a sitting government with full levers of power and led by a veteran who is not afraid of confrontation. Some of them whose record of anti-democratic exertions while in office ought to put them permanently out of circulation do not appear to be fazed by their criminal infractions against the democratic aspirations of a nation that they owe so much.

    These antidemocratic elements consider all this as part of an elaborate game of bluff and counterbluff in which all is fair. Here is the real danger to the nation.  Even in a game of bluff, there is always a tipping point where and when the gladiators reach a point of no return. This is when and where polarized but nationalist elites build bridges of conciliation, compromise and consensus-seeking over “pillarized” differences. It is only then that we can broach the issue of economic reform and the political reconfiguration of the nation on the epic scale required. The recent summary dismissal of the claims of Humphrey Nwosu to national honour shows just how impossible it is to reach national consensus and political justice in circumstances of “pillarized” prejudices. So far, President Tinubu has survived on brilliant stealth and nimble foot-works. But he will need much more than this as the gloves come off in coming months.

  • Okon services a non-performing  loan

    Okon services a non-performing  loan

    You can trust  Okon Anthony Okon to be in the thick of the social and political fray in times like this. A week after escaping Natasha’s dragnet, he was his old chirpy self again, bragging that the whole drama was part of an elaborate scam. As soon as another banking scandal broke and another society lady declared wanted for money laundering, the mad boy has been running commentary and offering gratuitous advice to prospective detainees and their presumptive detainers. At times, he would boast that he was an EFCC consultant on debt recovery with services ranging from sleep deprivation to raising a colony of wild and remorseless mosquitoes to facilitate disorientation and eventual disintegration in prison cell. Among his achievements, he claimed to have serenaded one ancient detainee out of hiding by singing Cecilia, an old Simon and Garfukel  classic, to her.

       One morning,  Okon barged into my bedroom, panting and heaving like a demented horse. “Oga we don obtain dem list of dem AMCON debtors, na dem Yoruba people boku dem place, from A to Ziii. Yoruba people na obonge thieves”, the mad boy screamed.

    “How do you know?” snooper asked rather indignantly.

    “I don look dem Gbajue list Elisabetically and dem,,,”

    “Okon, what is that?” snooper asked in alarm.

    “You know when dem count from dem “a” till dem tire?” 

    “ Oh you mean alphabetically”, snooper moaned in exaggerated displeasure.

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    “ Oga, if you like make you you call am Albertically. But na Yoruba people go finish dis obodo. May be na the lagoon water dem dey drink”.

    You would have thought that a man huffing and puffing like this was himself above board. One morning, Okon ran into my room claiming that he was being pursued by EFCC debt collectors. Okon had taken a non-performing loan from a local bank.

    “Oga, he be like if say fire don catch fireman ooo”, the crazy one moaned.

        “What did you use the money for?” snooper asked in alarm.

        “I use am to service Saro woman for Amukoko, but….”, the boy said with a sheepish grin.

        “Then you must discharge your obligation immediately”, snooper screamed.

     “Oga discharge ke?  I never even begin to gallop sef before dem mad Saro woman go blow him whistle say time don go and money don burn. So na non-performing woman who come take non-performing loan. Finish. Make them EFCC go look for dat Yorubaman for First Bank who come vamoose and leave Okon alone ooo”, the mad boy crowed.

       At this point, the dustbin woman started screaming.  “Oga gudumorin ooo. He be like if say Saro woman and dem EFCC dey look for Calabar boy oo. Dem say him take Leone. Saro woman come dey speak dem old Oluku language”.

         Upon hearing this, Okon jumped out through the window and fell into the sewage tank.

  • Still on emergency

    Still on emergency

    With both parties likely to return within six months, I can’t think of a less painful alternative

    It is now over two weeks since President Bola Tinubu declared state of emergency in Rivers State. Expectedly, virtually everybody with something to say must have spoken, and those of us now commenting on it have more than enough materials for research, including comments from armchair critics, motor park analysts and pepper-soup joints commentators.

    President Tinubu declared the emergency on March 18 and it was ratified by the National Assembly the next day.

    Coming at a time that everybody was looking in the direction of Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s impeachment, the emergency was a master stroke. We all knew how heated the polity was in the state even after last month’s Supreme Court judgment affirming the Martins Amaewhule-led house of assembly as the authentic legislators in the state. The governor had been working with only four legislators, claiming that since the Amaewhule-led faction had decamped from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), they had, ipso facto, lost their seats in the assembly. The apex court ruled otherwise and that threw spanners in virtually every action the governor had taken with the concurrence of the four legislators. It also stopped disbursement of funds to the state until it was ready to deal with the legislators recognised by the apex court.

    I had warned in my first piece on the crisis on March 9, titled ‘Fubara’s humble pie’, that those who start wars can only know the beginning; nobody can tell its end; so the political gladiators had to be careful.

    I doubt if any of them envisaged where they have all landed now. The governor had abused his powers severally while the dispute lasted and the legislators felt now that they had been vindicated by the Supreme Court judgment, they too should demand their pound of flesh, probably more, from their oppressor-in-chief.

    The legislators were looking in the direction of using their powers to impeach the governor and everything seemed primed for that when suddenly, the president pulled the rug off the feet of both parties. Now, they have to go and rest for six months in the first instance, in line with the provision of the emergency.

    I hate scheming but I doff my hat for whoever came up with the emergency as panacea to cool down the polity in the state. The alternative would have been bloody.

    Of course, it was expected that there would be divergent opinions on this, but, in all honesty, I don’t know if there is a better alternative in the circumstance.

    To be fair, there are those who genuinely feel concerned that we should be wary of giving the president too much powers in addition to the one he has because he is a human being. This concern is apt. If anything, we always have to be guided by the wise saying that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely”.

    However, I have come to see that many of those criticising the emergency are doing so either for the sake of being seen to be politically correct, or for ulterior motives. We should not lose sight of the fact that there were some people waiting in the wings for the impeachment processes to gather steam or get concluded (if it would ever be, realising that that, in the first place, was one of the causes of rancour between the governor and the legislators).

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    Some people profit from the kind of anarchy that would have attended the impeachment or even its mere kick-off.

