Category: Columnists

  • Crocodile tears on the grave of Mandela

    The death of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (1918-2013) has attracted a lot of emotions, comments and tributes from many current leaders and past leaders of several countries in the world. Some of these comments are genuine, others are insincere and amounts to crocodile tears. About 100 global political players, both current and those who have held positions of power in the world, including President Barrack Obama, current American President and three former Presidents- Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton and George W Bush, and the heir apparent to the British throne Prince Charles as well as our own President Goodluck Jonathan and David Cameron, John Major and Gordon Brown, current and former British Prime Ministers respectively attended the official funeral ceremony held at a big stadium in Soweto South Africa. This must have been a security nightmare for the South African authorities. Mandela who initially embraced the non-violent philosophy of Mochandas Ghandhi-Ji later abandoned non-violence and was largely responsible for forming the Umkhonto we Sizwe (the Spear of the Nation), which was the armed youthful wing of the African National Congress (ANC). The young revolutionaries in South Africa by the 1960s were already getting impatient with the conservative and non-violent approach to African liberation espoused by the ANC. Members of the Pan African Congress (PAC) were already critical of the non-violent campaign of the ANC. We can therefore say Nelson Mandela reluctantly took to armed struggle because as he argued nobody can kill a wild beast with bare hands.

    In the history of the liberation of South Africa some attention should be paid to the PAC and Azanian People’s Congress’ roles as alternative platforms for the liberation of South Africa. A comparable situation is what happened in the US where the existence of militant youthful groups such as Students Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) led by Stokely Carmichael and Rap Brown, as well as the Black Panther Movement of Huey Newton and Eldrige Cleaver, and the Black Muslims particularly the faction led by one of its charismatic leaders, Malcom X with their cry burn baby burn made Martin Luther King nonviolent campaign largely acceptable to the white folks. Even though the situation was not exactly the same, white folks saw Mandela as somebody they could ultimately do business with.

    This does not diminish the achievements of Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela but it is important to put the two global icons within their historical context. The two share many things in common especially their ability to forgive their oppressors. Martin Luther King’s tolerance is firmly rooted in Christian religion while Mandela’s ability to forgive is rooted in political reality. He wanted to build a non-racial majoritarian democracy in South Africa and he came to the conclusion that the only way to do this was by forgiving his racist oppressors who had built in South Africa a first world infrastructure and economy albeit on the backs of the blacks. If he had adopted the Mugabe approach of land expropriation, he would have destroyed his much loved country of South Africa for which he paid huge price of 27 years imprisonment. Since 1994 when he became president and now after having been succeeded by Thabo Mbeki and the current President Jacob Zuma, the vast majority of black South Africans have remained largely poor. Of course centuries of Black marginalization cannot be removed within a few years but young black South Africans are not prepared to wait indefinitely for the fruit of majority rule. This is the challenge facing South Africa today. And some of the militant youths have been known to issue militant statements about the conniving and apologetic leadership of the ANC who are only ready to tinker with the white economic structure of South Africa without radically changing it. This is why incredibly as it may sound, Robert Mugabe is perhaps the most popular political figure in Southern Africa today. This also accounts for the tumultuous ovation he attracted when he entered the stadium during the funeral mass for Mandela.

    I had the opportunity to meet Mandela in May 1990, when he came to Nigeria, and the University of Lagos conferred on him an Honorary Doctorate degree after leaving prison and before becoming president of South Africa. Professor Nurudeen Alao who was Vice Chancellor asked me and Dr. Tunji Dare to prepare a citation for the great man. We independently wrote this and after comparing notes, Dare said my citation captured totally the essence of the man, and he subsequently published his own draft, I believe in The Guardian. I remember that one of the things the great man asked us was that he wanted to learn how Nigeria has been able to create a forum like the House of Chiefs in the old regions for traditional leaders to participate in governance so that he could do the same in South Africa. I do not know what became of his interest in this regard.

    After Mandela’s death, I have been thoroughly amused by the comments of our leaders. Some of these leaders have hailed him as a great man, a great African icon and a great world leader that is worthy of emulation. Yet some of these so-called African leaders held power for years without leaving any remarkable or worthwhile imprint on the society. It is surprising that those who overstayed their welcome in office are now acclaiming Mandela as their friend and as someone from whom they learnt something. One only hopes that our current leaders and those after them will learn from this great man’s example, that it is not the amount of money that one has that matters, but that it is the enduring and unforgettable legacies that one leaves behind that really matter.

    The former American President George W Bush also went to South Africa to pay his last tribute to Mandela; I believe his sincerity. But we should not forget that his Vice President Dick Cheney regarded Mandela as a terrorist. And according to General Colin Powel, a former American Secretary of State and his successor Condoleezza Rice both of whom are blacks claimed that they were hugely embarrassed to find Mandela’s name on America’s terrorist list. It is surprising that the Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin and the Chinese President Xi Jinping were conspicuously absent in South Africa to pay their last respects to Mandela; they will not be missed of course. And the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu found a lame reason about security and the cost of the trip not to go to South Africa. Of course, the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas was there because Mandela was a supporter of the Palestinian cause and liberation. Let it be remembered that Israel and the United States under President Ronald Reagan assisted South Africa to acquire nuclear weapons in the late 1970s.

    President Jonathan in some kind of homily during a funeral service for Mandela said that Nigeria is not likely to have a man of Mandela’s stature. I disagree and I say General Yakubu Gowon remains the greatest Head of State of Nigeria with high moral stature on a comparable level with Mandela. Gowon’s case is that of a prophet that is with no honour in his own country. Here was a man who governed this country for nine years and ended up not having a single house or billions of naira, and oil blocs in his name but was responsible for most of the enduring physical infrastructure in the country. Here is a war leader who fought a civil war and ended it without show trials and executions of those on the other side of the conflict. Gowon represents our own Abraham Lincoln and Nelson Mandela rolled into one. Since leaving office, he went back to the university and earned himself a doctorate degree in Political Science and has never soiled his hands with filthy lucre. He has used his moral currency and goodwill to attract funds for good cause such as guinea-worm eradication and has spent along with others, years in praying for the peace of Nigeria. When he was in power, Gowon was a pan-Africanist and extended the reach of Nigeria’s foreign policy to the black Diaspora in the Caribbean. History will be fair to Gowon, he may not have had the press and publicity and international acclaim that Mandela has but Gowon among our leaders certainly made a difference. And he deserves to be celebrated now and in the future.

  • Nigeria: Why don’t we do the right thing now?

    If we refuse to learn a lesson from India, Switzerland, Britain, etc (countries that make a policy of sensibly respecting their nationalities), we shall surely lose Nigeria – may be very soon. The coming national conference offers us Nigerians a chance to change our country’s direction. Will we sincerely and sensibly grab that chance?”

    That is how I ended this column last week. I have since been following comments related to the Nigerian situation on the popular media as well as on various internet outlets. I find that the overwhelming majority of Nigerians who have made those comments have serious doubts that Nigeria can chart or follow a different direction ever. The overwhelming belief and fear is that the persons who direct Nigeria’s affairs have fixed the path of Nigeria too powerfully in its present direction, and that nothing can now change that.

    Among other things, that means that even if President Jonathan were to put his best efforts into the making of a national conference, no effective outcome can come out of it. Some of the most influential Nigerian leaders from the North are telling us that their sole and fixed objective is to get the presidency back to the North in 2015, and some of them are being honest by informing us that once they have the presidency back in the North, they will never let it go. Certainly, no perceptive Nigerian needs to be educated about the purport of such statements – namely, that certain sections of Nigeria religiously believe themselves to be the God-ordained overlords of Nigeria, that the rest of Nigeria must learn to submit to the overlords, and that the overlords will do anything to assert their will.

