The Nation Newspaper

Category: Columnists

  • Friends of Ripples

    Friends of Ripples

    December 2024 was exciting, very exciting — for both news and column writing.

    Kemi Badenoch, the British Tory Opposition Leader, who Sam Omatseye promptly re-named “Oyinbokemi”, was running her mouth to her heart’s content.

    Her native Nigeria was a dystopia beyond redemption.  Her new-found heaven, Britain, even with clear centuries of empire crimes, was a utopia without reproach. 

    Badenoch!  Ever saw an over-zealous neophyte, with a knocked silly psyche — so mixed-up she pissed on her heritage but felt hip, so long as her beloved, right-wing Brits cheered?  Oyinbokemi indeed!

    Teasy Vice President Kashim Shettima nettled Badnoch to junk her Nigerian — not Yoruba — name, but the hyper-educated Mrs. Badnoch unravelled in full emptiness: she was Yoruba, she wailed; and the Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, et al, of the “North” (where Shettima belonged) were her ancestral foes! 

    Who told her so?  The Yoruba Omoluabi ethos, of live and let live?  Or parental poison, buried deep in her child’s soul, now nurtured into a cross-racial gargoyle of self-hate?

    Did you ever see a hyper-educated woman manifest the basest of Plato’s allegory of the cave: that pit-black ignorance, before the naked lamp, then electricity, and finally glorious and dizzying sunlight, tore you from sweet dimness?

    Well, nature abhors a vacuum.  As Badenoch was throwing Nigeria under the bus, two other Brits — and both ethnic Yoruba — gave it a prime sheen, which politics could not.

    Ademola Lookman, 2024 African Footballer of the Year, heralded his win, in Morocco, with a greeting in Yoruba, to the distinguished gathering: “E kaale Nigeria, mo nki gbogbo yin, e se, mo dupe …”

    Mola’s accent was rather quaint. But it was quaint Yoruba that hugged all, repulsed none; which global TV beamed: “Good evening, Nigeria.  I greet you all. Thank you …”

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    It was Shettima’s cheeky challenge come again to haunt — and taunt — Kemi. She self-devalued as no more than a garnished Sunday Igboho — who must hate the Fulani to prove his Yoruba love. Lookman is the quintessential opposite: no need to hate to prove love!

    Every patriot latched onto that loving crow for motherland, in that moment of pan-Nigerian glory! 

    And before “Detty December” exited — that growing global tourism foray into Lagos, Nigeria — guess who fervently knocked, with high praise and love? Anthony Joshua!

    Crest or dale in his world heavyweight boxing odyssey, AJ aka “Sagamu boy”, had always identified with his roots, warts and all. 

    So, when he visited Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) boss, Abike Dabiri-Erewa and hubby, in their Lagos home, it was the Badenoch rebuke, all over again.  The original battle was drawn over Badenoch’s chill towards NIDCOM’s warmth.

    Still, don’t be too hard on Mrs. Badenoch. She has chosen her path — and she’ll float or sink by it. It galls because her cross-racial opportunism courts cheap political gains.

    Yet, Peter Obi manifests no less rank opportunism here — and his own forte is playing (and preying) on faith and ethnic — nay, clannish — divides, as emotive magnet.

    He’s not about to depart that pious cynicism. He knows no other way to sate his zombie Obidient base!

    But that high cynicism, without or within, which Badenoch and Obi epitomize, set the vacationing Ripples thinking of his column friends — across Nigeria’s geo-political zones, tongues and faiths.

    Indeed, all the Badenoch fireworks caught me in the Ilorin home of one of such elderly friends, Uncle Ray Yusuf, a retired NTA broadcaster of the purest crust. 

    But he’s only few of these friends that Ripples ever met — with Uncle Saliu Ojibara, an Ilorin native and chartered accountant of high repute. He is ex-NTA too.

    In his teenage years, he was a celebrated master-dribbler in the Lagos of mid-1960s and mid-1970s.  He was nicknamed “Stanley Matthews”, for his audacious ball skills.

    He rubbed shoulders with the great Haruna Ilerika (of blessed memory), as they set Lagos communal pitches on fire, with exciting  “felele” challenge football!  Uncle Ojii would buy The Nation, every Tuesday, only when Ripples is at work, not when on leave!

    Most other friends, Ripples has not met — and perhaps will never meet.  Yet, no week passes without each getting in touch, to share ideas on how to better Nigeria.

    Madam Pet Mmonu saw the Civil War (1967-1970), in Enugu, as a sub-teenage girl. So, she cringes from the neo-Biafra hot heads that crave blood and gore. Every Tuesday, after reading Republican Ripples, her abiding passion: how do we fix Nigeria?

    Col. Azubike Nass (retd) knows no clannish thinking. He applies his forensic mind to fixing Nigeria.  We met on this page — but have never seen.

    Prof. Ikenna Onyido, quintessential scientist, scholar and former vice-chancellor, calls me son. I call him dad. The one is Igbo. The other is Yoruba.  But that bond is so pure, so strong, it won’t ever end as Okonkwo, in Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, killing Ikemefuna that called him father!  Such trust!  We met here!

    Elder Frank Ede left Delta, for Lagos, to present me three copies of his friend, Engr. Alex Neyin’s autobiography: one for Tatalo Alamu; one for Sam Omatseye; one for Ripples.  The magnet was again this column.

    Years earlier, Igwe Pius Ojonile Omachonu had despatched two of his books, for my reading pleasure; and from time to time, we cut and thrust, on WhatsApp, over the Nigerian question!  We’ve never met!

    Can I ever forget Boluwaji Faseyi, the Akure-based youth who dots upon Ripples’ weekly offerings that he’s more or less virtual family, though we’d never met?  Or Habibu Aminu Lawan, the teacher-broadcaster from Kano, who relates as if he’s kith-and-kin?

    These networks beggar Badenoch’s the-North-is-Yoruba-enemy cave mindset!

    But back to Uncle Ray.  In his Ilorin home, a pan-Nigerian family is solving a pan-Nigerian challenge: playing foster-parents to Henry, a Christian teen from Biridaji village, Kebbi State.

    The Yusufs — the patriarch, a Muslim; the matriarch, a Catholic, living happily ever-after! — are a loving rebuke to those who would war over faith and creed.

    Now, a Catholic network, looking out for vulnerable youth — from faith fundamentalism and sundry violence — plants them in safe Catholic homes, away from harm.  He, to help with house chores.  They, to send him to school; or make him learn a trade.

    That was how Henry — I call him King Henry for his winsome smiles and comely ways — ended up with the Yusufs. 

    Again, a pleasant irony: even if Henry was fleeing from faith tension, he has found peace, joy and comfort, with his future assured, in a faith-tolerant home!

    Here, these folks aren’t pointing fingers.  Or like Badenoch and Obi, scavenging for carcasses to foul the air. 

    They, instead, hanker down to dismantle as many challenges as they can, in their quiet homes — and they don’t even squeak about these breakthroughs.

    Committed Nigerians will solve the problems of Nigeria.  Political charlatans — home and abroad — will get what’s coming their way. 

    So, let Oyinbokemi, leaky mouth, et al, stick with her morbid fixation with Nigeria. Those are ripening seeds of her political self-destruction. But she’s too doomed to know.

    Happy new year!

    All too soon, rest is over and it’s time for work.  Happy new year, folks!

  • Trump’s return and beauty of American democracy

    Trump’s return and beauty of American democracy

    As President Joe Biden, the 46th American president bowed out yesterday after 52 years of service to the nation he passionately served as a parliamentarian and president and Trump took over as the most powerful leader in the world in a seamless transition, devoid of the uneasiness and anxiety that heralded his first coming, it was the beauty of the American system that was in display.

    Trump’s landslide victory over both Biden and Harris is but once again a confirmation that all politics is local. No matter how much Trump is derided by the rest of the world over what was considered his infantile behaviour, character deficit and right-wing world view, it is the Americans who wear the shoe that know where it pinches.

    And lastly, the unexpected outcome of the American presidential election also once again confirmed the major weaknesses of the democratization process -free and fair election the hallmark of participatory democracy which is capable of throwing up anyone.

    Biden had exploited what has turned out to be unfounded fears about Trump’s threat to democracy and the battle against Trumpism a “fight for the soul of the nation” to cruise into power in 2020. First, in order to rescind some of the Trump policies, Biden on his first day in office, issued executive orders that took back the US into the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, cancelled the US withdrawal from the World Health Organisation and a number of other executive orders in the areas of immigration, health care and environment.

    In spite of the control of the presidency and both houses of Congress by the president’s party, after the 2020 mid-term election, three significant pieces of voting rights and electoral-reform legislations, including the For the People Act, passed by the House in March 2021; the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, passed by the House in August; and the Freedom to Vote Act, introduced in the Senate in September. (The first two bills were later versions of legislation passed by the House in 2019) were all blocked in the Senate by Republican filibusters, which could be overcome only with the support of at least 60 senators.

    Finally, believing he, and his party knew what the people wanted without asking them, Biden became a victim of his own hubris.  On December 13, 2022, Biden signed into law the “Respect for Marriage Act which   formally repealed the federal Defence of Marriage Act (1996) which had defined marriage as a legal union between one man and one woman and had permitted states to refuse to recognize same-sex marriage performed in other states.