    So far, none of the critics of the emergency has advanced any convincing alternative beyond the emotive argument of an elected president ‘removing’ an equally elected governor. Yet, the presidency has made it clear that both the executive and the legislature are only on suspension. Second, with the approval of the state of emergency by the National Assembly, it is no longer a situation of an elected president asking an elected governor to ‘go away’.

    No doubt, what was playing out in Rivers was potentially dangerous, not only for the state but the country at large, and no government worth its salt would wait and watch until the crisis snowballed out of control. Let’s remember that security of lives and property is the first duty of any government.

    Many of those now crying foul over the emergency would have ended up blaming the Federal Government if it had allowed the crisis to degenerate beyond the level it was before the proclamation of emergency. This is evident, especially in a country where we politicise virtually everything. The opposition is forever waiting in the wings for the government to make mistake so they can have job to do. As far as the opposition is concerned, whatever the government did right must have been a mistake (to paraphrase a colleague).

    Apparently the government was guided by this aspect of our national life, hence its decision to do what seemed to it to be the needful on the Rivers State crisis, knowing that head or tail, it would be criticised.

    One way of knowing that many of those criticising the government now are doing so for purely personal or political reasons is to ask what they did when Governor Fubara was serially trampling upon the law. Was mum not the word from them when the governor destroyed the state house of assembly building for the sole purpose of averting impeachment, which is the legitimate prerogative of the state assembly? How many of them cautioned him that under no circumstance could he have been doing lawful business with only four out of 31 members of the state assembly? How could someone in all rational sense of it say a state budget running into billions of naira could be approved by that number of legislators? Even if people were deceiving Fubara and the dance-on-we are solidly-behind-you orchestra was singing his praise while committing those illegalities, he ought to have known that those actions were as good as building on shifting ground. You cannot build something on nothing. Fubara built something on nothing; hence, first, the Supreme Court judgment that put an end to those shenanigans, and then the state of emergency that came to ensure that the apex court judgment did not become a nullity; that it be given meaning so that governors generally can know the limits of their ’emperorship’. 

    True, there is an urgent need to put an end to gubernatorial rascality in the country. Fubara exhibited the tendencies of many governors, past or present. The tell-tale signs are all over the place. He was travelling down the lane of impunity at more than the speed of light. He needed to be stopped before other governors saw him as a model. With only five governors travelling along that trajectory, it is only a matter of time for Nigeria to become a huge Banana Republic.

    A governor who believed and indeed said that the legislature exists at his pleasure in a democratic setting really should not be there. He should first go for tutorials on the concept of separation of powers.

    A governor who pulled down the building of his state house of assembly ostensibly to stave of impeachment is like someone who conjured rain to fall only to start complaining about the accompanying thunderstorm. He may not have bargained for the thunderstorm but that is part of the package that could accompany rain.

    With Fubara’s experience, governors would start thinking twice before destroying state assembly buildings for the simple reason that they want to deny the legislators the right of impeaching them. Maybe Fubara would not have travelled that route if those who did it before him had been made to face the consequences. Such actions are condemnable. It is just that ours is a country where citizens are too casual about issues of governance, especially at the local and state government levels, whereas these are the closest tiers of government with direct bearing to their daily lives, and whose activities should therefore be of utmost concern to them.

     But everybody is concentrating on the centre. That is one of the reasons why many governors have become emperors and can wake up from the wrong side of the bed and commit blue murder and go scot-tree.

    So, is there no word for Nyesom Wike, Fubara’s predecessor and former godfather, now Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), in all of these?

    I have never been a politician, so I may not know how it feels for a successor that someone installed to want to be a man only after he had stooped to conquer, or to get power. But then, I know Wike and Fubara’s case is not the first and it would not be the last.

    People will tell you it is the failure or refusal of Fubara to do Wike’s bidding that caused their fight. At least, this is the summary of what is in the public domain, even if it might be pregnant with other meanings and insinuations.

    So, that has been why a whole state had to be on auto pilot, with the people’s fate hanging in the air?

    It may be true that Fubara practically snubbed presidential intervention on the matter but then the FCT minister too did not help matters with his caustic and inflammatory utterances.

    And, as if to confirm this, even as the minister is still chewing the Rivers crisis in his mouth, one of his aides was only a few days ago reported to have said that Wike would yet again abort Abubakar Atiku’s presidential ambition come 2027! Haba! Honourable minister, are you ‘Olodumare’ (God)? If you are not, why talking like Him?

    Back to Fubara because this is essentially about him. How could he have withheld the state legislators’ pay for over a year and expect that mere writing to inform them of his intention to present the budget or transact business with them would do? We are talking of human beings with flesh and blood here, not inanimate objects. And, to think that this was not an act of grace or penitence, but something done under compulsion!

    The governor missed the point big time, and, for me, it merely tells that he was yet to learn the appropriate lessons that he could not ride roughshod over the state legislature.

    All said, it is hoped that the six months suspension on both the executive and legislative arms of government in Rivers would be sufficient to let both sides decide whether they still want to remain relevant in the state’s political affairs or they want to fight to the finish.

    But the onus rests more on Fubara to come down from his high horse because he must have known the difference between being a sitting governor and a governor serving a six-month suspension term, even if in the comfort of his home.

    In Nigeria, ‘governor na enjoyment’. Something several shades sweeter than the ‘mudun mudun’ that the late Governor Abiola Ajimobi talked about.

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism XIII

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism XIII

    One of the truly unforgettable heroes of the British empire to whom I was introduced in the dying British colony of Nigeria was Cecil John Rhodes. There were several others but Rhodes stood out from the pack if only because at that time, no less than two African countries; Southern and Northern Rhodesia were named after him. No other person had the distinction of giving their name to one, not to talk of two countries. The other thing which further elevated Rhodes and caused him to be placed on the highest pedestal was the institution of the Rhodes scholarship which conferred the highest academic distinction on anyone who won it. To be a Rhodes scholar was to be highly favoured by all the gods of academia. And all the glory of that exalted scholarship was reflected in Cecil Rhodes who had bequeathed the scholarship to all capable young men associated with all the countries of the British empire, now Commonwealth, the United States and Germany. Any discussion of capitalism and government in South Africa must start with this man who remains an arch villain to many and a hero of sorts to others.