    Now, into this cauldron of Nigeria’s political life, feed the hideous patterns of inter-relationships that have evolved, and that now exist, among Nigerian peoples. In ways that did not exist at the time of independence, Nigerian nationalities are now inveterate enemies of one another, and the enormity and viciousness of the enmity and hostility are worsening in all directions across the face of Nigeria. Beyond that, almost everywhere in Nigeria, multiple species of hostility are escalating fearfully –hostility between indigenes and immigrants, between persons of different religions, between northerners and southerners, between peoples of the far North and the peoples of the Middle belt, between persons of the Igbo of the South-east and some of the multiple nationalities of the South-south. Sadly, desperate Igbo folks forced to migrate from their battered homeland into the homelands of other peoples are increasingly heard claiming to be conquering those other peoples’ homelands. Even the Yoruba, traditionally known for their acceptance and inclusion of strangers, are now, for the first time ever, heard speaking against some of the immigrants in their homeland. Since the 19th century, Ijaw folks have been migrating into the homeland of the Ilaje-Yoruba people in the creeks and lagoons of what is now southern Ondo State, and the relationship between the two peoples has historically been amicable. But today, the hostility between these peoples is almost touchable, and life in these lagoons and creeks is becoming increasingly dangerous. In general, the language of inter-ethnic communication gets more and more ugly all over Nigeria. Even from the highest functionaries of government, all that one can see, since independence, is special consideration for this or that nationality, and special animosity, spite and insults, towards some other nationalities. The probability is increasing fearfully that this dangerous brew will someday, soon, culminate in a horror-soaked implosion.

    As Nigeria was entering into independence in 1960, we Nigerians were mostly buoyed up with high expectations and hope. Today, all of that is gone. Nothing of any importance works. Most of our key highways are in ruins, and horrific accidents on them account for rivers of blood daily. After our government had publicly announced billions of Naira on projects to improve our electricity supply, we are, in most parts of our country, less sure of electricity today than in 1960. Capital is fleeing from Nigeria; even international oil corporations are divesting their investments in Nigeria; and unemployment has simply become an intractable monster. Life has become so uncertain and so brutish that each of us is now focused on instant gratification before we would do anything for any other person. Basic loyalties, and basic sense of duty, are vanishing. The citizen who approaches a public office for the meanest service (like merely obtaining a form) must be ready to bribe public officials first. Fraud and cheating have become our common character, and blood-curdling crimes our regular experience. Public officials and private contractors regularly collude to steal and share funds voted for public projects. Nigeria no longer exists as a country loved by its citizens. The fabric of our society has fallen apart. And in the wider world, Nigeria is now hardly ever mentioned among countries that decent people would want to do business with.

    Into this whole situation has flashed, in the past few days, the thunder-clap represented by the letter written by ex-President Obasanjo to President Jonathan. I know that many of us cannot resist the itch to hit at Obasanjo, but the biggest issue about this letter is what it contains. Under what condition would a former Head of State of a country write four different letters to a current Head of State without any acknowledgement? What greater proof can there possibly be that the dissoluteness wrecking Nigeria holds even the highest councils of Nigeria’s life?

    Moreover, is it true that our government is listing some thousands of Nigerians for some sort of hostile targeting? Or that our government is training some assassins and sharp shooters against us? Is this today’s face of the culture of assassinations that has produced so many unsolved murders in our country – to mention only a few, of Chief Bola Ige (Nigeria’s Attorney-General), Chief Alfred Rewane (industrialist and democracy movement leader), Madam Kudirat Abiola (wife of Chief M.K.O Abiola, winner of the 1993 presidential election), Dr. Marshall Harry (National Vice-chairman of a political party), Theodore Agwatu (Principal Secretary to the Imo State Governor), Odunayo Olagbaju (member, Osun State House of Assembly), Chief Ogbonnaya Uche (one time Senatorial candidate), Ahmed Ahman Pategi (Kwara State chairman of a political party), Barnabas Igwe (Anambra State chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association), Honorable Uche Nwoke (one time senatorial candidate), Madam Suliat Adedeji (Ibadan woman society leader), Dr. Funso Williams (Lagos State gubernatorial candidate), Dr. Niyi Daramola (Ekiti State gubernatorial aspirant)?

    Are these bestialities then what our rulers must practice in order to keep this country together, this country that is obviously not working, this country in which we are all being reduced to abject paupers, and in which we are all being turned into fierce enemies of one another? Why would we continue to allow some people to keep treating us in these sub-human ways?

    It is time that we Nigerians firmly demand some categorical change in our situation. If President Jonathan sincerely believes in beneficial changes in the structure of the Nigerian federation (as he should, being a ‘minority’ man), and if he sincerely desires to champion salutary changes in the management of Nigeria, this is the time he must make his definitive statement. After the Obasanjo letter, he cannot afford to continue to keep silent over these mighty issues. If he does not believe, and does not desire the needed changes, then there is no sense in his proceeding with a national conference, and there would be good reason to begin measures for the peaceful dissolution of the troubled Nigerian federation – instead of measures for the president’s controversial decision to celebrate the centenary of the 1914 Amalgamation.

  • Baleful legacies of godfather and godson

    Details of Obasanjo’s 18-page letter to President Jonathan are already in the public domain. If you ask me, I will say Jonathan’s only sin is attempting to outperform his godfather in all the departments identified by a ‘godfather who never sleeps’, such as undermining principle of separation of powers by holding in disdain, both the legislature and judiciary, selective war against corruption, politics of subterfuge, vindictiveness etc. If Jonathan is presiding over outright looting of our resources as insinuated by Obasanjo, it is perhaps because there was little left to share following the fraudulent privatisation and monetization policies of the PDP that he implemented with religious fervour. If Jonathan assembled contractors and sitting PDP governors together in Lagos and blackmailed them to part with about N7billion for building church and recreation centre in his Otuoke village, it was perhaps he was trying to outdo his godfather who also collected about half of that amount in similar manner to build a private library in his town. If Jonathan within his first year in office was frantically dumping money in a swamp in Otuoke village in the name of building a university for his fishing community, he was perhaps trying to emulate his godfather who built a private university in his Ota village.

    It will appear Obasanjo’s objection to President Jonathan 2015 ambition is predicated on the provision of ‘federal character, zoning and rotation’ clause in PDP constitution. But both father and son ignored the same clause in 2011, to immorally pave the way for the emergence of Jonathan as PDP presidential candidate.

    Obasanjo is accusing his godson of being behind some disgruntled PDP members going around to recruit people into the Labour Party to enhance his electoral fortune during 2015 election. But Jonathan has merely improved on OBJ strategy of fuelling intra-party conflicts within the opposition and inducing disgruntled members with money, cars and security support to decamp to PDP where they were ultimately rigged into elective offices through flawed elections.

    Ex-President Obasanjo has also accused his godson of ‘providing presidential assistance for a murderer to evade justice and presidential delegation to welcome him home’. If indeed Jonathan played such role, there was a precedent. Under Obasanjo, Bola Ige, the then justice Minister was assassinated inside his house. Iyiola Omisore, who was given state support to destabilise his party before decamping to PDP, was the only suspect according to the police. From prison detention, Omisore was awarded a senate seat by PDP in a flawed election, a feat he couldn’t repeat as a freeman after serving as a senator for four years. Although Omisore was later to be acquitted by the court, Ige murder like many other high profile murders under Obasnjo has remained unresolved.