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    Biden had earlier alienated the power American Pentecostals who supported Trump by appointing Pete Buttigieg, a gay as U.S. Secretary of Transportation. Biden also went on to sign an LGBTQ executive order which advanced equality on June 15, 2022.

    Of course, the unexpected outstanding performance of Biden and his Democratic Party in American last mid-term election was American women’s show of gratitude to the president and his party’s crusade over women’s right to control their bodies But their dismal performance in the last November election was American women’s rejection of the notion that institutions of state manned by individuals who have no children can decide for parents how best to groom their children. If there are American adults who today exhibit evidence of maladjustment as a result of challenges of growing up, parents don’t want confused state officials to tell their five year old boys and girls about their right to change their sex.

    Biden, a veteran of foreign relations having served as Foreign Relations Committee chair twice (2001–03; 2007–09), was no less haunted by his mishandling of foreign issues with domestic issues content by failing to rise to the occasion as the leader of the world. His unconditional support for Jonathan Netanyahu was to set him up against moderate democrats, students, first time voters and American Arab voters and the rest of other world leaders that had expected him to use his moral voice to provide leadership for the world in disarray.

    But then Biden could not give what he did not have.  He instead on October 2023 secured Congress aid package $15 billion in additional military assistance for Israel in its war against Hamas. It was true Hamas started the war with the unprovoked killing of 1,200 Israeli civilians and soldiers. But informed members of the international community understood the act was out of frustration by Palestinians after over 50 years of Israel’s occupation, scores of rejected UN resolutions with tacit support of the US.

    Israeli response in form of massive invasion and destruction of a ‘caged’ Gaza resulted in the death of over 45,000 Palestinians mainly innocent children and women.

    Israel’s indiscriminate bombing of schools, hospitals and mosques, blockade preventing water, food, medicine, electricity, and fuel from entering the territory, was declared disproportionate response by the Pope, genocide by the United Nations and the rest of the world leading to issuing of warrant of arrest of Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, his former defence minister ‘for crime against humanity and war crimes committed from at least October 8 2023 until at least May 20 2024”.

    Biden, a Catholic who takes Holy Communion every day and the only man with leverage on Netanyahu kept insisting Israel has the right to defend herself.

    And finally, Trump’s triumph was one more evidence of the major weaknesses of democracy-free and fair election the hallmark of participatory democracy which often involve group bargaining. Democracy is capable of throwing up anyone including, outright idiots who do not know their right from their left  or even those who have no faith in democracy at the expense of those who have faithfully served their nation in the military, bureaucracy and parliament such as John McCain in 2008, Hillary Clinton 2016 and Biden and Harris 2024.

    In fact, the apprehension of most enlightened Americans during Trump’s first coming was the parallel between Trump, his rhetoric and Adolf Hitler. Like Hitler and most far right politicians, Trump had blamed economic and social crises in America on outsiders. And sounding like Hitler before the Jewish final solution, he had said ‘we have problem in this country. It is called Muslims; we know our current president is one, he is not an American”…”They have training camps where they want to kill us; we want to take our country back”. He blamed China for America’s economic woes and the menace of drug and unemployment on Brazil.

    Like Hitler, Trump does not believe in political parties. Just as Hitler used Nazism as springboard to take over power, only to later destroy the leadership of the party as well as the party’s values before taking upon the world as a dictatorship responsible for the death of over 11 million people, six million of them from Israel, Trump hijacked the Republican Party to secure the party’s presidential ticket. Like Hitler, he went on to assault the core values and the soul of the Republican Party. And just like what Hitler did to his party leading members, Trump had humiliated leading light of the GOP before the far-right Republicans, particularly members of the Trump-led MAGA movement, who generally supported Russian President Vladimir Putin and Viktor Orbán, the authoritarian leader of Hungary took over.

    Trump was against the Fourteenth Amendment which confers citizenship on all children born in America and threatened to deport all such children. Worried Americans back then could not but see the parallel between this and Hitler’s ‘bastardisation’ policy which considered children born in Germany but of non-German parents inferior and could not be given citizenship because citizenship was by blood of the Aryan race.

    Trump neither believes in free press or shares the sentiments of Thomas Jefferson, the American founding father and the principal author of American declaration of independence (1776) that “were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter”. Today Trump has undermined confidence in the free press, creating his own alternative reality through lies propagated by Fox news and other platforms that supported him.

    Trump’s ‘I am the only one who can fix America’ is not markedly different from Hitler’s delusion that he was ordained to protect the Aryan race.

    But Trump’s 2020 defeat despite his failed insurrection and his return to the White House yesterday after four years in the political wilderness speaks to the resilience of the American system. It shows the American system has an in-built mechanism to prevent any America from taking a precipitate action which poses danger to American democracy.

  • Southwest politics

    Southwest politics

    Two episodes last week show how politics in the Southwest sets it apart from other parts of the country. They are the ouster of the Lagos State House of Assembly Speaker, Mudashiru Obasa, and the enthronement of the new Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Owoade.

    Both incidents happened without incident before they looked like an accident to the losers after they fell flat. Then the defeated with broken jaw and mouth agape wondered at their lack of vigilance, or naivety. They are like the goal keeper who did not see the suave swerves of Haruna Ilerika until he put the ball in Yakubu Mambo’s feet and the ball was behind the net.

    In Lagos, Obasa was in the United States but he was beheaded in Nigeria. In Abiola’s favorite proverb, they shaved his head in his absence. He did not know he was bleeding until they told him his head was off. When Romulus Augustulus, Roman Empire’s last king was told that Rome had fallen, he said. “I just fed it a few minutes ago.” He named his peacock Rome and he thought they were referring to the bird, not his fallen state.

    In Nigeria, it was Monday. In the US, it was Sunday when Obasa’s calabash broke. He was defeated not only by his fellow lawmakers but also by time. Technically, if he was impeached on Monday, it was Sunday in the US. He was still speaker. That is the illusion of time. Once he stepped across time zone, he had stepped into zero. The reality was that he was speaker no more.

    Thirty-two lawmakers had converged on the assembly. No headlines about a plot. No claims or counter-claims about the hubris of the man who kept a governor in the lurch for hours just because he wanted to submit a budget, or a superlative claim about being better than anyone, including his godfather. No newspaper bullies or street protests. No omens. Just an amen at the end. Within five minutes, the men and women came together, wielded the sword and lopped off the man who had been the Capo or, shall we say, capstone of the House. It was the intrigue of silence, or the silence of intrigue, at least something of each. We can call it a ritual of violence minus the blood, or a bloodless coup. The impeachment came on the sly. We can call it a sly slam.

    The same applies in the fight for the revered throne of Oyo. Oyo goes way back in that sort of theatre. It invokes some of the 19th century battles on that throne and the ferment of the Yoruba Wars. It had palace intrigues, egoism of a powerful man, the collision of altars between temporal and spiritual forces, as well as the intrusion of the north and its faith. There was the Oyo Mesi, just like the days of Bashorun Gaa, or the 1840 Battle of Oshogbo when the horsepower of an invading army fell to the spies and wiles of a Yoruba resurgence. In today’s case, there were stories of Islamic evangelists on a spree in Oyo. There was the corrupting power of money, or an allegation of it. There was not much money in those days, but the influence was as potent as money. As Oscar Wilde asserted, “all influence is corrupt.”

    Of course, Governor Seyi Makinde was at work, under the shadows. The others, including the Oyo Mesi thought they had it wrapped up. Until they were wrapped up. Now, the governor speaks of EFCC. Of course, Prof. Wande Abimbola played the role of the mystic and power. It is moot point whether it is the triumph of the spiritual over temporal, especially since the Bourdillon Constitution and house of chiefs. The traditional authority has been subordinated to the political.

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    Oba Owoade has mounted the throne, and the others are just waking up to the faecal dust of their humiliation. The Oyo story recalls the opening chapter of Charles Dickens’ A tale of Two Cities set in the turmoil of the French Revolution. “There was a king with a large jaw and a queen with a plain face, on the throne of England; there was a king with a large jaw and a queen with a fair face on the throne of France…Spiritual revelations were conceded to England at that favoured period…”

    In this case, spiritual revelations favoured Owoade through the ifa to the Governor. Prof. Abimbola said the Oyo Mesi has affirmed the inviolable verdict of the gods. Go figure.

    That is a picture of Southwest politics. In Lagos and Oyo, it was politics as clinical acts. The victims had fallen flat before realizing they were no longer on their feet.  The acts were fait accompli before the opponents knew their fates. It was politics without noise, or politics to defer the noise. It has voice but articulated in whispers. The winner claims the crown before acclamation. It is a politics without boast but it is a defeat of bluster.

    This is a contrast to what we see in other parts. For instance, the battle between Sim Fubara and Nyesom Wike takes place on the rooftop. Everyone has a ringside seat, popcorn and drinks in generous supply. Each side knows the other side’s strategy. It’s a battle of press releases, of interviews, of jaw-jaws and war-war, and claims and blusters. The dirty linen is so dirty, everyone ogles the pig fight. There is no courtesy, no party, no hugs, no drinks or cheers, no public laughter together. It is what the Yoruba call Ija igboro. Someone calls it mutually assured destruction.

