Category: Columnists

  • OAU’s leadership in software engineering

    Obafemi Awolowo Uiversity, Ile-Ife continues to engrave her name in the psyche of global reckoning as a centre of academic excellence. She remains the best and the number one university in Nigeria. She has retained this position for two consecutive years. In the latest Webometric ranking of world universities released by the Cybermetrics Lab of Spain – a world renowned Research Council and which was circulated around the world, the university was ranked the best and number one university in Nigeria and the entire sub-region of West Africa. She also moved from number 14 position to number eight in the Africa. This makes her the first university in Nigeria to be among the best 10 universities in Africa.

    This break-taking achievement has been made possible because OAU as the leading ICT university in Nigeria continues to be the trail-blazer in other ICT initiatives in the nation’s educational landscape. Her researchers developed and established the first i-Lab in Africa, South of Sahara, after, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) started its pilot programme in 2005 with three African universities namely OAU, Makerere University, Uganda and University of Dar a-Salaam, Tanzania. I-Lab is a scientific innovation which enables students and researchers carry out experiments over a network without being in the same geographical location. Her Central Science Laboratory with the assemblage of state-of-the art equipment, including Varian Mercury 200 NMR Spectrometer which is the only one in the entire Nigerian university system is the best not only in Nigeria but in the entire West Africa. It attracts researchers and scholars from the sub-region. In furtherance of the determination of the administration of Professor Bamitale Omole to make ICT and other related innovations the fulcrum of her developmental strategy in teaching, research, administration and service delivery, she is now the pace-setter in software engineering.

    Recently, with the financial support from Step-B/World Bank and Skye Bank Plc, a multi-million naira Centre of Excellence in Software Engineering was commissioned in OAU in July. The facilities in the centre will greatly impact in the teaching and research efforts of the university and make her retain its enviable position on the ranking of global universities by Webometric as the best university in Nigeria.

    The centre’s Telepresence Environment which is fully equipped with Huawei TP 3118 product will enhance the delivery of lectures for large classes. Lectures will be delivered to students located in different auditoria in real-time over the internet. OAU researchers will also have web-conferencing and interactions with other researchers all over the globe in real time via the internet. There exists a Cloud Computing Environment (CCE) with 7.7 TB cloud server for applications and OS, and cloud storage of 96TB with 500 virtual Terminals.

    The objective of the centre which is well-equipped with highly sophisticated equipment is to address the paucity and dearth of educational software which will utilize teaching aids in the teaching and learning of Science and Technology (S & T) post-basic courses. It will also enhance the capacity of post-basic teachers to develop, deploy and evaluate teaching and learning of S & T using modern ICT facilities with a view to facing the 21st century S & T challenges. The programmes of the centre will build national capacities through postgraduate trainings, post-doctoral researches, short-term trainings, conferences and workshops in software engineering in S&T courses such as software development and application, networking, development of internet and web applications, simulations, graphic, remote experimentation, hardware design, implementation and maintenance.

    The centre will impart knowledge to students in these areas using ICT driven participatory and student-centred teaching and learning approaches that would produce graduates who will be practical-oriented and serve as the catalysts and purveyors of the technological development of the nation.

    For the centre to move abreast with modern trends in software engineering, it will leverage on some international and national partners which OAU has working relationships. The international partners include Abdusaalam International Centre for Theoretical Physics, Italy for the provision of network backbone and hotspots, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) U.S.A in the area of S&T training and research in internet and remote experimentation, Hewlett Packard (H.P) in the area of modern methods in teaching S & T courses, CISCO Academy and Oracle Academy, USA in capacity building in networking and database management. CHAMS PLC, OMATEK Computers Plc and Main One Nigeria Computers Plc which are the local partners will also assist in software development, hardware design and implementation as well as in the provision of internet bandwidth respectively. Already, Sir Demola Aladekomo, Group Managing Director of CHAMS Plc and an alumnus of the university has graciously agreed to build a Software Development House (SDH) to be located beside the centre to expand the software studio.

    The centre also has a software studio where developers can interact to enhance their development skills with a view to developing various applications in software for local and international consumption. The software studio has started producing results. Within the last six months, a group of students from the Department of Computer Science and Engineering trained at the centre as software developers have been able to produce two major innovations: the “‘Akowe” and the “Kedu” software. The Akowe is an application software that enables lecturers deliver lectures over network either via the internet, or the Intranet, and for students to receive the lectures remotely from different locations. The “Kedu” is a network based on real-time communication system that leverages on the existing network facility of the University. It enables users communicate over the Local Area Network (LAN) even without the internet.

    The i-Lab project has also made significant impact in teaching and research efforts by OAU. Firstly, it has solved some of her basic needs in experimentation. Another significant benefit of the project is the opportunity OAU students have had in working with leading global companies in the domain of the project. Through the i-Lab project, OAU staff and students have free access to majority of the lecture notes, audio, video and presentations of MIT Professors under that Institution’s Open Course Ware (OCW) which is the most popular Open Educational Resource (OER) project. This is because OAU is the only university in Nigeria which has the server of the OCW of MIT. Staff and students of OAU have leveraged on the accessibility of the MIT Open Course Ware to conduct research activities including porting the i-Lab platform to mobile phones, developing servomotor lab which allows students to carry out experiments in control engineering, and developing Emona Datex laboratory which enables experiments to be carried out in telecommunications.