    Ex-President Obasanjo lamented about ‘the serious and strong allegation of NNPC non-remitting of about $7 billion from NNPC to Central Bank occurring from export of some 130,000 barrels per day’. But it has been alleged the process of shielding NNPC started when Obasanjo added the portfolio of petroleum minister to his office as president.

    If indeed an ’African Development Bank Director informed Obasanjo that the Federal Government is putting the water project for Port Harcourt in the cooler because of Amaechi-Jonathan face-off, Jonathan copied that from his godfather who sat on Lagos state Local Government Allocation despite judicial pronouncement that Obasanjo lacked such power.

    Unfortunately, Obasanjo out of office is discovering too late that ‘attack dogs’ are more dangerous than identified adversaries. His advice is however too late for a godson who has followed his godfather’s footstep of deploying hungry attack dogs on political adversaries. And tragically for ex-President Obasanjo, one of his sons who also doubles as media adviser to President Jonathan has asked Obasanjo “to shut up forever and go down in history as spineless coward, driven by sheer greed and indecency,” if he cannot provide evidence for alleged existence of snipers. Such language and impertinence are not unusual during PDP perennial family squabbles.

    The last of the 10 reasons Obasanjo gave for writing his 18-page letter is in my view the most important. His expression of concern over the inability of an overwhelmed and clueless Jonathan to respond to the nation’s current predicaments is probably not born out of patriotism but out of concern by Obasanjo for his continued relevance as a leader who is obsessed with controlling the present and the future. Unfortunately, this is an impossible task as Leo Tolstoy has tried to prove in his theory of history through his epic novel ‘Law and Peace’. It is the actions of others that in reality define leaders’ legacies.

    For instance emerging as an ill-equipped accidental leader as military Head of State, Obasanjo in manner of oligarchs started to see himself as the wisest and the best to have happened to our nation. He thereafter arrogantly said the best didn’t need to win the 1979 election, preferring Shehu Shagari, who was only interested in the senate, as he has now admitted in his epistle to Jonathan, to a tested Awo or an Adamu Ciroma that had been groomed by Kaduna Mafia for leadership. The legacy of Obasanjo’s first opportunity to govern Nigeria was defined by the collapse of second republic due to the mismanagement and incompetence of Shagari. Obasanjo has written many books “My Command”, “Not my Will’, ‘The Animal call Man”, etc, to justify his claim to intellectualism and the right to control our present and future as well as sustain what was unarguably an error of judgment in 1979.

    Obasanjo claimed God used him to make Yar’Adua president. But God is not mocked. Yar’Adua was so scandalized by the flawed election that produced him that he had to set up the Uwais Electoral Reform Commission whose report Jonathan administration sat on. Apart from the depletion of our foreign reserve within two years, Yar’Adua derailed Obasanjo’s power project policy conceived to generate 20,000Mw by 2010. Today we generate 4,600Mw. Of course we don’t need any other proof of God’s reproach of Obasanjo’s immoral imposition of Jonathan on Nigeria in the name of ethnic balancing than his current 18-page letter alerting Nigerians about the threat Jonathan has become to the health of our nation.

    The premature rendering of a dirge in the past by Obasanjo, the (oracle of Owu) has always signalled the imminent collapse of regimes Obasanjo has fraudulently built on porous ground. I think it is time the opposition starts preparing a blueprint for the salvation of our beleaguered land that has been repeatedly raped by PDP, the godfather and his godson this past 14 years.

    And finally since Obasanjo who takes joy in calling himself Mr. Nigeria has admitted charity for president Jonathan can begin at his Ijawland, let me also appeal to our new Yoruba political leaders to plan a response to Obasanjo’s alert and warning that Jonathan is sponsoring disgruntled and selfish Yoruba politicians to derail the modest gains made in the last three years.

    He has cited Ekiti where Opeyemi must have been assured he could become governor in spite of Ekiti electorate in typical PDP fashion. He cited the case of Ondo where we already know Mimiko is trying frantically to smear the good people of Ondo with PDP’s dishonourable activities alien to Ondo people. Obasanjo also made indirect reference to our respected Dr Fasehun who now finds common interest with President Jonathan. While advancing some vacuous reasons which was an insult to the people of Kano for accompanying Al Mustapha home, his action nonetheless found parallel with that of President Jonathan who Obasanjo accused of granting ‘presidential assistance for a murderer to evade justice and presidential delegation to welcome him home’.

  • A president in the dock

    Their relationship became frosty long ago, but they put up a face in public. They pretended as if all was well. It indeed looked well with them, at least, at the superficial level; but deep down, all was not well. They did not start like that, mind you. In the beginning, President Goodluck Jonathan and former President Olusegun Obasanjo were close; so close that they saw things from the same perspective. Jonathan was beholden to Baba, that is Obasanjo, because the former president was instrumental to his rise politically.

    From Bayelsa State, where Jonathan was initially deputy governor and later governor, to Abuja, where he now presides over the affairs of state, Obasanjo had a hand in his political fortunes. Obasanjo was the godfather and Jonathan the godson. As president between 1999 and 2007, Obasanjo always looked out for Jonathan, the political son in whom he was well pleased. Baba, an old war horse, knows how to pick his men. He goes for those who will be subservient to him.

    Jonathan was a natural choice because he looked like someone who will always obey orders; a man who can be trusted not to rock the boat unlike his worldly wise former boss, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha. Obasanjo may have been deceived by Jonathan’s meek and gentle nature. But he forgot what the bard, Shakespeare, said in his tragic play Macbeth that ”there is no art to find the mind’s construction in the0- face”. If only he could have read Jonathan’s mind on his face he would have known that our Ijaw irredentist of a leader is not one to do business with. That is not to say that Obasajo is a better customer.

    Obasanjo and Jonathan are two of a kind. They both look like people who cannot hurt a fly, but they can be extremely dangerous. Their colourless looks have helped to a great extent in getting them to where they are today. Obasanjo did nothing spectacular in helping Jonathan to become governor of Bayelsa State after his boss’ fell from grace because the Constitution is explicit on the matter, but the former president knew what he was doing by presenting it as if it was of his (Baba’s) making.

    He made it clear to Jonathan that he was backing him because he found him to be clean and untainted. After all, without saying it, he got Alamieyeseigha out of office because he could not stand corruption! Obasanjo paints himself as someone who is above board. Every Nigerian except him is a thief. Obasanjo does not see anything good in others except Obasanjo. That is Baba for you. You may not like Baba’s style but you cannot deny the fact that he can be hard hitting when it comes to criticising others.

    On such occasions, Obasanjo is unsparing, puffing and huffing as he takes his target to the cleaners. But do that to him, you will see his other side. Nigerians have come to take Obasanjo for who he is : a man who sees the mote in others’ eyes while a log is in his. Ask Shagari, ask Buhari, ask Babangida, ask the late Abacha, ask even Gowon, who was our leader before him, they will tell you what they went through in the hands of Obasanjo. He tore Shagari, Buhari, Babangida and the late Abacha, who all came to office after him, apart for allegedly bringing misery to the people. He only saw good in Abdulsalami Abubakar and that is because that one handed over to him in 1999.

    Obasanjo knows when to descend on these people. It is always at the time they are having problems with the public. He knows that whatever he says then, he would be hailed for being on the masses’ side. What a cunny, old man. However, this is not to say that we should dismiss him whenever he intervenes in critical national issues, just as he has done in his 18 – page letter to Jonathan titled : Before it is too late. In the letter, he analysed correctly recent happenings in the country, pointing out that the president should be blamed for some of them.