    We are seeing it in the north as well, like the agonized outcry of Emir Sanusi, who said “I don’t want to help this government.” He gloated that he would watch the movie as the government “stews.” The only conciliating thing he said was that the government measures were “a necessary consequence of decades of irresponsible economic management.” But it was by no means said in a tone of praise. He was trying to echo his own support, without saying it, for the collapsing of the foreign exchange regimes and removal of fuel subsidies that he had advocated for about a decade now. He relented later by trying to unsay what everyone heard. He said critics took a paragraph out of context. But all he said is not more than a paragraph. He was apologizing without remorse.

    We are also seeing the battle of the throne in Kano, between him and Ado Bayero, and it is no more than an open brawl. It is a battle of a big throne and a small throne, with two big egos with atavistic bloodlust. Unlike the Dickensian tale, they are not in two countries but only in one kingdom: Kano. Someone calls it mutually assured destruction.

    It was the same case with some noisemakers about the tax bill, who said they did not read it, and would not read it. Now, they are backtracking. They read the document after speaking, and they realise that communication is better than noisy and extravagant poses.

    The Yoruba style comes out of the concept of Omoluabi or what the Greeks call paideia. It enjoins respect for the elderly, restraint of temperament, kindness to strangers and, in a grievance, dialogue first even if you know your case is just. When all fail, look for the target of opportunity. Patience is virtue. Babatunde Raji Fashola (SAN) said, “anger is  not a strategy.” Yorubas often shy from foul language or rhetoric of the frustrated. Ambush is better than open fight. The noisy rabble rousers of the tribe are the distractions the real power brokers need to go for the real McCoy.

    This is why Yoruba history intrigues. Sometimes they can be misunderstood when they say a thing, and the uninitiated would not understand they are saying something else. When Awolowo asserted during the Nigerian crisis that if the East is allowed to go, the West would as well, Ojukwu and his men did not understand the nuances of the man. How could the West secede when it had no army of its own. The officer corps of the Nigerian Army was dominated by the East, but the men were from the North and Middle Belt. The northern soldiers had occupied Yorubaland. How could Awolowo, in spite of any grievance, urge rebellion?

    Hence, he engineered a meeting attended by Samuel Mariere, Ojukwu, Aluko and a few others. He tried to tamp down Ojukwu’s rage. If Awo shared secessionist sentiment, it was a goal without wherewithal. He tried to dissuade Ojukwu from war. In Wole Soyinka’s memoirs, You Must set forth at Dawn, he said after the meeting, Ojukwu met Awo in private and said the East was going to war anyway. Awo thanked him for his honesty, but asked Ojukwu for a favour. He should give him a notice before announcing it. Ojukwu didn’t. After he announced, Awo joined the Gowon government, and the war was essentially won by officers from Yorubaland, especially the third Marine Commando. No one knows why Awo asked Ojukwu for that favour. But it is on record that Awo resented northern soldiers in his homeland and asked Gowon to evacuate them. After some resistance, Gowon obliged. History will always have its mysteries.

    Awo acted the methodical Yoruba, privileging result over fuss. When it comes to such clear-eyed battles, they remind one of the words of the notorious colonel in Garcia Marquez’s immortal novel, One Hundred Years of Solitude: “The best friend a person has is the one who has just died.” It is politics in the clinics of a go getter. That is also the temperament of the world’s great powers of history: The United States and Great Britain. Harry Truman said: “If you want a friend in Washington, buy a dog.” Lord Beaverbrook, Churchill’s friend and associate, once said, “a man with a will to power can’t make friends.”

    This is how the Southwest is when it is provoked. But when you play friends, they are friends. It is like Shakespeare’s assertion that “Beware of entrance to a quarrel, but being in, bear it that the opposed may beware of thee.” The Yoruba saying encapsulates it this way: “Iku n’de Dede, Dede n’deku.” Dede is a man. Translation: Dede baits death and death baits him.

    Awo learned it and played it until he himself lost that cunning as he grew old, so his politics did not give him the meaty prize of his ambition. It was not the Awo who won the war, or who spearheaded the cross-carpeting of the First Republic that cost Zik the premier in the Western Region. Awo has passed on the baton.

  • Questions for Kyari

    Questions for Kyari

    There has been understandable excitement, especially in Nigerian government circles, about the reported revival of the state-owned Port Harcourt and Warri oil refineries, which had been inoperative for years.

     In November 2024, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) announced that it had revived the 60,000 barrel-per-day (bpd) Port Harcourt refinery in the Niger Delta. Last month, the company said it had resumed some operations at its 125,000 bpd Warri refinery, also located in the Niger Delta, which was shut down in 2015.  Its Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO), Mele Kyari, said: “This plant is running. We have not completed 100 percent.”

    The country’s oil problems had been partly blamed on the four inactive state-owned refineries with a combined capacity of 445,000 bpd, including the 110,000 bpd Kaduna plant in the north and another one in Port Harcourt with a capacity of 150,000 bpd.

    However, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) put a dampener on the euphoria over the revived refineries, demanding that Kyari should “account for and explain the whereabouts of the alleged missing N825bn and $2.5bn meant for ‘refinery rehabilitation’ and other oil revenues, as documented in the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation.”

    “The Auditor-General fears that the money may be missing,” the group stated. SERAP said the report was published on November 27, 2024. It is unclear why the 2021 annual report was published in 2024. 

    In a letter to Kyari, dated January 4, 2025, SERAP raised these issues and urged him “to identify those suspected to be responsible for the disappeared oil money and hand them over to the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).”

    The list detailing the allegedly missing money is noteworthy. According to the group, the NNPCL “reportedly failed to account for over N82bn meant for ‘refinery rehabilitation and repairs.’ The ‘money was deducted from the sale of Crude Oil and Gas between 2020 and 2021.’

    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N343bn ‘being proceeds from domestic crude sales.’ The ‘money, meant for pipeline maintenance and management costs, was unilaterally deducted from the gross domestic crude sales.’

    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N83bn ‘being miscellaneous income from the NNPC joint venture operations from 2016 to 2020.’ The ‘money was withdrawn from the CBN/NNPC sinking fund account (a suspense account).’

    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N204bn ‘being unjustified deductions from the oil royalties for 2021.’ The ‘money was due to the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) now Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC).’

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    “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N3.7bn ‘being money purportedly paid to a Company as a shortfall on sales of MT cargo of PMS.’”

    Other details: “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N28bn ‘being outstanding bridging allowance from NNPC retail for 2021.’

    “The NNPCL failed to account for over N13.5bn ‘being outstanding bridging allowance claims from three major oil marketers in 2021.’

     “The NNPCL also reportedly failed to account for over N15bn ‘being outstanding revenues from debts owed by twenty-six marketers for 2021.’

    “The NNPCL reportedly failed to account for over $29.6m ‘being outstanding royalties payable to the Department of Petroleum Resources CBN account.’

    “The NNPCL failed to collect over $2bn ‘being outstanding oil royalties from oil companies for 2021,’ and failed to collect over N48bn ‘also being outstanding oil royalties from oil companies.’”

    SERAP said: “The grim allegations by the Auditor-General suggest a grave violation of the public trust and the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, national anti-corruption laws, and the country’s international obligations.”

    The group was reported to have sent copies of the letter to President Bola Tinubu; Chief of Staff to the President Femi Gbajabiamila; Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice Lateef Fagbemi; Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) Chairman Musa Aliyu; Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman Olanipekun Olukoyede; and the Chairpersons of the Public Accounts Committees of both the Senate and the House of Representatives.

    SERAP noted that “Section 15(5) of the Nigerian Constitution 1999 (as amended) requires public institutions to abolish all corrupt practices and abuse of power.” It also observed that the Auditor-General “has for many years documented reports of disappearance of public funds from the NNPC. Nigerians continue to bear the brunt of these missing public funds meant for refinery rehabilitation.”

    Founded in Nigeria in 2004, the non-governmental and non-profit organisation “aims to use human rights law to encourage the government and others to address developmental and human rights challenges such as corruption, poverty, inequality and discrimination.”

    SERAP has drawn attention to weighty matters. This is not only a case of public funds allegedly mismanaged by the NNPCL’s management; it is also about the consequences. The group observed that mismanagement of public funds “has undermined Nigeria’s economic development, trapped the majority of Nigerians in poverty, and deprived them of opportunities.” The excitement about the revived refineries must not distract the anti-corruption agencies from investigating these allegations.

    Interestingly, Kyari boasted that NNPCL’s “transactional account is very transparent which is published on yearly basis,” making it “the only company in Nigeria noted for that and also the highest tax payer in the country as well as highest payer of royalty and dividends to shareholders as a commercial national oil company.”  He said the company remitted N10tn to the federation account as at September, 2024. He painted this impressive picture on January 15 during his presentation on revenue generation and performance by NNPCL in 2024 and projection for 2025 to the National Assembly Joint Committee on Finance, in Abuja. But the picture is out of sync with the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation.

    He was appointed Group Managing Director of the former Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in July 2019. Two years later, in 2021 the NNPC was restructured into a limited liability company. He is the first GCEO of NNPCL. He was the company’s boss in the period covered by the 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation. So, he is expected to provide answers to the questions raised.