    As a result of the immeasurable benefits from interdisciplinary collaboration in the area of research and training, OAU will extend the immense benefits of both the i-Lab project and the software engineering to other universities in the country.

    • Adefemi is of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife

     

  • Coming of Abia industrial city

    Who says leadership is all about staying by the side to cynically and sentimentally criticise even when you are not capable of doing better? Leadership is all about having a vision, seeing beyond today, and planning for future. That was what the present government in Abia State has shown with her recent plans to relocate the popular Ariaria market in the commercial city of Aba to Osisioma community which is just about one kilometre from Aba town.

    The plan is a welcome development and a step in the right direction. One of the greatest problems facing the commercial city of Aba today is the congestion caused by the abuse of the master plan of the city by residents in connivance with some corrupt officials of the successive governments in the state before now. Before now, no government in the state has ever thought of decongesting Aba through the relocation of some markets and expansion of the area.

    But today, the present government has taken the bull by the horn by entering into a Memorandum of Understanding with a private development company to construct ultramodern workshops and warehouses on about 200 hectares of land to be structured on build, operate and manage basis for 35 years. The project, known as Abia International Industrial City (ABIIC) is expected to gulp $1billion dollars with an estimated 200,000 jobs to be created in the process.

    The move is sequel to an advice from former World Bank President, Paul Wolfowitz and Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, both of whom visited the market back in 2005 to assess its economic potentials. Even though the relocation exercise would be voluntary, no right thinking person or trader hates good thing. When the project is completed, it is expected that most traders in Ariaria Market will not delay in relocating to the city because of the conducive and strategic nature of the place after completion. The city will attract more investors to the state and will also uplift the commercial city of Aba to international standard.

    On its part, the state government has been in high-level talks with various organisations, some of which include the Bank of Industry (BOI), United Nations Development Organisation (UNIDO), Central Bank of Nigeria CBN, Nigeria Investment Promotion Council (NIPC), Ministries of Trade and Investment as well as that of Labour and Productivity to see how they could be factored in making the project a great success. The project which is expected to take off September will have its first phase completed by December 2014.

    Naturally, a lot of people would be wondering why this initiative now when the current administration has less than two years in office. The issue is that the project has been conceptualized to outlive the current administration and to explore other viable means of income to the state. The project was borne out of the need to establish key sectors of the economy that have the potential to transit Abia State specifically and Nigeria ultimately from being dependent entirely on the oil sector and unlock the several other economic fortunes of the state.

    With this development, the state government has proved critics wrong again that nothing good comes to the state. Before investors would be prepared to invest such huge money in the state, they must have done their feasibility study which must have proved positive that they would not only get their returns, but that the atmosphere is conducive and devoid of insecurity for them to operate. It has equally demonstrated the state government’s mastery of Public-Private Partnership initiatives (PPP), coming so soon after the partnership agreement with MEDICURE which brought about the successful completion and commissioning of Abia Specialist and Diagnostic Hospital Umuahia. The government has also extended the same gestures to other investors in the state. That is why Nigerians have not heard any case of disagreement between the state government and investors in the state, a development that has encouraged investors to be trooping into the state to explore investment opportunities.

    One could only imagine what would have been the state of Aba today had the government in the state in 2005 hearkened to the advice of the then World Bank President, Wolfowitz and Okonjo-Iweala on the need to build industrial city centre in Aba. That they did not is yet another indication of how visionless and greedy those who pretend to be the leaders of the people are. Of course, such candid and salutary advice from world economic experts was an anathema – particularly as few politically connected individuals actually owned most of the shops in Ariaria market! Heeding the advice would have been tantamount to going against the express wishes of Mama Excellency. That was the major reason the government in the state then did not give it thought.

    It is of course significant that the project is coming on board at a time Geometric Power Nigeria Limited has completed her power plant in Aba; this is another indication that the project would be a huge success. With this, it is expected that by the end of the next year, the commercial city will attain the status of a global industrial city.

     

    • Dr. Ukaegbu, an investment analyst wrote from Abuja

     

     

  • Blame not Jonathan

    Proverbs in African culture speak louder and clearer than a thousand words. Among the Yoruba, it is often said that if a household is peaceful, the illegitimate child there has not reached adulthood.

    You may wish to interpret this proverb the way you like after reading this piece.

    Since the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election widely acknowledged to be the freest and fairest in the history of general elections in Nigeria by the then military rulers in 1994, the Lagos State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) had set aside June 12 of every year to commemorate this historic day that Nigeria’s democracy came of age with the jettisoning of ethnic and religious politics that had always impeded our development as a people and a nation. The day is always marked with a lecture among all other activities.