    He claimed that the president is nursing a second term ambition, contrary to what Jonathan told him in private. Obasanjo also accused Jonathan of anti – party activities, of secretly training snipers, equipping a killer squad and placing about 1000 people on ”political watch list”. It was no love letter; it was a letter dripping with venom and anger. It was full of bile and if you like vile. It was vintage Obasanjo, who is at his best sending a stinker to those who have offended him.

    Having gone through the Obasanjo letter, there may be the temptation to dismiss it as the rantings of a frustrated old man or better still a bad loser. Yes, a bad loser because he has lost out in the power game in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in his home state of Ogun and at the national level. ”So, why won’t he write such a letter?” a colleague asked when we got wind of the letter in the newsroom last week. ”Of all his observations which one can he say he was not guilty of while in office?” the colleague further asked, throwing up a heated debate that night.

    Obasanjo may not be the saint he tried to portray himself in that letter, but that is not enough to dismiss what he is saying. We should look at the message and not the messenger. There are issues in that letter which the president should address. Since this is not a court case, the onus is on him to disprove Obasanjo’s claims. Is he secretly training snipers? Did he place about 1000 people on ‘political watch list’, whatever that means? Is he interested in a second term? He has since promised to let us know where he stands on that in 2014. But he should do so now in light of Obasanjo’s grave allegations against him.

    Is he equipping a killer squad ahead of the 2015 elections? Is he fighting or ”encouraging corruption through his body language?” As president, Jonathan wields enormous powers. People can disappear and not be seen again forever if he so wishes. This is why the hair raising allegations by Obasanjo cannot be dismissed by a wave of the hand. He has to respond to them and do so fast to allay our fears. Are we safe or not under him as our president? This is the long and short of the whole matter. So, we cannot afford to throw away the baby (letter) and the bath water (writer). The ball, as they say, is in the president’s court. He should speak up before it is too late!

     

    Sanusi and the oil cabal

    The figure is mind boggling. $49.8 billion is what is said to be missing from our oil account. It is hard to believe that such amount could be missing between January, last year and July, 2013, and we are just being told now. If the whistle blower had not been Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Lamido Sanusi, I would have dismissed the allegation offhand. Coming from him, I cannot do so, considering the fact that state governors too have been shouting for some time now that the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) has not been transparent in its handling of our oil money. NNPC has since denied Sanusi’s claim, but the firm is not convincing enough. This is part of the ‘’haemorrhaging’’ Obasanjo was talking about. We should look deeper into this matter to save our country from the hands of oil goons. Thank God the Senate has initiated a probe. For better result, the probe should be expanded to become a joint National Assembly affair.

  • Tale of four letters; Three Pretoria people; Road/Niger Bridge Travel as ‘National Disasters’

    Tale of four letters; Three Pretoria people; Road/Niger Bridge Travel as ‘National Disasters’

    The world buried Nelson Mandela and begins the search for a successor-an international honest political hero, Meanwhile Nigerians read the horrible revelations in two letters from Sanusi of CBN and Obasanjo, ex-President and look at the third ‘letter’, a Supreme Court Judgement in favour of Bode George and a fourth ‘letter’, a High Court ruling in favour of Nasir El Rufai. Nigerians shudder at the consequences of corruption, poor governance, vindictive prosecution and abuse of investigative organs of justice since before 1999 and questionable court judgement. Nigerians must remember that there is no difference between government trained snipers, killer squads, thugs and police KAG –‘Kill and Go’. They all kill and all parties use one or another. If we can stop one, we must stop all. A sniper’s bullet in the heart or brain has the same effect as a cut throat from a machete or brains spilt with a thug’s stick. For example how many were imprisoned, executed and died mysteriously during the dreaded Abacha regime, yet he still has a stadium named after him and his henchmen and offspring will soon again run for President if not governor? How many die each election.

    Christian Amanpour of CNN reminds us all that Pretoria and South African experiences link three great heroes of this generation. They were all burnt or seared by apartheid and miraculously went on to personal greatness. Churchill was held in Pretoria during the Boer War and escaped to become a war hero and later the great leader of Great Britain during World War 11 and though he later described Ghandi as ‘bloody kafir’, Churchill in the heat of WW11 in 1943 still managed to set up the machinery that would bring higher education to English speaking Africa with the founding of the Universities Ibadan, Legon and Fourah Bay. Ghandi was thrown off the train to Pretoria for being Indian. He subsequently fought apartheid and became the non-violence icon during struggles to lead India to independence in 1947.  And then there was Mandela, Madiba.

    From adversity and pollution sometimes comes magnificent resolve and unimaginable greatness leading often excruciatingly slowly to purifying the society and FREEDOM. But during the process of ‘purification’, many, in their miserable millions, are ‘contained’, minimised in needs and deeds, crippled, killed, die in reality or economically, of their wounds, mental and physical. They remain unsung except by loved ones. How many must suffer for one suffering hero to emerge? How many suffered and died in slavery before abolition? How many times did Mandela’s name come up for execution or appear in the crosshairs of a sniper’s rifle? What saved Mandela when other mortals in Sharpsville and Soweto and victims like Chris Hani were fair game for dog attacks, beatings, brutality, bullets and murder?

    When good men and women keep quiet or are silenced bad people fill the vacuum. That is why the EU is trying to solve the electricity problem spawned in Nigeria by the serial failure and collective small mindedness of past political and military visionless leaders with no spark of national energy during the dark ages 1983 to 2013! God gave us the sun but we need someone with solar-vision to harness it for development. Will that be the new Mandela’s task? What is the new apartheid to be confronted by the new Mandela? Is depriving Nigerians of their livelihood, security’, health and education by removing electricity from their expectations the new apartheid leading to oppression by denial of power, exploitation of the people by petroleum and generator oppressors? Will they be defeated by solar power?

    So we MUST suffer at the hands of contractors to smile. The 20,000 vehicles in five lanes on each side and 25 kilometres long caught in both sides of the Saturdays of 7-12-2013 and 14-12-13 traffic mayhem cannot all be wrong. What manner of supervising governance, contractor-customer care and country is this? RCC and Julius Berger should have a better CONTRACTOR-CUSTOMER CARE pact. And do not forget the Niger Bridge. The FRSC must redefine its role to keep traffic moving at all times and not pluck unfortunate suffering vehicles for ‘particulars check’. Why is ‘travel’ a ‘Natural or national Disaster’ in Nigeria? We are our worst enemies. Uncaring FRSC, contractors, events like religious events, queue-jumping as a way of expressway life, too few points of turning on the expressway, absent pedestrian walkways all contribute to 4-6 hours for a 127km trip. Judge Nigeria by absent flyovers or pedestrian walkways at Redeem and the slow pace of work on the Lagos Secretariat Alausa pedestrian walkway taking more than six months, the same time as it is taking to build the tallest building in the world! Is there a light at the end of this tunnel? There will be light only if all Nigerians, every Nigerian, join hands to shine their eyes and torches to dispel the evil. Nigeria is dying, not rising. Nigerians must rise up and demand a seat at the table, directly or indirectly. Nigerians must contribute to, eat, drink, thank, talk, walk and sleep and dream ‘The Nigeria of their Dreams’. As we clock 100 years of ‘AMALGAMARRIAGE’ it is time for all to make the changes to our polity and politics, economy and education, humanity and health, safety and security, fiscal and excusive list in the constitution, now with this ‘Sovereign’ -National Conference. Merry Christmas, will you have electricity on Christmas Day?