    A geologist, in October 2022 he received the Nigerian national honour, Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR), under former president Muhammadu Buhari. At the time, he said the award “brought fulfillment and elevates expectations from my country for more sacrifice.”

    In view of the damaging allegations of corruption against NNPCL, Kyari is expected to not only address the accusations but also clear his name.

  • Soludo and criminal native doctors

    Soludo and criminal native doctors

    It would have been utterly absurd to expect that Governor Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra State will easily wage a decisive war against native doctors either of the genuine or criminal hue. Not with the pervading fear of the touted supernatural and diabolical powers associated with practitioners of that trade. The so-called supernatural or occultic powers of native doctors are enough to frighten the most hardened to contemplate engaging in any fight against them.

    When Soludo braced up for a decisive war against the evil dimensions of that business, he must have fully prepared himself for a risky and daunting engagement. He had during his 2024 Public Service Lecture stirred some controversy when he accused native doctors of helping criminal elements by preparing protective charms for them.

    “Diabolical native doctors are part of the forces aiding and abetting criminality in the state. They encourage and deceive hoodlums by preparing different kinds of protective charms. … Kidnappers are kept in the shrines of some of the native doctors showing that they work-hand-in-hand with the criminals” he had declared. He then vowed to root them out of the confines of the state.

    Soludo’s declaration of war against native doctors though visionary and pragmatic, appeared to have stirred the Hornets’ nest especially from the camps of practitioners of the trade. While it was seen as a difficult but worthwhile crusade against the evils associated with the trade, signs of opposition soon emerged from the ranks of genuine practitioners of that business.

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    They reasoned that the governor’s speech was guilty of overgeneralisation as it failed to make a distinction between genuine and criminal native doctors. The state commissioner for information, Law Mefor, had to quickly issue a statement to correct the wrong impressions read into that speech.

    According to him, the governor ‘never declared war on all native doctors but rather the doctors involved in criminal activities’. He said investigations by some concerned citizens had confirmed Soludo’s position that some native doctors are involved in preparing charms for kidnappers, armed robbers and are believed to be behind such evil practices as human sacrifice for money and protection. The state government said that these diabolical rituals have given rise to the belief in such practices as Ego-Mbute (access to money in huge quantities), Yahoo Plus and idolatry. The war is to root out diabolical practices and has nothing to do with genuine traditional medicine or native doctors who are truly serving God and humanity, Mefor further clarified.

    The devilish and evil practices pointed out by the governor for which he vowed to battle criminal native doctors are real and serious. Reports from across the country speak of the pervasiveness of such practices and the large patronage they enjoy especially among the youths. The belief in supernatural powers or the occultic prowess of native doctors to change the fortunes of people seeking easy access to quick money or power is responsible for the flourishing of such practices as ritual killings for money and human sacrifice.

    The story of our youths arrested across the country with human parts for ritual purposes speak eloquently of the degenerate level of the evil practice. Within the last two weeks or so, there have been three instances of such cases in the media space involving ordinary Nigerians including native doctors either caught in the process of selling human parts or about to dispose them in very questionable circumstances.

    And in all these instances, criminal native doctors feature very prominently either by direct involvement in human killings or receiving human parts for the preparation of concoctions touted capable of enhancing the fortunes of their customers.

     In Nasarawa State, a purported gospel singer who later described himself as a Cryptocurrency trader Timileyin Ajayi was arrested when he went to dispose of the decapitated head of a 24-year old youth corps lady he had killed in his apartment.

    Twins who double as carpenters and native doctors were caught in Ogun State for allegedly killing a sex worker who they had lured into their apartment for ritual purposes. They were arrested by the state police command while trying to sell the parts of their victim. In their confessional statements, they confirmed selling the parts for between N20,000 and N100,000.

    Yet, the Oyo State police command arrested and paraded a suspected ritualist, Mohammad Adekunle for allegedly killing and selling human parts in Ibadan. Four other people were equally arrested for buying different parts of the human body from Adekunle for money ritual. This is just a tip of the iceberg in the illicit trade in human parts that go on around the country with no signs of abating.

    When Soludo vowed to root out criminal native doctors from the shores of Anambra State, he must have been seriously worried by the evil practices associated with that trade. But it is going to be a hard task given the esoteric and mystic nature of the trade.

    The first challenge on his way is how to differentiate between the genuine traditional practitioners and the fake and criminal ones. The Traditional Medicine Practice Act 2000 established the traditional medicine practitioners’ council to register practitioners, licence them and regulate the preparation and sale of herbal medicines and provide for related matters.

    With the copious roles assigned to the council by the Act, it would appear Soludo will have no problem sieving the chaff from the wheat. It may be tempting to assume that all registered native doctors or traditional medicine practitioners will not get involved in evil machinations given the fact of their registration. But this is a highly limited view on the issue.

    Because of the secret, esoteric and mystic nature of the trade, you find that even the registered ones sometimes indulge in practices that do not lend themselves to empirical assessment. It is not uncommon to find them indulging in practices that promote the supernatural and the spiritual. But that is not to say there are no genuine ones amongst them producing herbal medicines with known therapeutic efficiency.

    But how many native doctors across the country find themselves within this list? What you find around the country is a coterie of shrines and worship places decorated in very frightening apparels. What goes on in those shrines and so-called sacred places is anyone’s guess. Yet, you get to hear well placed Nigerian speak of the desecration of sacred shrines and all that.

    A lot of Nigerians believe in the efficacy of the supernatural and the mysterious. They share beliefs in witches and wizards, and their powers to inflict harm on people. These beliefs are sustained and reinforced by the activities of native doctors and sundry religions. That is why you find people flock to any new church or shrine that is touted with the powers of miracles. So, the war against criminal native doctors must factor in the gullibility of our people to these belief systems. Criminal native doctors thrive in their illicit trade because of the greed and the criminal mind of their customers to procure through other means the good things of life that come with hard work and trust in the powers of the almighty God.

    That appears the real challenge in the war against criminal native doctors. Ritual killings or human sacrifice for money cannot thrive if people do not believe in them. So, we must get to address the psyche of the average Nigerian to achieve lasting results.

    There is another challenge emanating from some definitional issues in the Act setting up the traditional medicine practitioners’ council. The Act defined “practitioner” to mean a traditional medicine practitioner whose practice uses herbs and any other natural products.

    It also defined “Traditional Medicine” as practices based on beliefs and ideas recognised by the community to provide healthcare by using herbs or any other naturally occurring substances.

    While the definition of practitioner stated clearly the confines of the trade- using herbs and natural products, that of traditional medicine injected some complications into the trade. It spoke of practices based on beliefs and ideas recognised by the community to provide healthcare. Though it talks of herbs and other naturally occurring substances, issues of beliefs and practices may not really translate in practical items.

    There are spiritual and supernatural dimensions to them. That is the type of complications that may impinge negatively in the task the Anambra State government has set for itself. It is going to be a hard nut to crack. It is not just a problem peculiar to Anambra State but a national problem sustained and patronised by the high, the mighty and the powerful. Those usually arrested are the couriers and small fries. And like in other areas of high-stake criminality, their sponsors and patrons never get to be caught.

    Soludo has brought the mischief of criminal native doctors to the fore. But as worthwhile as the war against such criminality is, only a holistic perspective to it will achieve meaningful results. There has to be a national approach to it or whatever progress recorded by the state government will pale into insignificance.

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (IV)

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (IV)

    The impetus for the voyages of discovery after the fall of Constantinople was to find a way to get to India with the solid purpose of having access to the exotic products of the East. The appetites for these luxuries had been developed when the Crusaders, in an effort to ‘deliver the Holy land’ from the Muslims whom they regarded as infidels, sent waves of Christian armies into Palestine. Over a period of four hundred years of so, or as far as many inhabitants of that region are concerned, up till the present time, armies from Europe have marched into Palestine to wreak havoc on the indigenous people of that region in the name of their Christian God. Although the crusaders seized a lot of land from Islamic forces and even captured Jerusalem and ruled from there for some time, they did not succeed in making that city wholly theirs. Their eyes were however open to all the wonders of the Orient which could not be found for love or money in any part of their partially frozen territories. One example will suffice. Before the Crusades, all European textiles were woven from flax of wool, materials which were heavy, scratchy and not amenable to fashion statements. The Crusaders were introduced to cotton in the Holy land and from then were not satisfied with their ugly woollen clothes.

    When the Ottomans finally closed the land routes to the rich markets of the East, the Europeans, desperate to continue with the tradition of dependence on the luxuries they had become used to, responded by taking to the open seas in an attempt to continue to be supplied with all the tid bits that their pampered pallets could not be deprived of.

    The situation in which the Europeans found themselves was a classical case of finding a way because they had a will. Within half a century of the fall of Constantinople, the Europeans led on the one hand by the Spanish and the Portuguese on the other had succeeded in reaching the New World and on their own the Portuguese had managed to sail all the way to India. In doing so, another vista was opened up for European exploitation.