    The 2013 edition was not different and I could recall listening to the guest speaker, Comrade Frank Ovie Kokori, the General Secretary of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas workers (NUPENG) during that period in our history when Nigerians fought the military not only to restore our democracy but also to revalidate the mandate given to late Chief MKO Abiola in that election as Nigeria’s president-elect.

    Needles to recall here the heroic role played by NUPENG, Kokori and other pro-democracy groups and activists in the struggle that eventually culminated in what we have today, in Nigeria, as democracy.

    At the event also were Aremo Olusegun Osoba, former governor of Ogun State and erudite lawyer and activist, Chief Femi Falana (SAN). One after the other, they all lamented and expressed regrets that most of the major actors that fought and drove the military out of power in Nigeria then were nowhere to be found at the outset of this democracy in 1999, hence the problems besetting our democracy now.

    Before the politicians hijacked the struggle around 1998/99, the battle against the military junta and restoration of democracy was largely being fought by the activists working together with the Nigerian Press. When the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) came it was heralded across the land as the vehicle to rescue Nigeria from the military usurpers of power. Among the signatories to its declaration that included revered statesmen were some journalists including then rookie editor Labaran Maku. Yes, you guessed right, Labaran Maku, Nigeria’s current Information Minister.

    But because the “boys” so to speak were cruising home to victory in the battle to save Nigeria, the “big boys” had to step in and the politicians hijacked the process. In came second republic vice president Alex Ekwueme and some of his colleagues in that era including founding chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Chief Solomon Lar. The G-57, a seemingly pan-Nigerian group, the mid-wife that gave birth to the PDP also sprung up with Ekwueme as the leading light, of course with former military president Ibrahim Babangida and his likes pulling the strings at the background.

    Virtually all the activists and the other patriots in the media, save a few, who actually fought the battle retreated to the background maintaining a puritanical stance, insisting on the military convoking a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) before participating in the emerging democratic process. That was the opportunity the politicians and some apologists of military rule were waiting for and they seized it with both hands. That was an opportunity missed by the pro-democracy groups and activists to shape the future of this country in their own image so to speak; to mould a better democratic future for Nigeria.

    This was the opportunity that Osoba and Falana were rueing at that June 12 lecture. They lamented not listening to the advice of former South African president Thabo Mbeki who came with a message then from then President Nelson Mandela to the pro-democracy camp in Nigeria not to boycott the emerging democratic process. They half listened.  They even ignored the time tested admonition of late sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo against election boycott. Those old men; they stubbornly stuck to their guns allowing the political opportunists backed by their retiring or retired military rulers to take centre stage. Only a few, especially the younger ones among them shunned the boycott advice and embraced the then emerging democratic process. The rest as they say is history.

    But then with the seeming ‘A’ list of those that fought the military to surrender government to civilians sitting on the fence, what did we have?  The hijack of the process by those who sold their conscience to the military for a mere pot of porridge. Those that betrayed the people’s mandate of June 12, 1993. Reaping where they had not sowed, these people came together under an umbrella called the People’s Democratic Party and took over virtually everything, especially at the centre.

    Give it to them, the Chief Tony Aninihs of this world; they knew what they wanted and how to go about it.  They are veterans. They quickly sew together a pan-Nigeria coalition and easily grabbed power from the departing soldiers. They have since monopolized it to their advantage and almost total exclusion of the generality of Nigerians.

    But because their sole motivation was to grab power, they had no plan of how to use it to serve the interest of the majority hence Nigeria under their watch has been taking one step forward and two steps backward. Now there past is beginning to haunt them as Nigeria slip from one crisis to another as they bicker over who becomes Nigeria’s president in 2015.

    The house they thought they were building in 1999 when they dragged recently released from prison and hurriedly pardoned Olusegun Obasanjo into the presidential race and handed the presidency on a platter, is now crumbling. Obasanjo we now know was a mistake, even though not a few, especially those that fought the military for this democracy, warned then that the former military ruler was not the best to lead Nigeria into democracy in 1999. Now they have been proved right.

    But one would have expected that having discovered the mistake in the making of the Obasanjo presidency the PDP would think Nigeria before installing his successor, but no. In their greed to hold on to power they brought a dying man and paired him with another who didn’t and still doesn’t seem to know his left from right into the presidency in 2007.

    The story of the Yar’adua/Jonathan presidency we all know. It was one of those reluctant presidencies that Nigeria has been producing since independence. But if there had been relative peace with this kind of leadership since October 1, 1960, that ‘peace’ is about to be shattered now as that child, remember, the one I mentioned earlier, seems to have reached adulthood.

    The deception called PDP is unraveling and disintegrating now before our eyes not only because of President Goodluck Jonathan’s 2015 second term ambition, but also because the party was built on falsehood. And as the Yoruba would say, any house built with spittle would be demolished by dew.