  • The ‘curse’ of a godfather

    The ‘curse’ of a godfather

    Of recent, President Goodluck Jonathan has been under siege like no other president in recent history. In quick succession, he has come under indirect attack from the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Malam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, and then directly from the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, and even more directly, from his erstwhile benefactor and estranged godfather, former president, General Olusegun Obasanjo.

    Not least of all, the man has come under renewed attack from the new opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) which has called for the president’s impeachment subsequent upon Obasanjo’s open letter to his erstwhile godson, a letter in which the godfather has accused his godson of sundry offences, including venality, incompetence and bad faith as leader of his party, as president of the country, as commander-in-chief of its armed forces, as its chief security officer and as its political leader.

    Last week, the press published a letter the CBN governor had written to the president months before accusing the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation of failing to remit $49.8 billion (about N8 trillion) from the sales of crude oil for 19 months ending last July. That letter can be interpreted as Malam Sanusi’s indirect way of saying the president was either clueless about the alleged mishandling of the oil business by NNPC or he was negligent or, worse still, complicit.

    The CBN governor would not be the first to raise doubts about the transparency of the NNPC and, by extension, that of the Federal Government on whose behalf NNPC handles the oily business. As far back as at least 2003, Engineer Hamman Tukur, former chairman of the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), had a running battle with both the NNPC and President Olusegun Obasanjo about money the corporation was supposed to have remitted to the Federation Account. At one time he even wrote the Senate Committees on Appropriations and Finance, accusing the NNPC of short-changing the country of over N300 billion, a charge that then managing director of the corporation, Mr Jackson Gaius-Obaseki, promptly denied.

    More recently, the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) warned in its 2011 report on the oil industry that there were revenue short falls of N3.2 trillion from NNPC. Similarly in its controversial report on fuel subsidy, a panel under Malam Nuhu Ribadu appointed by the Minister of Petroleum, Mrs Dizeani Allison-Madueke, to look into the subject said about $30 billion of oil money could not be accounted for.

    In all three cases, the public never got any satisfactory answers before the hullabaloos they generated fizzled out.

    The difference with the CBN letter is the scale of the alleged venality, which is the biggest so far. Another difference is that the NNPC seems to have a satisfactory answer this time to the charges of playing hanky-panky with oil revenue. Yes, it seems to say, the CBN governor may have got his sums correct but he was wrong not to have disaggregated the total oil revenue among the parastatals collectively responsible for remittances into the Federation Account, the others being the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) and the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR).

    However, even if the CBN governor has goofed – and in spite of NNPC’s seemingly satisfactory explanation, the jury is still out over the issue – no one can deny the fact that long before President Jonathan the presidency has never been in the frontline of the war against corruption in Nigeria’s oily business which has made it one of the most opaque in the world. The problem with the president is that, instead of the breath of fresh air he promised in the way the affairs of state have been conducted in his 2011 presidential campaigns, things have only grown worse exponentially.

    Thus, it is difficult, if not impossible, to deny Tambuwal’s charge that the president’s “body language” in the crusade against corruption does not suggest someone who is committed, willing and able to fight the scourge.

    However, of all the attacks the president has come under lately, none has apparently rattled him like that of his estranged godfather and benefactor. This should not surprise anyone if only because no true godson can ever be happy at being repudiated by his godfather, no matter the extent of disagreement between them.

    Add to this the mystique that this godfather’s repudiation has almost always led to the downfall of the object of his attack – the presidency of Alhaji Shehu Shagari whom he had handed over power to in1979 fell in 1983, the regime of Major-General Muhammadu Buhari which took over from Shagari fell in 1985 and General Ibrahim Babangida who ousted Buhari in a palace coup “steeped aside” in August 1993, not long after Obasanjo publicly chastised each of them – then it’s easy to see why President Jonathan should be worried by the tone and substance of General Obasanjo’s letter.

    General Sani Abacha, who threw out General Babangida’s interim civilian administration in November 1993, seemed to have punctured this mystique when, first, he sentenced Obasanjo to death but later commuted the sentence to life for his alleged complicity in a coup attempt against Abacha in 1995, due to pressure from the international community to which Obasanjo was well-connected. But then Abacha died mysteriously in office in 1998 and Obasanjo emerged straight from prison to the presidency in 1999, as if to reinforce his mystique of a man whose curse, for want of a better word, is never in vain.

    It is highly unlikely that President Jonathan would fall because of Obasanjo’s “curse”. Military coups have generally since become discredited as a means of regime change, never mind the recent cases of Mali, Egypt and the Central African Republic. Impeachment for “gross misconduct”, as the opposition APC called for over the weekend, is also not a viable option even though the president, like his godfather, has committed almost every impeachable offence you can imagine, not least of which is his highly selective and poor implementation of the country’s annual budgets; the opposition in the National Assembly does not have numbers but even if they do, our ethnic, religious and geo-political divisions and the power of cash coupled with the greed of the ruling elite generally, make it virtually impossible to depose anyone through impeachment.

    However, even though President Jonathan is unlikely to fall on account of Obasanjo’s curse, it has damaged the viability of his candidacy in the 2015 presidential election almost beyond repairs.

    As president, Obasanjo is, no doubt, one of Nigeria’s, indeed Africa’s, most competent and knowledgeable. Also he is, in spite of the presidency’s most recent retort to his letter that the man is a “spineless coward”, one of Nigeria’s most courageous; for example, only a man of courage will disregard warnings while he is abroad of his imminent arrest once he returns to his country and still go ahead not only to fly back but continue with his criticisms of the authorities, as Obasanjo did under Abacha in 1995.

    However, as almost everyone will agree, the man is the last who should preach the virtues of good governance, transparency and good faith to anyone, given the proverbial venality, insecurity, institutional instability and acts of bad faith that characterised his eight-year rule as civilian president.

    Even then, his propensity to preach what he does not practise should not detract from his courage to speak truth to power when he is virtually alone among our past leaders that are unhappy with President Jonathan’s dismal record of performance, who can speak out without the matter being turned into an ethnic, sectional or sectarian conflict. It’s hardly difficult to imagine how, for example, Mujahid Asari Dokubo, the outspoken Ijaw militant, would have since turned Obasanjo’s letter into an ethnic or sectional thing or how Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, the Christian Association of Nigeria’s president, would have since turned the letter into a religious war if it had been written by, say, Generals Buhari or Babangida.

    The only other past leader I can think of who could tick off the president without the matter being given an ethnic or religious colouration is General T. Y. Danjuma. Two Fridays ago, he reportedly lambasted the president in words and tone even more acerbic than Obasanjo’s letter over his incompetence and weak leadership at a private dinner of a very select few initiated by Chief Tony Anenih to solve the seemingly intractable PDP crisis. However, as a private takedown, Danjuma’s reported criticism of the president cannot obviously have the same effect as Obasanjo’s letter.

    If nothing else that letter has given the president plenty food to rethink his 2015 presidential ambition. It has also made it difficult, if not impossible for the president’s supporters, his war commanders and foot soldiers alike, to use ethnicity and religion as effective propaganda weapons like they did in the 2011 elections.

  • JKF: One great term deserves another

    JKF: One great term deserves another

    The most memorable moments of life’s varied encounters sometimes come without a force or fanfare. But as events unfold years later, we come to recognize their landmark nature and what truly defined them. Such was my first chanced meeting with the former governor of Lagos State, the icon of democracy, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. It remains an unforgettable scenario which was replicated later with the current, highly resourceful governor of Ekiti State, the ‘Land of Honour’, Dr. John Kayode Fayemi.