    The first Europeans to arrive in India were the Portuguese who had to sail all the way around what they called the Cape of Good Hope and after that, up the east coast of Africa and on onto the Indian Ocean. By the time the Portuguese arrived in the Indian Ocean, in the closing years of the fifteenth century, they found that the peoples in that region had been trading with India and places further east for several centuries if not millennia. Indeed the last stage of their journey to India was with the help of an experienced pilot who was taken on board at Malindi in present day Kenya. Upon arrival in India, the Portuguese found that there was a great deal of trading between the Muslims and Indians and this led to a great deal of rivalry between the two groups.

    The real penetration of India by Europeans did not start for another hundred years and it started with the formation of the British East Indian Company which received its charter from Queen Elizabeth I in 1600. This charter permitted the company to carry on trade with India virtually on its own terms, terms which were developed along the way and at the pleasure of the share holders of the company. Their pleasure was in no short measure as the shareholders were soon reaping a 30% yearly profit on their investment. The English were not the only ones trading in the Far East as both the Dutch and the French, not to talk of the Spanish and Portuguese had a very active interest in the trade of the Orient. The Dutch were however not much interested in trade with India as their focus was primarily on Indonesia and other such places further east. It needs be said that the Dutch were as vicious in the East as they were in the West where they held Surinam in a vicious grip. Their undiluted viciousness was however reserved for their colonies in South Africa where they spoilt their name forever with their cruel system of apartheid, a system they refined and practised in the Republic of South Africa until the liberation of that country in 1994. But that is another story entirely.

    The English traders set up their stalls in the coastal cities of India and began to take in spices, textiles of many kinds but principally of cotton and jewellery. Further east, they were trading in tea with China and making humongous profits in both places. Some of their tactics were brutal as their control of trade was maintained by a huge army which at one time consisted of a quarter of a million men, larger than the British army of the time. This army was also put in the field against the French who wanted part of the action against the wishes of the British traders to maintain a monopoly of both trade and sharp practices. The British under the leadership of Robert Clive finally broke the power of both the French and powerful local empires around 1760 to set up a monopoly of violence and naked coercion over increasingly large portions of India, especially the area around the Bay of Bengal which at that time was regarded as the richest region of the world.

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    Once British hegemony was established in many parts of India, the rape of the sub-continent began in earnest. Such was the rapaciousness of British East India Company in that region that the newly independent countries of India and Pakistan had to restart their respective economies in 1947. This is sharp contrast to their economic situation in 1760 when British exploitation began. At that time, the GDP of India was calculated to 23% of global GDP. By the time the British left in 1947, the figure had been deflated to 4%. The Indian sub-continent had been systematically looted by the British. Incidentally, even the language was not spared as loot is one of the words in the English language which was stolen from India! Perhaps their most egregious item of theft was however the destruction of the extensive, innovative and rich textile culture of the people of the Bay of Bengal. Their ability to produce high quality textiles, developed over many centuries was cynically destroyed by the policies of the British East India Company which broke up their looms and made laws to prevent Indian weavers from plying their trade, the centre of which was subsequently transferred to the Northwest of England to set up the cotton mills of Manchester. The inferior but lurid textile products of Manchester and surrounding towns ruled the world for more than a century, sending millions of yards of their cheap products all over the world including Africa where the large scale local production of textiles was stopped in its tracks.

    The conduct of the British East India Company was so corrupt and brutal that her holdings in India were forcibly taken over by the British government in 1857. For the next ninety years, India was a British colony and part of the vast British empire on which the sun was said never to set. At any given time of day or night, the sun was shining on part of the empire.

    At the height of its powers, the British East India Company shifted it’s attention to China from where it was exporting tea to Britain. The Chinese insisted in being paid in silver for their tea, a commodity which the company could not provide in sufficient quantities to cover costs. This vile Company then took to smuggling opium into China to pay for the tea with which they tried to satisfy customer demand in Britain. Tea became such a key aspect of British tradition right until now so much so that the evening meal is referred to as tea. With sugar pouring into Britain from the Caribbean and tea from China, the British soon developed the (disgusting) habit of adding sugar to their tea and compounding their heresy by adding milk to the brew. Tea drinking became such an abstraction that the British were comfortable with committing despicable crimes against humanity in two global hemispheres. They forced Indian farmers to switch from growing food crops to producing opium which was smuggled into China. Thus they spread hunger in India and debilitating drug addiction in China. The situation in China was so bad that millions of people became incapable of contributing anything to the Chinese economy which went into a steep decline. The Chinese government took steps to stop this illegal trade but the British responded by declaring war against the Chinese in order to force them to continue allowing the importation of opium which was destroying the very fabric of their society. In trying to enforce her own laws, the Chinese not only banned the importation of opium but confiscated all the opium held by British traders. The opium seized was then destroyed and this led directly to a declaration of war. Using superior weapons and tactics, the British won a decisive victory forcing the Chinese to allow the entry of opium to their country in addition to paying compensation for the destruction of their opium. For good measure, the British seized Hong Kong and surrounding islands which were not returned to Chinese control until a hundred years later under what is referred to as the one nation, two systems arrangement. China must wait until 2047 to regain full control of the territory she lost in the First Opium war.

    The Treaty of Nanjing which ended the First opium war was manifestly unfair to the Chinese who out of desperation abrogated the treaty. As they had done before, they seized and destroyed the opium stocks held by foreign traders and as before, they were attacked, this time by a joint task force made of troops from Britain, France, USA and Russia. The outcome was the same this time as the Chinese were properly screwed up yet again.  Not only did they have to pay a hefty compensation for the opium destroyed but they had to open up their country to trade with virtually all countries on terms which were injurious to the Chinese. In the course of fighting, the Summer Palace was expertly looted and then burnt down to the ground by British and French troops. Some of the artefacts carted away from the palace are still classified as missing. This can be regarded as some sort of rehearsal for the sacking of the Benin palace in 1897 when thousands of irreplaceable art works were carried off, many of them never to be seen again. The Chinese found their experience so traumatic that the period of the Opium wars is still referred to in China as the century of humiliation.

    All the activities mentioned above led to an unprecedented accumulation of wealth mainly by Britain at a time when such wealth was not seen anywhere else. What more, this wealth was concentrated in private hands to be used as the owners damned well pleased. As an illustration, it has been calculated that Robert Clive arrived in India without a penny in his pocket but by the time he finally came back to Britain he was worth in contemporary terms more than £350 million, gathered within a twenty year period. This money was available for launching the Industrial revolution which lit all those fires under capitalism. This is why for more than a hundred and fifty years, Britain was far and away the most powerful nation on earth with power enough to create the entity called Nigeria, virtually on a whim.

    • To be continued  
  • Dr Segun Osoba: My highly reverred teacher at 90

    Dr Segun Osoba: My highly reverred teacher at 90

    In a short commendation to the  award winning journalist, Bola Bolawole, after reading his beautiful tribute to Dr Segun Osoba on his 90th birthday anniversary this past week, I wrote:”Bola thanks for this article in honour of my Number One,  absolutely incomperable Teacher, Dr Segun Osoba. That I didn’t keep up my relationship with him is a shame I will never be able to explain”.

    As if he knew how   tortured I have been for years, that is, since I missed the appointment I had with the late Professor  Abubakar Momoh, who visits Dr Osoba regularly, to break the ice by visiting together with him, Bola replied: “E se pupo sir! You can still do sir!”.

    That hit me like a rubber bullet.

    Bola is right but he wrote so cavalierly  because he doesn’t know how very dearly Dr Osoba held me.

    He not only considered me among the top ten percent of all the students he ever taught, he so believed in me that he, and his late bosom friend, Mr Sesan Dipeolu of blessed memory, the University of Ife Librarian, very confidently recommended me, behind my back I must add, to their friend and University of Ibadan classmate, Mr S.J Okudu, then Registrar, University of Ibadan, to look no further for the Administrative officer the University Council had mandated him to headhunt to come and drive the preparations for the University’s humongous 25th Anniversary due November 17, 1973.

    Leaving the University of Ife Vice- Chancellor’s office, where I was assisting Mr GJO Adegbite, Professor Oluwasanmi’s Executive Assistant, on account of that introduction, was hell. Indeed, so bad did the Deputy Vice- Chancellor, Professor A. A. Adegbola take it that the University ensured I forfeited an Association of African Universities’ scholarship, contested for by all First class and Second class (Upper) graduates on the staff of the University, to undertake a Masters degree programme at the University of Legon, Ghana. To put it mildly, that event changed my entire life trajectory.

    But that is a matter for another day.

    Suffice it to say, however, that Dr Osoba had, even long before that, said he had ‘lost me the day I went into University administration rather than academics’, after graduating on top of my faculty.

    Fortunately, he couldn’t have felt the loss much because, pretty soon, many of his former students, the likes of  the world reputed Professor Toyin Falola, would soon start shining like a thousand stars in the academic world.

    In my own little corner, however, I continued to regret the literal separation because nothing would have been greater for me than being right there under his academic wings.

    An example would put this in perspective.

    About two weeks ago, I finished proofreading the Galleyproof of my book: ‘Simply A Citizen Journalist’, my  would – be magnum opus, to be formally presented, by the grace of God later in the year, only to realise that Dr Osoba, a man who so infinitely impacted my life, did not feature as much as I would have liked.