    The son of an Anglican clergyman, Rhodes suffered from poor health all his life. Indeed, he had been sent to South Africa at the age of seventeen in the hope that his exposure to a heathier climate than what was available in England would improve his health status. It was soon clear that although his health was fragile, he had arrived in his new home at the most auspicious time for both his recovery and the promotion of his career as politician and businessman. His first foray into the business world was in the field of agriculture. He joined his brother in a disastrous and brief venture to grow cotton but soon switched crops and began to plant fruits trees. This led him to form the Pioneer Fruit Company which set him off on the path of prosperity. Modest prosperity. His next venture made him an enormous fortune which opened all the doors that needed to be open for him to become the imperialist he was born to be.

    A couple of years before Rhodes arrived in South Africa, alluvial diamond was picked up in Kimberly, capital of the Northern Cape Province. It is not clear how Rhodes became associated with the diamond trade. What is known is that Rhodes, with the help of loans provided by the House of Rothschild, the same institution which provided the loans which made it possible for the British government to pay reparations to slave owners when slavery was abolished, began to buy up all other miners in the region to establish a monopoly of the diamond trade. He fortified his position by allying himself with a company in London to ensure that all diamond trade in the world went through De Beers, the company he founded in 1881 and which even today retains its grip on global diamond trade even if it is now no longer the monopolist that it once was. Like Clive in India, Rhodes had the power of a conglomerate of companies behind him and like Clive he worked assiduously to enhance the spread of the British empire in the theatre of his operations. At the height of his ambition he wanted to create a British railroad which stretched from Cairo in the North to the Cape in South Africa. His wish became fact when after the First World War, the former German territory of Tanganyika was handed over to the British and today, it is possible to travel down the spine of Africa on a railroad in what were parts of the British empire cobbled together by people like Rhodes.

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    Rhodes was a ruthless businessman who used his companies to acquire land enough to cover three countries. Having cleaned up on the diamond fields of South Africa, he extended his enormous tentacles northwards making shady deals with all manner of chieftains all along the way. This way he laid hands on large expanse of lands in what became  North and South Rhodesia,  bringing them under the suzerainty of the insatiable British empire at the expense of the indigenous peoples of those lands. They were dragged willy-nilly into the strange new world of capitalism and were turned into poorly paid landless serfs in the land of their fathers. Many of them did not even attain this status as they were simply got rid of to make way for the accommodation of white migrants. This is exactly what had happened to the indigenous peoples of North and South America as well as the aborigines of Australia. The only difference in the case of Africa was that try as they did, the Europeans didn’t quite succeed in eliminating them completely. But, it was not for the want of trying. As far as Rhodes and his ilk were concerned, they were intent on emptying the lands of Africa for the benefit of emigrants from Britain. Not satisfied with that, Rhodes thought of the possibility of bringing back the USA under the British flag so that the superior Anglo-Saxon race could control the world for their own benefit alone. All other groups on the globe were to exist at the pleasure of the master race. They were to minister to their racial masters in any way they were needed. And when their usefulness was over, they were to be sacrificed to the gods of necessity.

    Up till now we have dealt with Rhodes as a businessman. Time to change tack. By the time he was in his thirties, Rhodes had entered the politics of the Cape. With his humongous personal fortune, he rose quickly and was soon the Prime Minister of the Cape Province and held this office for six years. Using the power of that office, Rhodes built the foundation for apartheid in the future South Africa. In time, he excluded black people from the electoral rolls and made it impossible for them to own land as he caused legislation which made it impossible to own land to be promulgated .This is why even today, blacks own less than 10% of all land in South Africa. Between Rhodes and the implacable Boers, virtually all available land has been snapped up by Europeans and that, on the continent of Africa. The irony has become too rich when the current South African government has been labelled as racist by Trump and Musk for daring to make the first tentative attempt at some form of restitution.

    Up until 1886, all South Africa was agrarian. Then,  everything changed when gold was discovered on the Witwatersrand deep in Boer territory. This discovery lured  gold prospectors from the Cape. This upset the Boers so much that they were forced to try to deprive the new comers of any political power within the territory they had seized from the indigenous black people of the region in the first place. They were determined to keep Britain out of their affairs.  Cecil Rhodes, the unrepentant British imperialist was of course on the side of the miners and the stage was set for a confrontation between the two groups. Rhodes and his friends using troops which were raised in Rhodesia, Rhodes’ personal fiefdom attacked the Boers in what has come to be known to history as the Jameson raid. This coup attempt to undermine the Boers failed miserably and one of the fallouts of this debacle was the fall of Rhodes from political power. The other was a descent to war between the Boer republics and the mighty British empire. The Boers attacked and seized British towns to precipitate the first Boer war. They then laid siege to  Mafeking, Ladysmith, and Kimberly, an action which was aimed at the heart of British interests in the region. In coming to the relief of these towns the British empire was forced to mobilise a huge army to assert its authority. This is an episode that has turned out to be of interest not just to the British empire but to the continued growth of global capitalism.

  • Rivers Emergency: Those criticising Tinubu must think the constitution is dumb or an ass

    Rivers Emergency: Those criticising Tinubu must think the constitution is dumb or an ass

    Isn’t the concept that law is made for man, and not man for the law a central theme in some interpretations of the Bible, especially in the context of the teachings of Jesus  and the relationship between the Law and humanity?  Didnt Jesus emphasise that the Sabbath, and by extension, the Law, exists to serve humanity’s well-being, and should neither be a burden”, nor a legalistic control over them?

    Flowing from the above, shouldn’t the declaration of a state of emergency, no matter where, be consequential, that is, be towards the good of the state and, indeed, isn’t the raison detre of the emergency declaration in Rivers State to bring peace to a state already declared by the Supreme Court as having no government, even as governor Sir Amaopusenibo Siminalayi Fubara sat pretty in government House?

    Why then, in the face of the above, the hullabaloo by all manner of TV lawyers and some loud TV anchors?