    For the former, waves of nostalgia feather me back to 1993.One can still vividly recall that I was just settling down at The Guardian under the tutelage of one of Nigeria’s finest sub-editors of his generation, Gbenga Omotoso. It was during one of the most turbulent periods of the nation’s chequered political history with the crude and callous annulment of the June 12 presidential election, adjudged to have been freely and fairly won by Chief M.K.O Abiola (of blessed memory).

    It was on my assignment to cover the post-election crisis that trailed the annulment by the famed military president, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, IBB when I first encountered the Asiwaju, one of the pillars of the struggle to actualize that mandate. Back then however, his compelling political pedigree and persona were yet to unfold like the colourful flower’s petals to the sun’s glorious rays before he slipped into exile, to the United States during the Abacha regime‘s dreaded military dictatorship.

    Still, he was elected and sworn in as the governor of Lagos State, the Centre of Excellence, in 1999 I elected to watch his government from a distance. That was, until the charm of his then Chief Press Secretary, Segun Ayobolu drew the attention of notable journalists to his government. Coincidentally, media missiles were then flying all over the political sphere; mostly to ascertain what form and shape his government would take as the take-off itself was up against the clouds precisely in the first six months. But it was not long before he exhibited a master stroke with the whirlwind of a media tour.

    On that momentous occasion, he looked relaxed with a wan smile playing around his lips as he gave details of his master plan to institute enduring structures in Lagos State. Good enough for his administration some six months later his promises had started bearing fruits. What with massive infrastructural development in the critical areas of road construction, education, primary healthcare delivery and the transport sector. With them came free eye screening project, LASTMA and LAMATA just to name a few. The rest, as they say is history.

    Incidentally, a similar scenario was about playing itself out in my encounter with the current governor of Ekiti state, JKF. First, was the opportunity for me to gain from his fecund mind as one enjoyed reading his thematically relevant and thought-provoking essays in the African Guardian where he had worked briefly. That was before one’s professional ship of journalism safely berthed there. Subsequently, I got more acquainted with him when he became a major fighter in the pro-democracy group. That was during the desperate struggle to find answers and validate the June 12, 1993 election impasse.

    Worthy of note was the fact that he was the brain behind the immensely popular Radio Kudirat that sent shivers down the spine of late General Abacha’s military monstrosity. All because of the implicit trust the western world reposed in him, JKF became the dependable link between it and the pro-democracy activists. It is on record that twice he was offered huge sums of money in hard currency, surreptitiously to play the Judas and thwart the collective will of Nigerians and twice he rejected the lure of the lucre which he considered evil.

    On this score, I had no hesitation in throwing my weight behind him when he took the bold decision to throw his hat into the gubernatorial ring of his state. But in a similar vein to the encounter with the Asiwaju, I waited, patiently for two years to critically assess the political situation in Ekiti if he would match words with action. Specifically, in line with the promises he had made during the electioneering campaign and the well articulated Eight-point Agenda.

    Now, some three years on, JKF has indeed, walked the talk; making my generation proud to be associated with a performer-per-excellence. In a paradigm shift from the average Nigerian politician angling for power only for self aggrandizement he has directed the tool of governance to be more people-oriented. From massive infrastructural development through truly free education and human capacity development policy to modernizing agriculture, health care services, industrial development to opening up the beautiful tourists’ attractions for the entire world to see and gender equality, JKF has become the agent of change.

    He made history as the first governor in Nigeria to sign into law the Freedom of Information (FoI) Law on Monday, July 4, 2011.This was to set the template to ensure that government business is conducted with the desired probity and accountability.

    In the area of infrastructural development there are various road construction going on in towns, villages down to the remotest settlements parts of the state. This was attested to during his recent tour across the local governments to commission one project or the other. Not too long ago he commissioned ten major roads totaling 103 km in fulfillment of the promise to make the state accessible by motorable roads by 2014.

    To exhibit the human face nature of his administration, it is a notable fact that Ekiti state is also the first in the country to practically demonstrate a welfare scheme for the aged as the indigent elders are receive N5,000 monthly. Only recently, the federal government keyed into it by expanding the programme to reach selected women in the state. After one year of receiving the stipend they could be offered soft loans to start their businesses. This is commendable and should be emulated by other state governments in the country.

    His imprint in the area of education would remain an enduring legacy. Said he: “The entirety of the programme is about quantitative and quality education from primary to secondary schools. And this is all encompassing involving the students, the teachers, the parents, the corporate and civil organizations and the public. It also involves good infrastructure, the conducive environment and every other value that can aid development in the sector. So, in Ekiti state, no student is asked to pay a kobo as school or whatever fee.”

    Similarly he stated that: “Many dilapidated school buildings which had not been touched for 40 years are being demolished and rebuilt with work at completion stage in various public schools.”

    Not left out is the health sector. For instance, he has commissioned a health centre at Ido Ile and a Skills Acquisition Centre at Iropora Ekiti which were carried out under the State Community and Social Development Agency. There is a regular health monitoring of the citizens through medical check ups which are free in addition to the cancer centre built in memory of the late deputy governor of the state.

    The governor also commissioned five water treatment plants at Ipole Iloro, Efon, Ido Ile, Okemesi and Mary Hill Ado Ekiti as part of people-oriented projects scheduled to mark the second anniversary of his administration. It is geared towards providing potable water to at least 80 per cent of the state population by 2014. In a complementary gesture, all the four dams in the state would become functional as a bulk of the 2014 budget is to be earmarked for the delivery of potable water.

    To up the ante in the tourism sector, the popular Ikogosi Warm Spring has been upgraded with requisite infrastructural development to make it a tourist‘s haven, as some cultural festivals are being rejuvenated to enhance the industry.

    To boost the capacity of the power sector, the people of Odo Uro, a community in Iyin Ekiti are delighted as the governor commissioned a rural electrification project. The work done involved about 0.1km Inter Town Connection (ITC), 1.8km Township Distribution Network (TDN), a 300KVA transformer and street lighting.

    Indeed, if leadership entails the unfailing elements of vision, the uncommon capacity to identify the most pressing needs of the led majority and provide them, the courage to do the right thing at the right time and of course, being a beacon bearer to show the people the way out of the long, dark tunnel of poverty and apathy, Fayemi is an epitome of it all. Having proven his mettle so far, one great term deserves another.

  • The Mandela files (2): Mandela in America

    The Mandela files (2): Mandela in America

    In the age of television and instant mass communication, we ought perhaps to revise Ralph Waldo Emerson’s quip and insist that every hero becomes a bore not merely at last but very soon, maybe after only two or three television interviews.

    To do so, however, would be to reckon without the phenomenon that is Nelson Mandela.

    If one week is a long time in politics as a British statesman once remarked, the six months that have passed since Mandela was released from prison and has been the focus of media attention constitute nothing less than an eternity in the murky world of international politics.

    And yet, his stature has continued to grow, and his admirers to multiply. Everywhere he speaks, his message gains in urgency. He has been winning friends for the African National Congress and the liberation struggle of which he is the foremost symbol.

    After scores of television appearances, innumerable newspaper interviews and speeches, he is still displaying an intriguing knack for saying the right thing in the right place at the right time in the right way.

    At 72, Mandela maintains a schedule that would have fazed many a man half his age. But rarely has he shown the irritability that usually flows from weariness that not even a person of his singular energies and willpower can conceal. To admirers and opponents alike, he has shown uncommon civility and a graciousness that is all the more remarkable for being so totally natural.

    In America, the land of the anti-hero, where the news interview is an inquisition by another name, it was widely expected that he would be cut down to human size at last. He had set out on a14-nation, six-week trip only four days after undergoing surgery. The calculation in some quarters was that by the time he reached the United States, signs of exhaustion would be so manifest in his conduct, his temperament would have become brittle, and he would not be able to stand up to the tough questioning for which the American news media are reputed.