    To my chagrin, the only other reference to him, other than the one already mentioned, is  in the article ‘Re:

    Azikiwe and The Unifying Question’, of November 25, 2012  from which the following quote is culled:

    “Chief Olabode George, a one time PDP poster boy in the South West, is a colourful politician, any day. He has, since his return from abroad about a fortnight ago, a non event really, but which witnessed the usual uniform – wearing ensemble, massed again at the Lagos International Airport to welcome home the man whose generosity to the party’s womenfolk as Chairman of the Nigerian Ports Authority was legendary.

    He has since taken off from where he left, keen this time on winning back some lost ground in a party which former President Olusegun Obasanjo has predicted may soon be history in Lagos State”.

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    “Bode George and I were contemporaries in the Nigerian university system, he at the University of Lagos, and I at Ife, at a time when it was trendy to be involved in student activism and we both were.

    But more germane to this piece is the fact that we had a particular teacher in common, he while at Ijebu Ode Grammar School, and I, at the University of Ife. And that happens to be my most admired university teacher ever: Dr Segun Osoba, the clear-headed socialist scholar per excellence, who

    taught my Philosophy of History as well as Diplomatic History, and would later pair with Dr Bala Usman, another equally hard-headed radical historian, now of blessed memory, to author a minority report on the 1975-76 Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC)”.

    “I imagine that till today, Dr Osoba sees George as a witheringly brilliant person. Unfortunately, beyond the fluidity of his language in the referenced article , I searched in vain for his brilliance, or the cold logic you would have ordinarily expected in a critique of that nature.You read the article, especially his suggestions, and all you find is a Bode George desperately running away from his shadows; from the essential Bode George Nigerians have come to know  so well  as the actualiser of Obasanjo’s convoluted, swashbuckling, military-like, vice- grip on South-Western Nigeria …”.

    I ought to have done far better in a book authored by me in respect of a teacher who, without a scintilla of doubt, had the greatest impact on me intellectually, especially as a member of the Socialist Discussion Group which he co- founded with Mr Dipeolu and to which only very few of us, students belonged.

    Born January 9, 1935

    Dr Osoba attended Saint Saviour’s Primary Scool, Ijebu – Ode and Ijebu- Ode Grammar School from where he proceeded to the Nigerian College of Arts and Science, the University of Ibadan and Moscow State University where he obtained his Ph.D in 1967, in that order.

    On his return from the Soviet Union, he joined the University of Ife, Ile – Ife, where our paths crossed.

    Dr Osoba has taught several generations of students at both the undergraduate and graduate levels, researched and supervised hundreds of Masters and Ph.D students, especially in his core areas of: Philosophy and Methodology of History, History of Russia, both the Czarist Era as well as The Age of Revolution, History of European International Relations, African Political Thoughts in the 19th and 20th Centuries, the Politics of Decolonisation in Africa and Nigerian History in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

    I will never forget that of all the 6 subjects in which I earned ‘A’ in my final  degree examination, I worked the hardest in his  Philosophy and Methodology of History, and the History of European International relations(Diplomatic History). In Dr Osoba’s class, you simply had no alternative.

    A highly renowned historian and academic, Dr Osoba  reached a milestone birthday this past week, celebrating 90 years of life, learning, and legacy. As a former student, I cannot be happier  paying this tribute to one so absolutely deserving.

    As a teacher, his students, like many of his colleagues, considered him unparalleled. His passion for history was infectious, and his ability to make complex historical events look easy, and accessible to his students, despite the turgid language of Philosophy, for instance, seemed to me a gift of nature. He had a unique way of bringing history to life, making it relevant and engaging. His classes were always lively and interactive but always focussed on encouraging critical thinking and solid analysis, backed with facts.

     Looking back now, one of the very important lessons I learned from him was the importance of understanding the past in order to appreciate the present, with a view to shaping the future. He taught us that history is not just a series of dates and events, but a rich tapestry of human experiences, cultures, and traditions. He instilled in us a sense of pride and appreciation for our African heritage; something he considered a must, if we would ever escape the persistent struggle to shake off colonialism, especially its mental variety.

    He has been both mentor, and inspiration, to many young historians and scholars, providing guidance and support as they navigate their academic careers.

    As should be expected of such an intellectual giant,  his impact extends far beyond the classroom.

    He was such a persistent, and indeed, a leading voice for the emancipation of the Nigerian masses that the Federal Government could not help having him, as well as his razor chap, fellow historian, Dr Bala Usman, amongst the 50 wise men it appointed to write a new constitution for the country.

    To nobody’s surprise, both he and Dr Usman, of the 50, wrote a minority report which, had it been adopted by government would have completely changed the history of this country from the present “monkey dey work, baboon dey chop”, to one of equity, egalitarianism and rule of law.

    But they treated the minority report with benign neglect and left the  Nigerian masses permanently marooned in a devastating struggle for survival.

    Dr Osoba can justifiably say he has done his best for his country. His legacy will continue to inspire, and nurture coming generations.

    I am fortunate to have had the privilege of  learning from under his feet.

    And on behalf of all my classmates, who were blessed to be tutored by you, Sir, I say:

    Happy birthday and many happy returns.

  • Ayodele Fayose’s 2014 thank you rally in Ibadan

    Ayodele Fayose’s 2014 thank you rally in Ibadan

    If you could suspend political cynicism, suppress political skepticism, and, just for a moment, set aside political stereotypes and partisanship, you’ll discover there’s so much to enjoy in Nigerian politicking, and that there are so many profound truths to learn. That’s what I did and that’s what I experienced and gained watching the video of the Wednesday, 9 July, 2014 People’s Democratic Party (PDP) thank you rally in Ibadan following the victory of former Governor Peter Ayodele Fayose in the 21 June, 2014 Ekiti State governorship election.

    “PDP!” That was how, with a very loud shout, an umbrella-cum-walking-stick-carrying and dancing former Governor of Oyo State, Alao Akala, kicked off the rally. The mammoth crowd responded, “Power!” Again, he exclaimed, “PDP!” Again, the crowd responded: “Power!”, and he said, “Power to the People!” He then recognised party members present. These included the Governor-Elect of Ekiti State (Ayodele Fayose), the Chairman of the South West Organisation and Mobilisation Committee of the PDP (Buruji Kashamu) and the Chairman of the party in Oyo State (Yinka Taiwo).

    After the recognitions, the politicking began, and Akala declared in English: “We in Oyo State PDP, we’re ready … for the elections. And I want to assure you that Oyo State is for grabs by PDP. … People in Oyo State are tired of APC [All Progressives Congress]. And by the grace of God, come year 2015, PDP is going to rule Oyo State.” He then raised a Yoruba song which was chorused by the audience: “Ó fé ìtójú nlá, ó fé àmójútó; ó fé ìtójú nlá, ó fé àmójútó; eni tó n se power, power tó wá fé di agbálè ojà, ó fé àmójútó. Ó fé àmójútó, ó fé ìtójú nlá; eni tó n se power télè tó tún wá di agbálè ojà, ó fé àmójútó. Mo le mo ba, mo tún gbàá padà. Mo le mo ba, mo tún gbàá padà. Mo le mo ba, mo tún gbàá padà. Mo le mo ba, mo tún gbàá padà. Ire gbogbo tó sonù lowó wa.”

    Shorn of all rhetorical repetition, the message of this song is that the person who was a member of the PDP and was chanting the slogan “Power”, but who thereafter wanted to or had actually defected to the APC and was carrying a broom (the symbol of the APC), like a market sweeper, required serious medical attention. His message also included the declaration that he and the PDP were diligently seeking to reclaim the governorship seat of Oyo State which he, as the incumbent governor, lost to the APC’s Abiola Ajimobi in 2011.

    He then addressed the audience, again in Yoruba, passing the following English-summarised message: Tell the ruling APC to be packing their things in readiness for a take-over of Oyo State by the PDP. And, stand by the PDP. He also declared: “Àwa lókàn.” (‘It’s our turn.’)  He underscored the now famous claim (“Àwa lókàn.”) by citing the Yoruba proverb “Oyè tó kan ará Ìwó n bò wá kan ará Ede.” (‘The chieftaincy given to the people of Iwo assures that the turn of the people of Ede will come.’) He also reasoned that as the PDP defeated the incumbent APC government in Ekiti State, so would the party defeat the incumbent APC government of Oyo State.

    The former Senate Leader, Teslim Folarin, who was the next to speak, made a very short speech. “PDP!”, he proclaimed. And the audience responded, “Power!” Again, he shouted out, “PDP!” And they responded again, “Power!” Then he spelt out the acronym of the party’s name: “P, D, and P!” And he raised his own song: “Mérin-mérin àròpò ebi ni o; mérin-mérin àròpò ebi ni o. Mérin-mérin àròpò ebi ni o; mérin-mérin àròpò ebi ni o.” (‘4+4 = Hunger.’ [i.e., should the electorate vote in the incumbent APC government in Oyo State, in 2015, for another four years, it would translate into more hunger.]) 