    With due respect to the high and mighty – for some are truly distinguished – who had and, in fact, continue, to flagellate the President for suspending Rivers state governor Fubara and the state’s House of Assembly – one  has actually called for his impeachment – I can consider my job  done on the above topic after I would have quoted the opening portion of Sam Omatseye’s last week column which he captioned:”It’s All Noise”.

    He wrote:”So, they say the president could declare a state of emergency but leave the house members and the governor intact. What does that mean? It means rolling tanks and stamping jackboots on the streets of Port Harcourt. But the house members could go ahead and impeach Governor Sim Fubara?

    But wait! These are the same people that say the house members should not impeach him, and that it would be an act of bad faith and a call to turmoil. What turmoil? Blowing up pipelines and blowing up houses, putting lives of political enemies and innocent civilians in peril. So, the president should send Nuhu Ribadu and his team to look out for those who want to turn the state over to the devil? Meanwhile, those in office still retain the resources and capacity for turbulence?

    It is quite unfortunate that it is reason that is upside down. The state of emergency is to stave off violence, but what if the violence will remain a clear and present omen so long as those who would foment (it) are in their ferment because they have the power and pocket?

    Those who say this and call for constitutionalism were the same persons who prodded Fubara against the law. Against the same constitution, he set up a four-man legislature. They were the same television lawyers and commentators who kept mum when he blew up a legislative monument by way of the House of Assembly building. He also, against the constitution, passed a budget with four men. Also, against the constitution, he defied court order and organized a local government election.

    The same persons, against the constitution, are saying the Supreme Court erred by maintaining that Fubara defied the constitution. If the top court ruled otherwise, then he  would have acted like Obasanjo when he asked a dawn cabal of about six men to impeach a governor. It was the same PDP that did it and hailed it at that time. Obi said nothing then. Atiku was in PDP then. They did not stand up to their guy”.

    Hasn’t Omatseye said it all or can Fubara burn a common police station today and go scotfree?

    Yet constitution, constitution they bellowed, hardly letting us hear word.

    And they have their TV station where they congregate every morning – lawyers, aspiring lawyers, not so brilliant public analysts etc, spewing inananities, whilst the anchors pretend to permanently lecture the rest of us, eagerly showing off their erudition.

    So we ask: what is the essence of a  constitution if not to cohere the country and ensure peace and stability?

    Are all those who shout the primacy of the constitution, while correct, saying that President Tinubu should have slept off on duty, wait till the obdurate Fubara was impeached, as the House of Assembly was unerringly going to do, and see the entire Rivers state, complete with oil wells, and infrastructure, upon which the nation relies for sustenance, go up in flame?

    Is that really what they wanted the President to do?

    So the Obi’s and the Atiku’s of this world could gloat?

    Then they probably dont know Bola Ahmd Tinubu at all.

    It would have been funny, if not pathetic, that some otherwise respected individuals could be drawing a correlation between the emergency President Goodluck Jonathan declared in 1913 after a series of deadly attacks by Islamist militant groups, asking that the military should take “all necessary action to put an end to the impunity of insurgents and terrorists” in Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe and what the President just did.

    While the case in those three Northern states rested squarely on the menace of Boko Haram which was fast uprooting elected governments and the concerned state governors who needed nothing but help, in Rivers state the malady has gone past its politicians and was beginning to consume its elders most of who enthusiastically misdirected the governor.

    BTW, I have said to myself that this is pay back time for Rivers state as the crisis has broken the umbilical cord which  tied together those who, a few years back, turned Port Harcourt to the capital of judicial merchandising in Nigeria. Many of the victims of that era are still suffering the consequences of their  unexpected losses in the courts, whilst those expected to lose went back home celebrating.

    When critics hold that the emergency is okay but not the suspensions what exactly are they saying?

    That the Emergency declaration should be a mere formality – a damp squib?

    That Fubara and the House speaker should have continued to hold court, in their respective corner, when oil pipe lines are erupting in flames and human blood welling up in the creeks and everywhere on the streets of Rivers state?

    And they expect Tinubu to sit pretty in Aso Villa?

    No wonder some say the law is an ass, but not for this President.

    If the constitution will have to be stretched to its  elastic limit, so be it as long as the end in view is to save lives and property.

    What exactly would governor Fubara have been doing, on a daily basis, when other peoples’ husbands, wives , fathers and mothers, that is, our already overstretched soldiers – are out there, facing fire?

    Can we think for once?

    Of course had there been chaos, tv anchors would have remained there in their elegant suits,   telling us what Tinubu should have done; the exact same thing he did to save both lives, and the Nigerian economy, but for which those who speak English better than the owners of the language, are now recommending his impeachment.

    So who today are the “insurgents and terrorists” in Rivers state other than the suspended institutions against whom Tinubu would declare action?

    Can he sleep easy if those institutions are still able to continue their obduracy and further ensure that the state was without an effective government?

    It’s time some people  come to appreciate what gargantuan destruction President Tinubu saved the country from – the sheer bloodletting in a region known to be prone to unrestrained blood letting.

    Add to that the amount of oil   infrastructure which could have been blown off by some retired “local terrorists’ who were already braying for action. And didn’t governor Fubara, in one of his giddy moments, surrounded by hundreds, if not thousands, of Rivers youths, literally declared himself their commander of operations when he told them to go and await orders? What could he not have done if the President had waited for him to be impeached?

    In my view, if any Federal organ of government deserves any blame, it is none other than our successive body of lazy legislators for whom it has been impossible to see that the relevant portion of the  constitution is inchoate, needing an amendment.

    Finally, who and who had been the lead protagonists in the unremitting attack on the President?

    As usual Atiku, Obi and their joint godfather have, as usual, thought their attacks on Tinubu could bring back the presidential jewel they ignominiously lost in ’23, and so have never relented from their odious, childish practice of  taking every opportunity to lampoon him to their hearts’ content.

    I won’t blame most lawyers, especially those not showing off on television stations, seeing them more as strict constructionists of the constitution.

    It is, however, surprising, that many couldn’t bring their knowledge of Logic to bare on the matter.

    If the declaration itself constituted the premise, where then is the conclusion without which it will all amount to nothing and the President would have merely being wasting his time.