    The founders of PDP never fought for this democracy and they and their party deserve what is happening to them now. And they deserve to be punished by Nigerians at the polls next time for reaping where they had not sowed. There is no way they would get it right because they are not deserving of the power they are holding. If they had fought for and earned the right to our presidency, they wouldn’t have punished us with an egomaniac as president in 1999, an infirm as our leader in 2007 and a colourless, clueless and dangerous man obsessed with power as president 2011.

    Those who brought him, first with Yar’Adua in 2007 and as the lead candidate in 2011 deserve what they are getting now. Don’t cry for them, but cry for Nigeria. Do we deserve a Jonathan and what PDP is doing to us now? I don’t know. But don’t blame the man, blame those that brought him. As the saying goes you can’t give what you don’t have. The man has given everything he has and capable of, but regrettably, his best doesn’t appear good enough for Nigeria. That is what you get when you promote someone beyond the level of his/her competence. Jonathan wanted to remain a governor, you promoted Vice President and mother luck made him President. And now he can’t live up to that office. What else do you expect?

    And with the handwriting clearly on the wall, the man, like the Biblical Samson, wants to bring down the roof on his/our head(s). God forbid. Nigeria will not die. PDP can disintegrate. Nothing spoil.

  • As the PDP implodes

    As the PDP implodes

    To anyone who has followed the unremarkable life of Nigeria’s ruling PDP, the only surprise must be that the implosion that has shaken it down to its shallow roots in recent weeks did not occur much earlier.

    With characteristic conceit, it branded itself the biggest political party in Africa – without having an audited record of its membership, let alone that of other political parties in Africa. It was this very conceit that led a former chairman of the party, Vincent Ogbulafor, to declare some five years ago that the PDP would rule Nigeria for 60 unbroken years.

    That is a frightful prospect indeed, mitigated only by the consideration that if Ogbulafor could not predict his own future, there is no reason to set much store by his prediction of the party’s future. For he was dismissed as party chairman within two years of making that prophecy and has since then been shuttling between his home and the high court to answer a charge of criminal embezzlement.

    Ogbulafor’s fate reminds me of what happened to the noted political scientist Zbigniew Brzezinski who, on the way to becoming Jimmy Carter’s National Security Adviser, had made a brilliant academic career at Columbia with his stirring anti-communism and combative Cold War rhetoric, all of which conduced to his reputation as the leading Sovietologist of the time.

    Then, the Soviet Premier, Nikita Khrushchev, fell, just like that, in 1964, replaced by Aleksey Kosygin, in an internal purge of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

    The news media that had embraced as gospel truth almost everything Brzezinski wrote or said about the Soviet system were taken aback.

    “Professor Brzezinski, how come you had not predicted the fall of Khrushchev?” they taunted him.

    “If Khrushchev could not predict his own fall,” he replied with a smirk, “how can you fault me for not predicting it?”

    Before then, not even his doting admirers had credited the dour scholar with anything that could be mistaken for a sense of humour.

    But I digress.

    I was going to say that, despite the conceit and the bombast, the PDP is not even a political party in the strict sense of that term. Rather, it is a vote-harvesting machine that runs on patronage. And like all machines, it is soulless. See how many of its senior officials it has devoured.

    Ogbulafor, it has to be said to his credit, was just as taken in by the delusion of power as the party stalwarts who preceded him in that office. Those who came after him have operated with the same conceit, none more so than the current occupant of the post, the much re-cycled Bamanga Tukur, who runs the organisation like a camp master with help from Dr Goodluck Jonathan who, with disastrous consequences for all concerned, divides his time between serving as National Leader of the PDP and President of Nigeria.

    One day Tukur is suspending a state governor from the party because the governor did not take his phone call. The next day he is urging the National Assembly to pass a law mandating state governors or other political office holders to attend orientation courses, seminars or retreats before assuming office so that they would know how to address their superiors, like his good self.

    Lately, he has declared in the manner of the captain of the Titanic might have, that he was fully in charge, and that he would “crush” those who had broken away to form a new PDP faction, among them seven state governors and 57 members of the National Assembly.

    You know the PDP is in trouble when Olagunsoye Oyinlola, who governed Osun State under false pretences for three years – or seven – and had very little to show for it, clinches the post of National Secretary, edging out Ebenezer “Topsy” Babatope who had served with great merit as Director of Organisation of the defunct UPN in the Second Republic, and is far more articulate.

    Oyinlola had clinched the post by a process the courts considered flawed, like the process by which he had occupied the Executive Mansion in Osogbo, capital of the State of Osun for at least three and perhaps seven years. Now he is the National Secretary of the breakaway rump of the PDP. Its attempt to run a parallel operation has been crushed by the Nigeria Police Force, which has now dispensed with the pretence of being anything other than a wholly-owned subsidiary of Goodluck Jonathan’s and Bamanga Tukur’s PDP.

    This should come as no surprise to Oyinlola. For it was the same police force he had used to frame the man he had cheated out of power – Rauf Aregbesola – on a charge of forgery. What goes around comes around.