    As with the case of Alao Akala, there is a grand irony to the song, because Teslim Folarin, like Akala, defected from the PDP to the APC, and their new party organised a public reception for them and others at Mapo Hall Arcade in Ibadan on Saturday, 16 December, 2017. In fact, Folarin was the candidate of the APC for the governorship election in the state in 2023; and he remains a member of the APC till today. This development underscores the shiftiness of Nigerian politics. The political somersault of Akala and Folarin validate the Yoruba proverb, “Iná ilé l’omo ehoro ó yá gbèyìn.” (‘The young bush rabbit ends up keeping warm at the fireplace of the hunter’s home.’ [i.e., it will eventually be killed by the hunter and become roast meat.])

    Then came Fayose’s turn to address the audience. He started by saying, “PDP!” And the audience responded, “Power!” Again, he shouted out, “Power!” Then he raised the song: “Eni bá n fáyò ko nawó sokè; èmi n fáyò mo nawó.” (‘Those that want joy or love Peter Fayose, let them raise their hands; I want joy and love Fayose, so I raise my hand.’) Here, Fayose’s middle name “Ayòdélé’ (‘Joy which I experienced on my sojourn stayed with me even on my arrival home.’) This name is sometimes shortened as “Ayò”. When Fayose then asked that those who wanted “Ayò” should raise their hands, he was playing on the word “Ayò”, for rhetorical effect, because it was not likely that any member of the audience would not have liked joy. Now, in liking joy they concomitantly liked Fayose.

    Read Also: Tinubu’s reforms will bear fruits, says Fayose

    He raised another chorused song in which, through innuendo, he referred to the incumbent APC Governor Abiola Ajimobi of Oyo State as “Eléyí”, as follows: Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Bó gbé’ná karí!” Audience: “Yio lo!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!”  Fayose: “Eléyí ó lo!” Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Bó gbé’ná karí!”  Audience: “Yíó lo!” Fayose: “Bó gbé’ná karí!” Audience: “Yíó lo!”

    The key message of the song was that whatever gimmicks Ajimobi might play, “Eléyí ó lo!” (‘This one will go.’) As with other Asiwaju-Ahmed-Bola-Tinubu-popularised range of political expressions such as “Èmilókàn” and “Àwalókàn” at the Tinubu campaign speech of 3 June, 2022 in Abeokuta, “Eléyí” (that ultimate political put down) resonated at the 9 July, 2014 PDP rally in Ibadan.

    Like Akala and Folarin, Fayose appeared to be so sure that the PDP would defeat the APC in the governorship election in Oyo State in 2015. But this did not come to pass. APC retained the governorship of the state. The PDP’s grandstanding as shown in the speeches of the PDP’s leading members at the Ibadan rally therefore came to be a validation of the English proverb, “Talk is cheap.” This idea is more picturesquely expressed in the Yoruba proverb, “Enú dùn rò’fó.” (‘It’s easy to cook vegetables with the mouth.’)

    From the grim perspective, watching today the video of the 2014 Fayose thank you rally demonstrates the mortality of human beings. Alao Akala who was at his boisterous best at that event died on 12 January, 2022. The sturdy and confidently calm Buruji Kashamu died on 8 August, 2020. And the “Eléyí” of Oyo State, the vivacious Abiola Ajimobi, who was the primary object of rhetorical attack at the PDP rally, died on 25 June, 2020. As a Yoruba proverb articulates the lack of immunity to death, “Ikú ó pa eni à n pè; ikú ó pa eni tí n pe’ni.” (‘Death will kill the person we’re condemning, and death will kill the person condemning us.’) The challenge that the inevitability of death throws is therefore that life should be lived with humility, circumspection and a desire, at all times, to leave behind a noble and enduring legacy.

    Furthermore, in the 2014 thank you rally in Ibadan, Fayose underscored the value of ensuring a level playing field in the primaries of parties, and that he had no preferred candidate among the aspirants for the governorship ticket of the PDP in Oyo State. He appealed in English: “Let us work for the most popular candidate. There must be no imposition. … There must be no imposition. … The Muazu-led Exco gave me the rare opportunity of allowing a level playing ground which produced me as the candidate of the party [in Ekiti State]. … Let the best candidate win the election for the party.”

    It is significant that it was in Oyo State that Fayose was making the point about creating a level playing field for aspirants. In fact, it is widely agreed that imposing a governorship candidate on the APC in the state for the 2019 election accounted for the loss of the party in that year’s election. In protest against the perceived imposition, some dissatisfied aspirants and party members defected to other parties. Some of those who stayed back decided not to work for or vote for the APC’s governorship candidate. The PDP candidate, Seyi Makinde, therefore won the election. The incumbent Governor of Oyo State at the time, Abiola Ajimobi, who was believed to be the key actor in the imposition, was also made to lose in the senatorial election.

    In 2023, history repeated itself in the APC, as the governorship primary of the state was believed to have been manipulated with the acquiescence of the national hierarchy of the party; and Governor Seyi Makinde of the PDP won re-election for a second term in office. The question now is, “Would Oyo State APC learn from its bitter experience, follow Fayose’s invaluable counsel, and provide a level playing field in choosing its candidate for the 2027 governorship election?”

    Former Governor Ayodele Fayose is steadily building for himself the image of an astute politician. When he wanted to be governor for the first time, he identified water as a critical problem for his people. So, he got water tankers into Ekiti State to supply water free of charge to them. In appreciation, they voted for him, and he won. He also created the concept of ‘stomach infrastructure’ – those things that could be used to satisfy the immediate survival needs of the populace. Moreover, Fayose attended Governor Nyesom Wike’s end-of-tenure activities in Port Harcourt in 2023. At the programme, he counseled the then-Governor-Elect of Rivers State, Siminalayi Fubara, to be circumspect and avoid conflict with Wike, if he desired to enjoy his tenure. It’s not certain whether Fubara took Fayose’s advice, but crisis broke out between Wike and Fubara shortly after Fubara assumed office, and it continues till today.

  • Climate change: Another opportunity to reshape global economy

    Climate change: Another opportunity to reshape global economy

    It is a new week already and it is seeming to me like last week was so fleeting, it felt like two days short. When did we see the swearing-in ceremony of the new Ghanaian President that we have started talking of yet another week? The last week, though moved very fast, had a lot to talk about. For instance, it was the week Nigerians celebrated their fallen heroes, sending out bolts of emotions and symbolic messages and wreaths.

    It probably felt so short because Mr. President did his things offshore and there were not much sounds from the seat of power. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu left Nigeria for the capital of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Abu Dhabi, for the 2025 Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week (ADSW2025) last week Saturday. He was out of the country till yesterday evening when he returned to Abuja.

    While in Abu Dhabi, besides delivering a resonating national statement, which message other world leaders must still be chewing on, he had a couple of engagements that were focused on sustaining Nigeria’s diplomatic ties with other nations of the world, including the UAE itself. He even got the revered President of the UAE, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, to agree to visiting Nigeria sometime this year.

    Although he held a couple of engagements, like his meeting with President Paul Kagame of Rwanda on Monday, and his meeting with President Al Nahyan later on Wednesday evening, during which meetings he managed to hold profound discussions with his contemporaries, it was the message to the world during the ADSW2025 that trumped them all.

    At the 2025ADSW, President Tinubu delivered a stirring call to action, urging the global community to recognize the intertwined destinies of climate action and economic growth. Speaking before an audience of global leaders, policymakers, and innovators, Tinubu outlined a bold and pragmatic vision for how Africa—and Nigeria in particular—can lead the charge toward a sustainable and prosperous future.

    The President’s central theme was clear: the fight against climate change is not merely a challenge to overcome, but an unparalleled opportunity to reshape the global economy. For Africa, this transformation represents a chance to address historic inequities, build resilient economies, and contribute meaningfully to the global energy transition. In Tinubu’s words, “We stand at a crucial and critical junction in human history.”

    Tinubu emphasized that Nigeria’s commitment to sustainability is anchored on three pillars: energy transition, climate resilience, and sustainable development. These pillars, he explained, are designed to align global aspirations with local realities, ensuring that Africa’s unique challenges and opportunities are effectively addressed.

    At the heart of Nigeria’s energy transition plan is a commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2060. Tinubu highlighted ongoing efforts to diversify the nation’s energy sources, reduce dependence on fossil fuels, and embrace clean technologies. From investments in compressed natural gas and electric vehicles to the exploration of critical minerals needed for green energy technologies, Nigeria is laying the groundwork for a sustainable energy future.

    Beyond energy, Nigeria is advancing climate-smart agricultural practices to enhance food security while minimizing environmental harm. Policies such as the National Clean Cooking Gas Policy aim to reduce carbon emissions and promote socioeconomic development, particularly in vulnerable communities.

    Read Also: Climate Change: The ongoing global initiatives that will shape our lives in years to come

    Tinubu did not shy away from acknowledging the formidable environmental challenges Nigeria and other African nations face. Issues such as deforestation, desertification, coastal erosion, and flooding have long plagued the continent. The President cited the shrinking of Lake Chad as a stark reminder of the urgency of these issues, emphasizing the need for immediate and collaborative action.

    However, Tinubu framed these challenges as opportunities to innovate and build resilience. By integrating sustainable practices across all sectors of the economy, Nigeria is positioning itself as a leader in the emerging green economy. The country’s pioneering issuance of green bonds—now in its third phase—demonstrates its commitment to attracting investment for climate-focused projects. He, however, invited international partners to join in these efforts, underscoring the need for global collaboration and shared responsibility.