    But if most lawyers   acted ‘uberima fidei’, certainly not so Afam Osigwe, SAN, the NBA President, who emerged the “comrade Joe Ajaero” of the entire event the way he coyly sought to call people, not just his fellow lawyers, but Nigerians, out on a mass rising.

    Hear the ‘Labour leader’:”At this inauspicious moment in our nation’s trajectory, all people of goodwill and conscience should rise to oppose this audacious violation of our constitution and rape of our democracy”.

    “Mr. President must be made to know and understand in unmistakable terms that this illegality cannot stand”. He then concluded by “asking politicians across Nigeria to speak up and rise against the country’s descent into totalitarianism.”

    When you read that and note that the lead critics are the Obi’s, and the Pat Utomi’s, then you know that the thunderous shellacking of 2023 still rankles in some quarters.

    But sorry, we can’t help them.

    My advice, therefore, would be that rather than this their sterile and unproductive preoccupation, they should simply join veteran Alhaji Atiku Abubakar as he, again, begins to put together his ‘Association of the Aggrieved’, ahead of 2027.

  • Anambra South Senatorial rerun: Between Azuka Okwuosa and others

    Anambra South Senatorial rerun: Between Azuka Okwuosa and others

    In our nation’s legislative politics, where representation has more often than not fallen short of expectations, with legislators earning notoriety for collecting unbelievable wages and other shenanigans than for mastery of the legislative rules, oratory and the exhibition of sheer intellect as witnessed within the First, Second and  part of the Fourth Republics, particularly when Dr. Chuba Okadigbo was Senate President.

    My home state of Anambra has had it’s fair share of such representatives and the death of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah did leave a vacuum in the Senate. His larger than life image in the Senate and the politics of Anambra somewhat towers above a number of pretenders who are presently  angling to fill such big shoes Ebubechukwuzo left behind. However,  one name within the litany of aspirants readily stands out, a name that has consistently emerged as a beacon of hope and proven leadership, that name is Azuka Okwuosa, one time Local Government Chairman Nnewi Local Government, ( When it had Nnewi North, South and Ekwusigo in one entity), one time former Commissioner in Anambra and a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress,  who has remained loyal to the party and contributed innumerably to it.

    As the race for Anambra South senatorial district intensifies, a critical examination of the candidates reveals that Okwuosa stands head and shoulders above the competition, offering a unique blend of administrative experience, party loyalty, and genuine grassroots connection that positions him as the ideal representative for the people of Anambra South.

    Azuka Okwuosa’s journey in public service began with his exemplary tenure as a Local Government Chairman. During this period, he demonstrated exceptional administrative acumen, transforming local governance from a mere bureaucratic exercise into a vehicle for community development. His administration was marked by several landmark achievements that continue to resonate with the people even to today.

    Under Okwuosa’s leadership, the local government witnessed unprecedented infrastructure development. Roads that had been neglected for decades were rehabilitated, providing essential connectivity between communities and markets. Water projects that brought clean, potable water to previously underserved areas were implemented. Schools were renovated and equipped with modern learning tools, creating conducive environments for education.

    Perhaps most significantly, Okwuosa introduced a participatory governance model that involved community members in decision-making processes. This approach ensured that development initiatives were aligned with the actual needs of the people rather than imposed from above. The result was a remarkable improvement in the quality of life for residents and a renewed faith in governance.

    Read Also: First Lady urges empathy, unity at Eid-el-Fitr

    His financial management style was equally impressive. In a system often plagued by misappropriation, Okwuosa instituted transparent financial practices that maximized the impact of available resources. Every naira was accounted for, and the benefits were evident in the quality of projects delivered. This fiscal responsibility earned him widespread respect and established him as a leader who could be trusted with public resources.

    Okwuosa’s appointment as a commissioner further expanded his administrative portfolio and provided him with invaluable experience in state-level governance. In this capacity, he demonstrated exceptional policy formulation and implementation skills that directly impacted the lives of Anambra citizens.

    As commissioner, Okwuosa championed innovative approaches to persistent challenges. As Commissioner for Works and Transport, Azuka attempted to meet the challenges of Anambra’s decrepit infrastructure but the politics then prevailed over common sense and by 2001, he resigned from office rather than remain in power for power sake. Such action was to absolve him in the future as being amongst those who contributed by either acts of commission or omission to the floundering of Anambra then.

    Even with the dismal performance of the Mbadinuju administration, Okwuosa’s performance in that administration was characterized by meticulous attention to detail, strategic thinking, and a results-oriented approach. He consistently exceeded targets and established new standards of excellence in public service. The networks and relationships he built during this period continue to serve as valuable assets in his political journey, providing him with access to key stakeholders across various sectors.

    His tenure as commissioner also gave him a comprehensive understanding of the intricacies of governance, including the legislative processes that are critical for effective senatorial representation. This experience has equipped him with the knowledge and skills necessary to navigate the complexities of national politics and deliver tangible benefits to his constituents.

    In Nigerian politics, where party-hopping has become commonplace, Azuka Okwuosa stands out for his unwavering loyalty to the All Progressives Congress (APC). This steadfastness is not merely a matter of political convenience but a reflection of his alignment with the party’s progressive ideals and vision for national development.

    Okwuosa has been a consistent advocate for the APC’s policies and programs, even during challenging periods when such advocacy was politically costly. His commitment has earned him the respect of party leadership at both state and national levels, positioning him as a trusted representative of the party’s interests and values.

    This loyalty translates to practical advantages for the people of Anambra South. As a senator representing the ruling party, Okwuosa would have direct access to federal resources and influence that could be leveraged for the benefit of his constituents. His established relationships within the party would facilitate smoother collaboration with federal agencies and ministries, ensuring that Anambra South receives its fair share of national development initiatives.

    Furthermore, his consistent party membership reflects a stability of character and conviction that is essential for effective representation. Unlike political opportunists who switch allegiances based on convenience, Okwuosa offers a predictable and principled approach to governance that voters can rely on.

    Perhaps Okwuosa’s most significant advantage in the senatorial race is his authentic connection with the grassroots. Unlike politicians who only appear in communities during election seasons, Okwuosa has maintained a consistent presence among the people, understanding their challenges, celebrating their successes, and advocating for their interests.