    It is in the wisdom of our forebears that when adversity comes, even the pawpaw will demand to be counted among the might trees of the forest. That is the context in which Bode George, the PDP’s one-time chieftain in the Southwest who compounded a criminal conviction with unspeakably shameless behaviour on his release from jail, has now embarked on a mission to rescue the PDP from its self-destructive path.

    But do not count the PDP out yet, weighed down by fatigue though it is.

    For, even as it was imploding, it still had the presence of mind to do what it does best: stealing an election in the most brazen manner conceivable, the type that Afrobeat king Fela Anikulapo-Kuti described as “ojukoroju stealing” and “original stealing.”

    In a reprise of its larcenous proceedings in Ekiti, it stole, for the second time, the council elections in Offa Municipal Local Government, in Offa, Kwara State. The court had voided an earlier election and ordered a re-run, satisfied that the PDP had not earned the victory it was claiming.

    Now, Offa has always been a bastion of progressive politics, a stronghold, first, of the Action Group, then the UPN, and lately of the ACN, which has since morphed into the All Peoples Congress, APC. With all their money and their bag of tricks, the Sarakis, father and son, could never secure a foothold in Offa for their self-aggrandizing brand of politics. And how it rankled!

    So, at every opportunity, they and their agents always seek to add Offa to their collection of purloined trophies. When they are not trying to foist a paramount ruler on the people, they are scheming to steal their votes. That they have never succeeded in the long run does not deter them.

    In their latest effort, they apparently had the chairman of the State Independent (ha!) Electoral Commission, Dr Uthman Ajidagba, in their corner. He did not announce the results in Offa as stipulated by law. Instead, he left it to the state-owned Radio Kwara to declare winners the day after, in a dawn broadcast. At this writing, the detailed results are yet to be announced. For good measure, the authorities have issued the usual refrain: Anyone who is not happy with the state of affairs should head to the courts.

    The brazen theft in Offa does not exhaust the parallel with the elections in Ekiti. There, Mrs the state chief electoral officer, Mrs Ayoka Adebayo, had announced defiantly that she could not on account of her Christian conscience announce the figures the election officials had cooked up, and was hailed as a heroine and a model of integrity.

    Several days later, she sent her Christian conscience on vacation and dutifully announced the cooked-up results.

    Now, in Offa, one of the councillors allegedly elected on the platform of the PDP has rejected the victory assigned to him and declared that the real winner was the APC candidate much to the discomfiture of the PDP which has been threshing about desperately and disingenuously to explain away how a candidate it claims not to have entered in the election was declared winner on its slate.

    Meanwhile, the candidate, Jimoh Olawale, is being hailed as a hero and a model of integrity. This time, meaning no disrespect to Mr Olawale, I am going to hold my applause for a few days, hoping he will, unlike Ayoka Adebayo in Ekiti, stand unshakably by his rejection of a phantom election victory.

     

     

  • Saint among rogues

    Saint among rogues

    Politics abhors the hero. As a dominion of the possible, the first casualty is the idealist, the dreamer who thinks he can win the people to his bosom by marching the society towards an Eldorado. But politicians talk Eldorado. They just don’t believe in it.

    Yet once in a while, you see the anti-politician who runs riot against his tribe. It is a case of a real honour among thieves, a saint among sinners, a Saul turned Paul. Even at that, the people who go to the polls, who know the character of politicians, who know their alienation from truth and integrity, express dismay at this rare rendezvous between honour and disgrace.

    So when a councillor candidate named Olawale Jimoh disowned the victory foisted on him in the recent local government elections in Offa, Kwara State, a man of honour seemed a traitor to his class. He was not supposed to spit out a good morsel of meat good fortune threw in his mouth, apologies to Chinua Achebe in A Man of the People. In a body politic where genuine losers scream they won, Jimoh smells like an odd rose.

    But the story of Jimoh is not merely of a ward hero, but a counter-narrative to the tale of implosion now splintering the heart of the Peoples Democratic Party and a cautionary skein to the other parties, including the APC. Jimoh is speaking truth to power, he chastens the hectoring role of the president and his overbearing wife in the rumbles in Rivers State, calls for decency in Anambra State between the Uba brothers and the PDP mainstays, asks the opportunists in Taraba State to bow to the law and jars the PDP high command that it cannot sow falsehood and not reap its sour fruit.

    Whatever is happening to the party, Jimoh’s plea of truth haunts like Banquo’s ghost. When the PDP decided during the NGF election earlier this year that 16 upended 19, it did not expect that a minority number of governors – namely- seven – would claim to be the genuine PDP. By inverting the rules of arithmetic, Jonathan’s PDP is stewing in its own perverted morality. The splinter group is not playing the politics of right, but inflicting a revanchist morality on the party high command. It is basking in a Machiavellian sunshine. So those who say the splinter PDP is illegal miss the point. Legality has never been the fabric of the PDP. If they had upheld Amaechi’s victory at the NGF poll, they would not have opened the shutters to civil war in their ranks.

    They had expected Jimoh to say thank you and grovel with delight for his return certificate. Rather he thundered: “I am a bonafide Offa indigene, we are noted for our industry and truth. I did not win that election, it was rigged in my favour. I am a true Moslem who will one day stand before God and give an account of my stewardship.”