    Mandela’s well-known favourable disposition towards some of the bêtes noires of the American Establishment – Cuba’s president Fidel Castro, Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gaddafi and PLO leader Yasser Arafat – was sure to render him vulnerable to the sniping of the jingoistic right-wing press and the powerful Jewish interests, of which the United States policy-making is hostage.

    But in America, Mandela was at his brilliant and most engaging best. More than one million people in New York lined his route to honour him in a ticker-tape parade. The city’s first African American mayor, David Dinkins, gave him the keys of the Big Apple. At the United Nations, accredited representatives of all nations of the world rose in a prolonged ovation even before he began to speak.

    He told America that that its enemies were not necessarily the enemies of the ANC; he praised Castro and Gaddafi and Arafat for their contributions to the liberation struggle in South Africa. He spelled out without hatred or bitterness what apartheid means in human terms, insisted on the imperative of the armed struggle, and declared that nothing had happened in his country to warrant the lifting of sanctions.

    In Washington, DC, he drew rapturous applause at various points in his address before the United States Congress, the first by a black foreign leader who holds no executive authority.

    In television and newspaper interviews and speeches across the United States, he reiterated his position on various issues calmly and with the grave, measured dignity that is his hallmark.

    Predictably, a few rumbles were heard here and there. The Jewish lobby was aghast that Mandela did not denounce Yasser Arafat as a terrorist chieftain and the PLO as a terrorist organisation. Under pressure from the large Cuban exile community, Miami scaled down the reception that had been planned for Mandela.

    The New York Times in an editorial hailed him as an authentic hero, a manifestation of man’s unconquerable spirit, but remarked that if the United States were to employ Mandela’s standards and judge individuals and organisations by their attitudes toward it and not on the basis of other people’s prejudices, it would never have imposed economic sanctions against the South Africa.

    A.M. Rosenthal, the rabidly pro-Jewish columnist for the paper, wrote approvingly of Mandela but deplored as “amoral” his standards in choosing friends. So did other Times columnist Flora Lewis, whose liberal credentials are unimpeachable on all matters except those that have any bearing on Israel, however tangentially.

    All of them conveniently forget that the United States is only a recent convert to the view that economic sanctions can force Pretoria to reconsider its iniquitous policies’

    Was it not the U.S. that invented the opportunistic and amoral policy of “constructive engagement”? Was it not former Secretary of State, George Schultz, who declared that the U.S. could not impose economic sanctions against South Africa because American women would by that measure be deprived of a source of diamonds? Had the U.S. not always stood in the way of UN draft resolutions condemning the barbarities of apartheid?

    Mandela knows all this but is too gracious, too civil, to dwell on them. He had his own message to put across and was not going to be dragged into sterile controversy.

    *Second installment of a three-part retrospective on Mandela. The article was first published in The African Guardian (September 23, 1990).

    *

    Twenty-three years later, well before Mandela’s lifeless body had turned cold, the right-wing media in the United States resumed its campaign of framing Mandela according to its soulless measure of goodness and greatness.

    Yes, Mandela preached love and forgiveness and may even have practised same. But, you see, he was a Kha.mew.nist (read Communist). A Kha.mew.nist, you understand? He was the leader of a terrorist organisation that murdered thousands of innocent people in Africa and elsewhere, many of them women and children.

    You doubt it?

    Recently declassified material in the British archives, they said triumphantly, shows irrefutably that Mandela was not merely leader of an organisation of which the South African Communist Party was an ally, he was, horror of horrors, an actual, card-carrying, dues-paying member of that party.

    Such labelling is a familiar weapon of the American Right, reserved especially for outstanding black men whose complaisance could not be taken for granted – Paul Robeson, Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, and Martin Luther King, Jr., to name just a few.

    Mandela had denied his alleged Communist affiliation again and again. But does it matter whether he was a Communist or not? If it is indeed proven that he was once an active, card-carrying, dues-paying member of the SACP, would that take anything away from his stature as one of the greatest men of our age and any age?

    Apartheid, the pernicious ideology that undergirded the machinery of government in South Africa, was justly condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity. To some of the loudest elements of the American Right, however, Communism is a far greater evil apartheid.

    Better a crime against humanity – especially black humanity — than a doctrine that challenges the foundations of market capitalism.

  • NIPR: Need for  paradigm shift

    NIPR: Need for paradigm shift

    The emergence of the practice of Public Relations in Nigeria dates back the years following the end of the Second World War. That was when the spirit of nationalism began to flourish. Colonialism and its attendant subjugation of the people’s will was becoming louder and louder and the colonial powers found it expedient to begin to control the damage of misrules as much as possible. This gave rise to the application of public relations strategies through the massive use of information techniques.

    In 1963 some young Nigerians, notably, the late Sam Epelle, Ikaz Yakubu, Tony William, Late H.K. Offonry and Bob Ogbuagu formed Public Relations Association of Nigeria in Lagos. Gradually, this association spread Enugu and Ibadan.

    Then, a substantial number of other practitioners came in by the sheer nature of their functions hence they learnt it on the job.

    As the profession began to be widely accepted and membership expanded, the name was changed to Nigerian Institute of Public Relations.

    From 1963 to 1990 when the profession was officially given a legal status, it was that of cumulative efforts resulting in tremendous growth of the profession. It was during that period that when the pioneering leaders, particularly Alex Akinyele and Mike Okereke, did everything to ensure that the profession was given its right of place within the nation’s socio-economic and political life.

    Achievements then included the growth in membership, the streamlining of the admission of members, the granting of fellowship, the classification of membership into student, affiliate, associate, member and fellow. Two chairs were also established at the University of Nigeria and Ibadan offering Masters of Art Degree in Public Relations, Master of Science Degree in Public Relations.

    Although each of the national presidents of the institute made contributions towards its growth and development, it was during the tenure of Okereke that some major achievements were accomplished. These include; the granting of legal recognition to the institute in what is now known as Decree 16, of 1990 which recognized the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations as the sole authority to regulate practice of Public Relations in Nigeria. Although it began during the regime of Akinyele who gave a vital push before the end of his tenure, Okereke, capitalizing on his experience as a top functionary of the United African Company, UAC, was well placed to diversify the profession and the institute.

    One of his major achievements was to secure the granting of government subvention as an arm of the Federal Ministry of Information. Apart from the formalization of entry requirements, regular seminars and workshops were organized by the institute from which it receives a substantial sum of money and establishment of Sam Epelle annual lecture. Besides, most of the public and private corporate bodies were persuaded to employ only registered members of the institute as their public relations staff. It will not be an exaggeration to say that Okereke’s era was the golden era of the institute. Public relations began to be highly recognized, respected and factored into high echelon of management of several organizations. The PR practitioner was seen as no longer a man who carries portfolio or a glorious messenger, but as a well cultured, groomed and admired corporate officer or manager.

    However, things began to take a gradual decline from the tenure of Sabo Mohammed, particularly in the area of proliferation of fellowship and admission of sometimes not so qualified members. Things had in fact gotten bad when Mohammed left.

    When Jibade Oyekan came in as President, things were no longer in good shape. Oyekan’s regime lasted for only two years. At the AGM of 2001 in Owerri, Oyekan, who, in my mind would have done better if he had been given enough chance, was voted out.