    This connection is evident in the extensive network of supporters he has cultivated across Anambra South. From traditional leaders to market women, youth groups to professional associations, Okwuosa enjoys widespread support that cuts across demographic and social lines. This following is not based on monetary inducements or empty promises but on a track record of genuine service and empathy.

    His approach to community engagement has always been inclusive and respectful. He listens to the concerns of constituents, values their input, and incorporates their perspectives into his vision for development. This participatory approach has created a sense of ownership among his supporters, transforming them from passive voters into active stakeholders in his political journey.

    The breadth and depth of his grassroots support give him a significant electoral advantage over potential opponents. While others might rely on financial muscle or external influence, Okwuosa’s campaign is powered by the authentic voices of the people he seeks to represent – a force that has repeatedly proven more powerful than money or connections in Nigerian politics.

    Okwuosa’s aspiration is not merely about securing political office; it represents a comprehensive vision for transforming Anambra South into a model of development and prosperity. His agenda focuses on addressing the core challenges facing the region while leveraging its unique strengths and opportunities.

    His legislative priorities include attracting federal infrastructure projects to improve connectivity and stimulate economic growth, advocating for policies that support small and medium enterprises which form the backbone of the local economy, and securing investments in education and healthcare to enhance human capital development.

    He also plans to champion environmental protection initiatives, particularly addressing erosion which has devastated many communities in Anambra South, and promoting sustainable agricultural practices to ensure food security and create rural employment opportunities.

    As the electorate of Anambra South evaluates their options for senatorial representation, Azuka Okwuosa emerges as the candidate who offers the most comprehensive package of experience, integrity, connection, and vision. His trajectory from Local Government Chairman to commissioner has equipped him with the administrative knowledge essential for effective representation. His loyalty to the APC provides strategic advantages for accessing federal resources and influence. His grassroots connection ensures that he truly understands and represents the interests of his constituents.

    In a political environment often characterized by unfulfilled promises and disappointing representation, Okwuosa offers a refreshing alternative – a candidate with a proven track record of performance, a demonstrated commitment to service, and an authentic connection with the people. For Anambra South, the choice is clear: Azuka Okwuosa represents the best path to effective representation and transformative development.

  • Tinubu at 73: A President’s Selfless Reflection

    Tinubu at 73: A President’s Selfless Reflection

    For the fourth consecutive year, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu chose to forego the usual fanfare that typically accompanies his birthday, instead opting for a solemn observance centered around prayers and national reflection. As he turned 73, the President’s decision to mark this milestone with special prayers at the National Mosque in Abuja was a continuation of his deeply ingrained commitment to Nigeria’s collective well-being over personal celebrations.

    The annual Bola Tinubu Colloquium, once a hallmark of his birthday celebrations, was last held in 2021. Since then, pressing national concerns repeatedly compelled the President to set aside personal traditions in favour of actions that underscore his empathy for the plight of Nigerians. The first indication of this shift came in 2022, when Tinubu abruptly cancelled the 13th edition of the colloquium in response to the tragic Abuja-Kaduna train attack. In his own words, he could not, in good conscience, celebrate while fellow Nigerians were mourning.

    That moment set a precedence that has since defined his approach to commemorating his birthday. In 2023, then-President-elect Tinubu again eschewed festivities, choosing instead to observe his birthday with prayers, mindful of the economic and security challenges facing the country. By 2024, fully immersed in the responsibilities of the presidency, he continued this pattern, redirecting attention from personal accolades to national supplication.

    This year, his birthday coincided with the conclusion of Ramadan and the subsequent Eid-el-Fitr celebrations, a time traditionally spent in Lagos, his political and personal stronghold. However, President Tinubu, fully aware of the inevitable outpouring of goodwill and celebration that Lagosians would extend to him, deliberately decided to remain in Abuja. His rationale was simple yet profound: the nation’s current reality demanded sobriety and prayers, not extravagant merriment.

    Beyond the symbolism of self-sacrifice, Tinubu’s decision spoke volumes about his leadership ethos. He has consistently demonstrated that his commitment to Nigeria transcends personal rituals and traditions. As President, his focus has been on economic revitalization, national unity, and ensuring that Nigerians see tangible improvements in their daily lives. This latest decision aligned seamlessly with his broader vision of a Nigeria where leadership was about service and self-denial for the greater good.

    The significance of Tinubu’s choice cannot be overstated. In an era where political leaders often embrace grandiose birthday celebrations, he stood out by making a statement of humility and national solidarity. His decision to dedicate the day to prayers for Nigeria’s peace, progress, and prosperity reflects his deep understanding of the country’s needs and his unwavering belief in divine intervention for national healing.

    Critics might have argued that birthdays are personal and should not bear the weight of national issues, but Tinubu’s actions suggests otherwise. For him, leadership is about setting an example. His conscious decision to put Nigeria’s challenges at the forefront—even on a day that could have been about personal joy—reinforces his credibility as a leader who prioritizes the people’s welfare above all else.

    Read Also: First Lady urges empathy, unity at Eid-el-Fitr

    This year’s birthday prayers were not just about personal gratitude; they were a call to all Nigerians to come together in prayer and collective introspection. Tinubu has consistently urged citizens to pray for national unity, healing, and guidance. He understands that beyond policy frameworks and economic strategies, the spiritual resilience of a nation plays a crucial role in its growth and stability.

    The decision to forgo celebrations also has deeper roots in Tinubu’s personal philosophy. Throughout his political career, he has shown an inclination toward pragmatism and sacrifice. His tenure as Lagos State governor between 1999 and 2007 saw a relentless push for reforms that often required tough choices. This same willingness to put the country ahead of personal gains has continued into his presidency.

    His leadership style, marked by a results-driven approach, has always been about long-term gains rather than immediate gratification. His economic policies and infrastructural initiatives bear testimony to this, as he remains committed to making difficult yet necessary reforms. The choice to mark his 73rd birthday with prayers rather than festivities is simply an extension of this ideology.