    Truth is also a casualty in Taraba, and they would not ape Jimoh, by simply doing what is right. President Jonathan says he would not interfere, but that is not true. He already has. He wants to preserve Suntai through the new brokered deal. He wants the Christian governor on the throne not just in name but as insurance against 2015, a counterfoil in the presidential sweepstake to an adversarial Muslim region. Suntai’s wife agreed that her husband cannot work to the high demands of the office. What does that tell us? That the task is above the rigours of his physical and mental powers. So why not allow the Muslim deputy take over? Rather the party brokers a lawless deal that makes the deputy governor the man in charge while the governor is a “ceremonial” head. We do not operate a constitutional monarchy, and the law does not make room for a governor as king or cipher. Even then the new arrangement does not make him a cipher when it is time to sign the cheques. So what name do we give the new arrangement? Cheque-ocracy?

    If Jonathan benefited from a system that allowed a sick Muslim to step away for a healthy Christian, why does he want to endorse the opposite? In his cynical play, he is biting the finger that fed him to the top. This is pharisaic hypocrisy. The Presidency has pitched its tent by the temple of lies in this matter. Jonathan is the leader of the PDP and whatever happens bears his imprimatur. Is it not because where Jonathan goes, the PDP goes? Is that not why Bamanga Tukur is still party chair? So, let us not kid ourselves. If he could interfere in both Rivers and Bayelsa state politics, why is it so strange to do so in Taraba? Is it because it is in the North or because the Niger Delta blood is thicker than Nigerian? Or he is not president in Taraba? Or is it because Bayelsa is his home and Rivers is the dame’s domicile? They don’t want to be like one of their own named Jimoh.

    Is Jonathan not against the Uba’s in Anambra because former President Obasanjo is in bed with that family? Nigerians are still trying to digest the notion of Chris and Andy playing faithful kin. It’s like Cain and Abel dining together after the fratricide. Blood seems thicker than water, even after the bloodshed. Are the Ubas telling each other the truth or just involved in what Senegalese novelist Sembene Ousmane calls the perfidy of lies and the hypocrisy of rivals?

    It does not matter that the PDP is claiming Jimoh is not the candidate. It is too late in the day. Where were they when he campaigned? Who was the real candidate? We can say that Jimoh may have been scared by the tempest of protest in the streets, but has that ever deterred politicians in the past? We all remember the picture of Omoboriowo caught eating pounded yam in the old Ondo State after the electoral heist. In Ekiti, Edo, Osun and other states, those who stole elections preened in spite of protests until the courts kicked them out for the present incumbents. A hero is not pure but exemplary in his humanity. That is what Jimoh tells us this season. He is not a archetypal saint, but a saint in the sense of the redemptive sinner, a Rahab of politics.

    He does not belong to the mainstream. He is what the Russian critic calls the superfluous man, an insider on the outside. He is the Byronic hero whose actions mock those who think they know all. Writers like Dostoyevsky, Turgenev, Pushkin proved this. In his novel, Mikhail Lermontov calls his character the hero of our times. Was he not referring to Jimoh?

     

    Not Bunu Sheriff Musa

    In a recent column titled, Don’t marry that girl, I mixed up the name of former minister Bunu Sherif Musa with that of the former Governor of Borno state, Ali Modu Sheriff. I regret the error.

  • PDP and crises within

    That the Peoples Democratic Party PDP has been having a rough time building consensus among its members has not been in doubt. What has not been certain is whether the widening disagreement among its key leaders will either be amicably resolved or further tear the party apart. It had also not been certain the dimension the crises may assume.

    Before now, the PDP has been basking on the euphoria that its problems are family affairs. We have also been treated with the recurring claim that the party has developed foolproof capacity to internally resolve its challenges. Because it controls the federal government together with the enormous resources at its disposal, our largely unprincipled and selfish politicians will do anything to remain within its fold in the hope that someday, it will be their turn to be part of the cake sharing.

    Not unexpectedly, the party has overtime exploited this lure and self-serving weakness to advantage. That is why it can afford to impose candidates at will and pay scant attention to internal democracy. Our flawed electoral process that gives little room for the will of the electorate to have full expression has not equally helped matters.

    Given the above, many had hoped that the latest complaints of marginalization, lack of internal democracy, agitation for power shift in 2015 and high handedness by the leadership of the party and the presidency will somehow be sorted out as usual.

    But that has failed to happen. The party is now split into two factions following the pulling out of some of its governors and delegates from the venue of its mini convention. Apparently stunned by the turn of events, President Jonathan summoned a number of meetings to seek ways out of the embarrassing impasse.

    He also met with his predecessor, Olusegun Obasanjo who undertook to summon elders of the party and its governors to seek ways out. As this piece was being put together, feelers had it that the meeting summoned by Obasanjo will no longer hold following protests against his competence to preside over it. There are allegations that he is an ardent supporter if not the prime mover of the splinter group. There are reasons this line of thought cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand. That most of the dissenting governors and leaders of the PDP are his known loyalists cannot be wished away.