    A recurring theme in his address was the transformative potential of technology. Nigeria, he noted, is increasingly embracing innovations in clean energy, water conservation, waste management, and advanced agricultural techniques. From restoring degraded lands to exploring the possibilities of artificial intelligence in farming, technology is seen as a cornerstone of Nigeria’s sustainable development strategy.

    Tinubu’s vision extends beyond Nigeria’s borders. He called for stronger international cooperation, arguing that the global community must work together to achieve the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). “Global solutions will only be effective if we work together in the spirit of mutual respect and a shared future,” he said.

    Perhaps the most poignant moment of Tinubu’s speech came toward the end, as he reflected on the symbolic act of children waving banners of hope at the event’s opening. For the President, this image encapsulated the moral imperative of sustainability: to preserve the planet for future generations.

    “This fight is not just for us—it is for them,” Tinubu declared. His words served as a powerful reminder that the decisions made today will define the world inherited by tomorrow’s leaders.

    Tinubu concluded his address with an appeal to the international community. He called for increased funding, technology transfer, and collaborative efforts to ensure that Africa is not left behind in the global transition to sustainability. His message was one of optimism tempered by pragmatism: while the challenges are immense, the opportunities are even greater.

    Nigeria, under Tinubu’s leadership, is positioning itself as a model for how nations can pursue sustainability without sacrificing economic growth. By prioritizing energy transition, fostering resilience, and embracing inclusive development, the country is charting a path that other nations—both in Africa and beyond—can follow.

    As the global community reflects on the outcomes of ADSW2025, Tinubu’s speech stands as a clarion call for bold action and meaningful collaboration. The question now is whether the world will heed that call and join hands with Africa in shaping a sustainable and equitable future.

    Meanwhile, before the events of the ADSW2025, President Tinubu met with President Kagame of Rwanda on Monday. It was initially just pictures, but much later when our President mentioned the meeting on his verified X handle, we got to know it was all about exploring and exploiting Africa’s resources for the development of the continent and its people. Just like he advocated in Ghana the previous week; the fact that this is the African Age, when all that is found within the continent should be devoted to making it competitive and measuring up to the rest of the world. 

    “This evening, on the eve of Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week, I had meaningful conversations with Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Africa has what it takes to develop itself. We have the resources, the people, and the capacity. We must look inward to improve intra-African trade and collaboration to benefit the African people and the continent. The time for Africa is now. We can. We must. We will”, the President said.

    Despite being miles offshore, the President did not fail to rally Nigerians to honour the fallen heroes on Wednesday. Though he was represented at the National Arcade, the traditional venue of the Armed Forces Remembrance Day Celebration, by Vice President Kashim Shettima, Tinubu still had a stirring message for Nigerians; demanding that we respect their sacrifice and cherish their work by preserving our peace.

    “The Armed Forces Remembrance Day allows us to express our gratitude and pay tribute to our ex-servicemen and women who selflessly sacrificed their lives to defend the territorial integrity of Nigeria and other nations. Our nation is in dire need of peace, and so is the World. As we mark this solemn event today, remember that people laid down their lives, and many still do so to guarantee our peaceful co-existence. Therefore, let us eschew violence and divisive tendencies for a peaceful and prosperous nation. Let us all become ambassadors of peace. We can build a future of hope and optimism together, where peace and unity reign supreme”, he admonished.

    Then on Wednesday evening, after he had delivered his memorable national statement at the ADSW2025, he met with his host, the President of the UAE, Sheikh Al Nahyan, discussing our mutual interests and projecting into what else could still be explored in our diplomatic and bilateral relations. At the end of it all, being the savvy salesman, Tinubu was able to get Al Nahyan to agree to visiting Nigeria soon.

    Only those who understand the culture of the Arabs will see the importance of what President Tinubu achieved in getting the UAE President to agree to coming to Africa, to Nigeria. It also speaks to the weight of the respect they now have for us as a global partner.

    It is a new week, the one that is about to the first active week of the year. There is no forecasting what we should expect, just that there will be activities.  

  • Obasanjo and his Carter eulogy

    Obasanjo and his Carter eulogy

    Former president Olusegun Obasanjo last Sunday justified why he organised a memorial service for the late United States president Jimmy Carter who died a centenarian. Speaking at the service held at the Chapel of Christ the Glorious King within his presidential library complex, Chief Obasanjo gushed over both the similarities he shared with Mr Carter and the great lesson he claimed he learnt from his life and presidency.  Referencing the similarities, Chief Obasanjo said of Mr Carter: “He was born into a farming family in Plains, Georgia, and I was born into a farming family in the rural village of Ibogun-Olaogun in Ogun. He grew up under parents who were disciplinarians, who instilled in him the essence of discipline, morality, hard work, integrity, kindness and humility, compassion for the poor and strong belief in God.” Then he added that Mr Carter “was a lover of humanity, a man of God” whom he would miss, “a great and true friend” he was certain he would meet again in Paradise.

    It is reassuring that Chief Obasanjo knows the qualifications for paradise, and if the similarities he claimed to share with Mr Carter are to be believed, Nigerians should also feel sanguine that in the two periods Chief Obasanjo presided over the affairs of Nigeria, he tried to imitate the former US president. Among the virtues he claimed he had imbibed from his parents are discipline, morality, hard work, integrity, kindness, humility, compassion, and strong belief in God. As a former military officer, he can very well speak about formal military discipline and hard work, two virtues that Nigerians undoubtedly saw in him, whether they liked him or not as their president. But morality? When did he begin to exude that virtue? In his old age, perhaps. Integrity? He will hope that his massive land acquisitions in some parts of the country and the vanity of his investments, particularly his presidential complex and university, validate his self-professed association with that virtue.

    Kindness and compassion? How could Chief Obasanjo speak so glibly of virtues he knows little about, virtues so alien to his mental constitution that it is a miracle he recognises, let alone confesses, them. His record as a military officer, not to say even more poignantly his record as a former head of state and elected president amply proved that nothing about him showed an atom of compassion or kindness. Not when he smashed his way through his party’s primaries, and certainly not when he whimsically enthroned and dethroned his party’s chairmen. In his hands, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) suffered untold abuse and hardship. Before his ascension, the party was solid, organised, focused and predictable. By the time of his exit from office eight years later, the party was unrecognisable, having transformed from a robust and futuristic party to an anaemic, stunted and phlegmatic organisation. It is bewildering that Chief Obasanjo, known to mouth imprecates with the profundity of a shortchanged vixen, could in the same breath mouth the virtues of kindness and compassion. He had no pretext to mention those noble virtues.

    And then wonder of all wonders, standing on the altar, he talked about his ‘strong belief in God’, almost cavalierly and mockingly. Chief Obasanjo put his audience in a dismal and unfamiliar position of judging him when they really have no business doing so. But who could resist punning a man so self-righteous as to sometimes think of himself superior to God, who openly and unabashedly once suggested that nothing he asked God was refused him, a morbid reference to the untruths he told about his third term ambition. No one in or outside the US thought Mr Carter did not possess strong and abiding faith in God. He demonstrated it copiously, not by speaking it, but by living it, even when he was president, and all the more since he left office. More, he taught it in Sunday school, drawing more crowds whenever he did than the main Sunday service of his local church. Chief Obasanjo has admittedly talked up a storm about his ‘faith’, but it is doubtful whether God was ever in his self-made earthquakes or fires.

    Read Also: Obasanjo lists similarities with Jimmy Carter

    Worse of all his panegyrics, Chief Obasanjo claimed to have learnt a great and unforgettable lesson from his departed ‘soulmate’, Mr Carter. Hear him: “One great lesson I learnt from (the late) President Carter was that in his leadership, he carried along an army of co-workers that shared the ideal and the burden of the work with him.  He led by example and in humility, and that made success to attend his way.” Forget the trite part of carrying along kindred spirit co-workers; everyone, including exploitative businessmen and women, knows the value of working with people who share or pretend to share visions with them. Politicians are not exempted from that truism. What is indeed humongous about his claim of learning from Mr Carter is his quaint extrapolation of the virtue of humility and leadership by example. But, pray, in what ways and since when has Chief Obasanjo shown any humility or led by example? Before he was elected president, when he badgered everyone with talk of his superiority and infallibility? Or in office as elected president when he pummeled everybody into submitting to his ‘indomitable’ will? Which example was he talking about, and which humility, when even in his twilight years he still talks profusely about himself, deifies his own name, nurses old grudges, keeping their vitriol potent and hot?

    No one can take anything away from Chief Obasanjo’s affection for Mr Carter, or his attempt to keep his memories fresh in his and everyone’s mind. He is thus entitled to his friendships and affections, and even more at liberty to demonstrate those affections as he deems fit. But he should not tell us tall and mawkish stories about learning anything from Mr Carter or from anyone else. Chief Obasanjo is incapable of learning anything new, and obviously even less capable of teaching anyone anything. He glories in being the first Nigerian head of state to receive a visiting US president, Mr Carter. Let him treasure that for the rest of his days. He can’t have more.