    Nigeria’s current economic and security landscape also provide a backdrop to Tinubu’s decision. The nation continues to grapple with inflation, unemployment, and insecurity in some regions. While his administration has rolled out various initiatives to address these concerns, Tinubu understands that healing a nation is both a political and a spiritual process. By dedicating his birthday to prayers, he underscored the importance of unity, patience, and faith in the country’s collective journey toward progress.

    Moreover, Tinubu’s decision was a message to other political leaders. It was a call for more selflessness and a reminder that true leadership requires sacrifices. In a political climate where many still cling to ostentation, Tinubu’s choice to remain understated on his birthday was a quiet yet powerful statement about the kind of governance Nigeria needs.

    His move also resonated with many ordinary Nigerians, who saw it as a reflection of shared struggles. Many citizens are themselves facing economic hardships and uncertainties. By aligning himself with their reality, Tinubu reinforced the perception that he is not detached from the challenges of everyday Nigerians.

    As Nigerians reflect on this gesture, it serves as an opportunity for collective contemplation on the values of selflessness and national unity. Tinubu’s leadership philosophy is clear: Nigeria first, always. And in this moment of prayer and solemnity, his message to Nigerians is equally clear—hope, resilience, and faith would pave the way for a stronger nation.

    Looking ahead, Tinubu’s decision to prioritize national healing over personal celebration sets a tone for his administration. It indicates that for him, leadership is about setting priorities right, making difficult choices, and leading by example. As he moves into the next phase of his presidency, Nigerians can expect more of such symbolic, yet profound gestures that reinforce his commitment to their well-being.

    At 73, Tinubu remaines as committed as ever to Nigeria’s progress. His journey from a political strategist to the highest office in the land has been marked by unwavering dedication and an unrelenting focus on national development. His choice to once again skip elaborate birthday festivities was a testament to his understanding that true leadership is about serving others—even on days that could otherwise have been about oneself.

    For Nigerians, this act of humility and devotion is not just about Tinubu—it is about the nation as a whole. It is a reminder that in times of challenges, the greatest gift a leader can give is not a display of wealth or power, but a commitment to unity, progress, and the collective good. As Tinubu turns 73, he reinforces the idea that leadership, at its core, is about service—and that principle, more than any grand celebration, will define his legacy.

    In a week that marked his birthday, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu maintained a busy schedule, balancing governance with personal reflection. Choosing to commemorate his birthday in solemn prayers and supplications for the nation, he demonstrated his unwavering commitment to Nigeria’s progress. Yet, beyond the quiet moments of reflection, the President engaged in a flurry of activities that underscored his dedication to national unity, diplomacy, and development.

    The President’s week began on a somber note as he extended condolences to the Governor of Katsina State, Dr. Dikko Umaru Radda, on the passing of his 93-year-old mother. Tinubu’s empathy was again evident when he mourned the loss of Ebunoluwa Esther Ojelabi, wife of Lagos APC chairman, Pastor Cornelius Ojelabi, and later, the untimely death of Bisola Kola-Daisi, daughter of former Oyo State Governor Abiola Ajimobi. These gestures reinforced his deep connection with Nigerians in times of grief.

    Amid the solemnity, Tinubu found cause for celebration as he felicitated with notable Nigerians, including former Deputy Speaker and Imo State Governor Emeka Ihedioha, Fuji music icon Adewale Ayuba, and the Elerinmo of Erinmo Ijesa, Oba Michael Odunayo Ajayi, on their birthdays. His recognition of these individuals highlighted his appreciation for leadership, culture, and traditional institutions in national development.

    On the governance front, President Tinubu made key appointments to strengthen various institutions. He approved new governing councils and principal officers for the Federal University of Technology, Iyin Ekiti, and Federal University of Health Sciences, Otukpo. He also bolstered the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB) with four new appointments and appointed leaders to the River Basin Development Authorities. His commitment to institutional efficiency continued with appointments to 23 federal agencies, including the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) and the National Automotive Development Council.

    Sports and youth development were not left out, as Tinubu ignited the Torch of Unity to commence the countdown to the National Sports Festival, reaffirming his administration’s commitment to sports as a vehicle for national cohesion.

    The pinnacle of the week’s engagements was his diplomatic meeting with Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama. As Chairman of ECOWAS, Tinubu emphasized the importance of dialogue in resolving tensions with Sahelian nations Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. His discussion with Mahama underscored ECOWAS’ commitment to regional stability, economic cooperation, and security—a significant step towards fostering unity within West Africa.

    Rounding off the week, the President ordered a manhunt for the killers of hunters in Edo State, showcasing his resolve to combat insecurity.

    From solemn prayers to pivotal diplomatic talks, Tinubu’s week reflected his unwavering dedication to governance, regional peace, and national unity.

    It is a new week and we all have our expectations, we just need to hold our horses till the next move is made.

  • Professor Diji Aina On Factionalism, Economic Parasitism And State Fragility (2)

    Professor Diji Aina On Factionalism, Economic Parasitism And State Fragility (2)

    For the humanistic scholar and thinker, man is the be-all and end-all of existence. Only that which is material, that which can be seen, heard, touched, tasted, smelled and felt is real. The spiritual is thus mere fantasy and thus no more than the creation of the fertility of the human imagination. This is perhaps what Marxists mean when they describe consciousness as a creation and reflection of matter and not vice-versa. Of course, not all radical academics are of the humanistic philosophical persuasion. Thus, the late Marxist political scientist, Professor Aaron Gana, for instance, started his Convocation lecture at the University of Jos with the famous declaration, “Let me start this lecture with two apologies. One is that because I am a “Jesus person” I am giving this lecture in Jesus name (Amen). My apology here is to those who might be offended by this declaration”. In giving this apology, Professor Gana obviously had in mind not only those who were not of a Christian religious persuasion but even more so those who are of a humanistic, materialistic, disposition particularly in an academic environment.

    Many humanistic thinkers reject the notion that man is essentially and fundamentally flawed as a result of sin and thus hopelessly and helplessly in need of a savior and redeemer to reconcile him to God and salvage him from an innate disposition to evil leading to eternal damnation. ‘I am the captain of my soul and the master of my destiny’ is the enduring credo of the humanistic ideologue. For him, man is a perfect creation with no spiritual flaws. If so, however, how then do we explain the evil we can see all around us transcending social classes, levels of educational attainment, socio-economic status as well as across all categorizations of nations – developing, underdeveloped or developed?