    It must be mentioned that Bobo Brown’s era saw a serious effort to collectively give the Nigerian nation a new reputation among the comity of nations. However, his era which stretched from 2001 to 2005 was characterized by belligerence which invariably alienated some senior leaders of the institute and government officials particularly in the Ministry of Information. His support for the highly respected scholar and marketing professional, Prof. Ike Nwosu to take over from him did not go down well with many members who had thought that the Presidency should have gone to the South-West. His emergence would dampen the professional spirit of many members.

    Another sour issue was the enthronement of Frank Tamuno Coco as chairman of Board of Fellows in which he has remained till this day for more than 12 years running. Unfortunately, he used the position to ensure that only those who would support any presidential candidate anointed by him and Bobo. That was why Nwosu replaced Bobo and that was how Abdullah Mohammed emerged to replace Nwosu. By this arrangement, mediocrity was installed over meritocracy and the fortunes of the institute began to decline. Nwosu helped in no small measure to rectify the anomalies in the appointment of fellows and in addition to ensuring the setting up of Education Board which has done very well to sanitize admission.

    Thus, the new paradigm shift which a new council is expected to embrace among other things must ensure that the “near perpetuity” of the chairmanship of Board of Fellows is changed and made only for the person to serve four years; appointment of Fellows through examination is not achieving its objectives because some fellow appointed through the so-called examination process between 2004 till date did not write the submitted projects themselves. They simply got some more qualified members or even their staff to write them for them. A more decent and or transparent method must be fashioned out beginning with the rule that nobody can become a Fellow, unless he has been on the membership status for 10 years. This rule has been grossly abused. Besides, venue for holding AGM must not be left at the whims and caprices of the President who would always set the date and venue to serve his parochial interest; the current council members to certain extent have not honestly asserted their authority. The administrative and secretarial matters must be streamlined in which case Registrar must be allowed to help make inputs into certain decision and not as a mere “party” scribe. This must go with the complete auditing of the past finances of the institute.

    The 2013 AGM should ensure that the next President come from the South-west to ensure equity. Unfortunately, the institute has not responded to the yearning that women should be carried along in many issue of national concern. No female has ever served as the President or even Vice President of the Institute. The paradigm shift must include this.

    • Osuji, OON, FNIPR writes from Owerri, Imo State

  • Before it is too late?

    Before it is too late?

    Hate him or love him, there is something about the Olusegun Obasanjo persona that manages to evoke mixed passions both in the polity and in every one of us. A classic study in ethical and moral abdication, his story, emblematises the ugly face of the nation’s leadership regression. For a man whose entire public life had the ever tending hands of benevolent gods doing the cracking of his proverbial palm kernels for him, those who endlessly accuse him of opportunism merely acknowledge the gracelessness that has dogged his entire life.

    So much for the naked dance of the self-appointed diviner of fate!

    The issue of course is the ex-President’s inelegantly worded 18-page ‘advisory’ to the estranged godson dated December 2 – that is few days before the December 5 passing of the great Nelson Mandela. Although it seems highly improbable that the timing of its ‘leakage’ had anything to do with an attempt to burnish the shrunken stature of a man who once rubbed shoulders with global statesmen as a member of Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group, even at that, there are those who would swear that Obasanjo actually chose the timing of the release of the ‘satanic verses’ as his own revenge on a world that has long expunged his name from its roll of statesmen!

    I must say that one of the difficult, unenviable choices of being a Nigerian is being called upon to pick between the graceless, unforgiving, hypocritical and the outright lawless godfather and his utterly incompetent, vacillating and corrupt clone!

    I have been asked the question nearly a dozen times – what do I make of Obasanjo’s letter to President Goodluck Jonathan?

    My ready answer is –it is vintage Obasanjo with its signature self-serving patriotic pretensions and alarming prognostications. Simply because he created Jonathan in his image and after his likeness, he seeks to remain the jealous god to whom the man must defer whether in the running of the party or the conduct of his government! It’s part of living in the illusion of being the ultimate shuttle diplomat – consulted by Presidents and kings – to do what he does best – dousing the fires created by the many marionettes on the continent!

    Such make-believe larger than life image of Obasanjo obviously plays to type. It is part of the myth woven round the man now pejoratively call Baba. Recently, I watched Baba spar with ex-CNN man, the Kenyan-born Jeff Koinage on You-Tube. I struggled to reconcile the image of a once celebrated professional with the practiced actor fawning before our own OBJ at some downtown conference in East Africa! And how the man loved the comical spectacle!

    Why is OBJ angry with GEJ? Is it for surpassing his administration’s records in serial abuses of our laws and institutions? And talk of fidelity to party; didn’t Obasanjo blaze the trail in party infidelity when he supported Ikedi Ohakim, the PPA candidate against Ararume, the candidate of his party? What about the serial impunities in Ekiti, Plateau and Bayelsa? And the corruption? The third term subversion, etc.

    Nigerians, it must be said truly know who their troubler-in-chief is.

    Now, let’s turn to the sanctimonious Jonathan presidency. I wish there was something left of that intangible called ‘sympathy’ for an administration that has done all in its power to mismanage virtually all aspects of our lives in a little over three years since it took charge. From a broad pan-Nigerian mandate of 2011, what we have now is a presidency diminished both in moral authority and in grandeur. In this, Obasanjo was neither original nor expressed anything outside what other Nigerians have come to perceive as the gracelessness of our Ijaw brothers in appropriating this Presidency as theirs. And how they rub it in!

    Under Obasanjo, at least you knew who was in charge; today what we have is a laissez faire presidency – a party of all comers. Imagine an administration presiding over the daily theft of 20 percent of its main revenue source – crude oil? It would hardly be uncharitable to qualify it as an administration only in name.

    In saner climes, that is a cause for war! What do we have instead? Brigands calling the shots leaving state actors to squabble over the dregs in the pot. And this is supposed to be a country with a standing army, navy and air force. Welcome to GEJ’s gangland republic.

    That was what Obasanjo inferred with his allegory of the thief being invited to guard the house. Only the presidency can afford to pretend not to know who the thieves are; or the house being ravaged. We know. We know what the supposed minders have done with our lives. It’s etched on the faces of the ordinary man on the Main Street.

    It is of course that graft in high places of course stinks to high heavens. The scale of impunity beggars believe. Ever heard of corruption-complaint administration? There is putrefaction everywhere; the NNPC is an island unto itself; or so it has always been. The accounts, we are told by those who should know, are for their eyes only. Only in Nigeria would the variation on existing contract quadruple the initial contract sum. If in doubt, ask Works Ministry; the smart operators in the powerful ministry have just enough tools to convince, confuse and confound anyone!

    I need to talk about the little matter of the aviation ministry. Yes, Stella Oduah of the Stellagate fame is still in charge. You ask; how come? Our President of course thinks corruption is overblown; that it is more of a perception thing.

    Now, we have since learnt how easy it is to purchase two bullet-proof vehicles outside the strictures of appropriation process in clear violation of the procurement laws; that is of course permissible so long as you have the ears of the President. Never mind that those who should approve the expenditure have long denied that they gave no approval for anything of the sort. With the chief of state settling for an administrative panel rather than haul the alleged felons before the courts, the case appears closed.

    I don’t think Nigerians can suffer the indulgence of ignoring Saint Obasanjo. That would be fatal. An erstwhile commander-in-chief obviously knows the implication of raising hell over the 1000 names said to be on political watch list and an alleged recruitment of hit squads for whatever agenda. It goes beyond wishing that the worst would not happen. It calls for action on the part of the National Assembly as the elected representatives of the people. As the Yorubas would say – the log that poses a threat to the eye is better taken off from a safe distance. Hardly a time to cast lots between godfather and godson.