    Even if the meeting goes ahead as planned, there are clear indications that it may not achieve much. There are two reasons for this conclusion. The first is that the credibility of its convener as an impartial arbiter is in doubt. It is therefore doubtful whether he can command that trust and confidence of the parties that is in dire need in a very critical assignment of this nature.

    There is everything to suspect that Obasanjo is part and parcel of the group being the first person the five governors consulted earlier. He is also known to be a critic of the Jonathan regime. If he could not pull any surprise at the budding stages of the crisis, there seems little hope that he can do any magic now. Moreover, his absence at the mini convention is another factor why he cannot be trusted to shoulder the new responsibility.

    Besides, there are key demands of the new PDP that the meeting will find nigh impossible to resolve. And despite all pretensions, all the grievances can be conveniently subsumed into two. These are the twin issues of the removal of PDP national chairman, Bamanga Tukur for alleged dictatorial tendencies and the ambition of Jonathan to run for another term in 2015. Both are two sides of the same coin and therefore inseparable. Tukur is behaving the way he does because he is dancing to the drum beat of his paymaster. So there is some form of deceit in the mounting accusations against Tukur when it is obvious where he is coming from. Tukur can be removed only if the presidency buys the idea. But that has failed to happen.

    In two previous articles in this column titled “Reconciling the irreconcilable” and “Antics of five governors” I had among others, examined the grouse of the opposition within the PDP. I had argued in the case of the issues raised by the five governors during their controversial consultations, for which Ibrahim Babangida called them patriots that all can be encapsulated within the domestic affairs of their party. It is a huge surprise how such internal dissension could be elevated to national fame as Babangida would want us to believe. Today it stands to be seen the inappropriateness of that hurried assessment.

    In the case of the former, I had also pointed out that the crises in the ruling party have their roots in the speculated ambition of Jonathan for another term. Our conclusion was that if Jonathan opts out of the race for 2015, all issues to the crises will fizzle out unilaterally. But since it appears this is unlikely to happen, all efforts at reconciliation will come to naught because those opposed to him are irrevocably committed to the same agenda. There is no room for reconciliation in a situation where two persons lay claim to the same object and no one is prepared to let go. Such a scenario in game theory is called a zero-sum-game. Its payoff is a situation where one party gains all while the other loses all. That is what is bound to happen in respect of the recent implosion of the party. Renewed efforts to mend fences with the foregoing mindset will produce no fruitful result unless one of the parties gives up the quest for the presidency.

    Jonathan cannot now let go that ambition though he has not made his intention public. But his body language says it all. To give up now will amount to succumbing to intimidation, pressure and blackmail from his traducers. He will lose esteem and integrity for chickening out against his own volition. It would have made better sense he did it earlier than now he has been put on edge.

    There is nothing also to suggest the opposition, having dared the consequences, will back-pedal at this point in time. There is no indication to that effect. Not even the removal of Tukur can assuage their feelings. That is the foreboding scenario now.

    It would appear the PDP is bound to live with this crisis for quite sometime. Already, both parties have gone to court. They have also been trading words and soon everybody will be at each others throat. Accusations will soon start flying round on which part of the divide members stand. Cracks have already set in and shoulders ruffled. It will require daunting efforts and divine intervention for the centre to hold again.

    The next couple of weeks will witness renewed efforts by each of the factions to reposition themselves to struggle for the soul of the party. In this fight, the Tukur-led faction will obviously be at advantage of being recognized as the authentic PDP. The other group will not loose sleep if that happens. They have been able to demonstrate unambiguously that the party has broken into factions and that is the issue. Re-alignment of forces will follow next. And the way it goes will harbinger the direction of the nation’s politics. It could also utter the political equation in the country if it does not turn out nasty.

  • Alert to…not on

    FIRST and foremost, I apologise for the irregularity of this column lately. One of the introductory lessons I learnt in journalism three decades ago in the old Daily Times is that for any newspaper to be successful, it must have a content of 60 per cent advertisement and the rest editorial. This explains why this column does not feature occasionally. It is largely the editor’s discretion which column appears! I know this delicate balance full well as an emeritus editor. So, anytime this column is absent know that this is the reason—not the writer’s inability.

    Some readers still complain that they don’t understand the structure of this column. I have done the explanation innumerably such that it is becoming repetitive. Except where otherwise expressly stated or in the case of attributions, the corrections are usually bracketed.

    Finally, there are endless mixed reactions to my stylistics here. A few readers say I am ‘harsh’ on my ‘victims’, while others declare that my approach is indeed their weekly tonic. I promised a colleague of mine who confronted me at the Nigerian Guild of Editors’ conference in Asaba recently that I will re-examine my modus operandi lest I am accused of intellectual snobbery or professorial haughtiness! Who am I?

    The word ‘potential’ (noun) is uncountable and means ‘the possibility that something will develop in a particular way, or have a particular effect’. (Source: Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English, 2012) Often, you hear or read ‘potentials’! It is only ‘potentiality’ that is countable (potentialities).