    The humanist has no answer to the problem of prevalent and persistent evil in human nature and society. Is it any wonder then that such humanist ‘saviours’ of man as Lenin, Stalin or Mao Tse Tung, for example, did not flinch from slaughtering large numbers of people in striving to salvage society and promote what they perceive as the common good of mankind in their respective societies even though the means towards the achievement of their goals were manifestly evil?

    Like Professor Gana, Professor Diji Aina comes across in his inaugural lecture under focus here as essentially a ‘Jesus person’. Thus, for him, factionalism has its roots in the inherent spiritually flawed nature of man that predisposes the individual to pervasive selfishness and self-centeredness thus fostering negative and dysfunctional factionalism across diverse sectors of society.

    Read Also: Professor Diji Aina on factionalism, economic parasitism and state fragility (1)

    As he put it, “The implication of the foregoing is that factionalism is the outward manifestation of a sinful (rebellious) heart, covetousness and of fallen humanity…In the biblical context, factions are outcomes of rebellious acts and are often created via subtle persuasion to upturn natural order and events. In Genesis 3:1-6, the serpent, portrayed as “more crafty than man” asked, “Did God really say you must not eat from any tree in the garden?” From this spiritual analytic paradigm, Professor Aina concludes that “The moral lesson here is that it is only by allowing the indwelling Holy Spirit that we can have eternal peace, one that propels cooperative rather than degenerative spirit that results in factions and its attendant consequences of conflict and violence”.

    After a detailed and exhaustive excursion into the manifestations of factionalism in Nigeria right from the colonial era through to the first, second, aborted third and now fourth Republic, Professor Aina posits that “It was not until the advent of crude oil as a major, national, income-earning source that the personal lust over state resources became so evident. Hitherto, it had been shrouded in a regional, economic interest-driven struggle for the political soul of the nation”.

    It is instructive in this regard that in the first republic, the most progressive, rapidly modernizing and prosperous part of the country, the Western Region, was the most affected by a fierce destructive factionalism within the ruling party, the Action Group, that split the party down the middle, fostered the massive rigging of regional elections, degenerated into widespread anarchic violence that ultimately resulted in the January, 1966 coup and the collapse of democratic rule only six years after independence.

    Although the military was initially welcomed by large sections of the populace as a redeeming political Messiah which intervened to save the country from the misrule and venality of the politicians, it took little time before the intervening military itself became the victims of divisive organizational factionalism that deepened ethno-regional mistrust, bred widespread instability and severely threatened the country’s cohesion and continued existence. As Professor Aina pungently and lucidly put it, “Resources accruable from crude oil are largely administered by those who are located outside the terrain of crude oil exploitation thereby creating factions and struggle for control. This resulted in separatist agitations, which eventually led to recurring military coups and transition governments in what Oyediran and others documented as “Transition Without End”.

    Professor Aina continues by depicting the linkage among militarism, crude oil, economic parasitism of the elite and state fragility. In his words, “Military insurgency and counter-insurgency took the odious dimension, not only truncating the development of civilian rule but the destruction of the socio-political and economic fabric of the nation. Corruption became ubiquitous, evil and malignant. Even the clergy that once served as distant echo of “voice of reason” got engulfed in the greasing of palms and monetary inducement to gain public endorsement…Nigeria is evidently at crossroads. As I have documented in a number of publications, and as many other scholars have confirmed, the factions have multiplied, metamorphosed and transmogrified becoming malignant and inimical to national progress. They have left in their wake multifaceted fragmentations that have resulted in over one million people killed in just 30 months of a civil war and scores of other people most recently in the Niger-Delta insurgency and an international terror-induced hydra-headed insurgency known as Boko Haram”.

    The lecturer documents the pervasive and persistent factionalization of political parties and groups in the current fourth republic since 1999, the deepening of corrupt elite enrichment through access to state power, rampant political vagrancy of the polite elite from one party to the other in desperate quest for platforms to contest for public office with scant regard for fidelity to party ideology, philosophy or principles. Just as intra-party factionalism was partly responsible for the loss of the PDP’s control of power at the centre to the emergent APC in 2015, no sooner had the new party assumed office than it became bogged down with fragmentation and factionalism leading not only to organizational immobility but also competing cabals in government resulting in state paralysis on diverse fronts.

    According to the author, “Assessing the new ruling party, (APC), as more or less a replica of the former ruling party (PDP), Schineider (2015), dubbed the APC as “an opportunistic coalition of interests.” In  the scenario that ended the seventh assembly, “cross carpeting”, which was the buzzword of of the politics of the 1960s was replaced with “defection”. All it took to decamp or defect in Nigeria’s puerile political ecology was to feel shortchanged in the sharing of the national cake at any point time”. As the countdown to next year’s elections continues, the political elite in control of state power persist in behaving like economic vampires, sucking the resources that should be the lifeblood of providing for the wellbeing of the generality of the people, and rendering the state even more fragile as manifested by corrupt management, pervasive criminality, kidnapping, banditry, rape, incompetent economic management and the contestation of the very sovereignty of the state by criminal gangs and terroristic elements.

    Even then, with the evidently increasing autonomy of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the intensification of the utilization of technology to enhance the credibility and transparency of the electoral process, the electorate may increasingly begin to more effectively utilize the power of the ballot to effect positive change in the efficacy and quality of governance in the country.

    Although Professor Aina proposes no less than ten recommendations to deal with and minimize the dysfunctional effects of degenerative factionalism in society, I will conclude by citing only one of this because it brings us right back to the spiritual underpinning of his lecture, with which we began the second part of this review. In his words, “The political society should be re-oriented towards cooperative and competitive rather than degenerative factionalism. This can be achieved if there is a deliberate effort/program towards minimizing crass materialism in the national psyche of the citizenry, using the East Asian “tiger” and Scandinavian countries’ experiences as benchmarks. I call for a return to primitive godliness, a lifestyle that aligns with the biblical aphorism “righteousness exalts a nation, sin is a reproach”. Factionalism is rooted in self and sin”.    

    • First published on February 4, 2023