    The PUNCH of September 6 leads the infamous category today: “LASG inaugurates new vehicles to transport food” Nigerian Tribune of September 5 also had a similar error: “Ibadan Poly FIBSU inaugurates new executive” You do not inaugurate an old body/thing. So, yank off ‘new’!

    “Join the fun, excitement and match build up on GuinnessVIP.” Fly with the Eagles: build-up/buildup

    “NAFDAC alerts Nigerians on (to) toxic substance in food”

    Lastly from The PUNCH EDITORIAL of September 6: “…trucks hauling petroleum products and other goods from one point to the other compounds the chaos around the country.”

    Nigerian Tribune of September 5 offered readers multifarious shibboleths: “Anyone with useful (would it have been useless?) information on her whereabout (whereabouts) should please contact the nearest police station or….”

    “Police arraigns (why?) suspected gay for having sex with underaged (underage) twin brothers”

    “Infact (In fact) your achievements within two years speaks (sic) volume (volumes).”

    Nigerian Tribune Editorial comes next with one wrong entry: “As a result, most of the military leaders of yesteryears (yesteryear) are stupendously rich and consequently calling the political shots.”

    “FAAN tackles runaway (runway) incursions at (into) airports”

    “ASUU strike action (what of inaction?): Students, parents lament” Education: just strike or industrial action/work stoppage—‘strike action’ indicates befuddled/loose thinking.

    “You can literarily (literally) see and evaluate the state of the entire body by looking at the eye.”

    Finally from the back page sport of NIGERIAN TRIBUNE: “Malawi, not do-or-die—Keshi” ‘Do or die’ is not adjectival here but a standalone meaning no hyphenation unlike ‘a do-or-die battle’.

    Next on the line-up is National Mirror of September 5 beginning from its Views page: “…the students of the University of Lagos under (on) the platform of the Department of Philosophy.”

    “Few (A few) days later he invited the department through a friend for a chat.”

    “…he (Suntai) wrote a letter to the state House of Assembly citing Section 190 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) indicating his interest to assume (resume) duty.”

    “Eagles train under heavy downpour” The last word in the extract does not require any amplification/embellishment (heavy) as it is implied.

    “NICON Luxury Abuja…its (it’s) about giving you the very best (just the best—delete ‘very’) (NATIONAL MIRROR Back Page advertisement strip) ‘Best’ is a superlative word that has attained end-point intensification and, as such, cannot be qualified or subjected to any form of lexical adumbration!

    DAILY SUN of September 4 published some improprieties: “Imoke commissions (inaugurates) S’South entrepreneurship centre”

    “Osun PDP dissociates self from party crisis…passes vote of confidence on (in) Tukur”

    THE NATION of September 4 circulated an avalanche of solecisms right from its front page which contained three school-boy howlers: “Sports: Enyeama, Mikel in Eagles camp” Truth in defence of freedom: Eagles’ camp

    “Suntai transmitted a letter to the House of Assembly and assumed office, but the acting governor and majority (a/the majority) of the House of Assembly members rejected the letter….” This way: the recuperating governor resumed his seat/place/position.

    “Fed Govt assures of lower interest for farmers, others” Who did the government assure? And this: lower interest rates

    “Church holds eigth (eighth) convocation”

    Now THE NATION EDITORIAL with two kindergarten slips: “The toll regime of…N150 (sports utility vehicles….)” SUV: sport-utility vehicle (take especial note of ‘sport’ and the hyphen).

    “Therein might lay (lie) its infrastructure salvation….”

    The Midweek Magazine of THE NATION under review disseminated two flaws: “…I think an intellectual movement is very desirable in (on) the entire continent which tries to show the uniqueness and potentials (potential or potentialities) that our traditional institutions hold….”

    “Customer (Customers) decry long queues at ATMs”

    “Low cost (Low-cost) carrier coming” and this: “Dike returns after six months (months’) injury”

    “…as the newly promoted (newly-promoted) Assistant Inspector Generals of Police have (had) already undergone a two-week management course in Lagos.” Get it right: Assistant Inspectors General of Police

    Next week: Bayo Oguntunase replies critics.

  • G-20 summit: More questions than answers

    G-20 summit: More questions than answers

    The St. Petersburg G-20 summit will be recorded as one of the recent history’s most important non-events. Nothing happened at the summit which is par for these gatherings. But the diplomatic context of this summit was material different than most others. President Obama needed action at the summit to halt the quickening erosion of his domestic and international standing precipitated by his awkward Syrian policy and his increasingly incoherent rationale for that policy. President Obama came to the fine old city hoping to gain the endorsement of most summiteers. He fell short of that aim.

    The summit took place in the most inauspicious venue possible for the American. Summit host and Russian President Putin has been the most vociferous international opponent of America’s Syria policy calling for military action against the Assad government for purported misuse of chemical weapons. Breaking normal diplomatic etiquette by calling America’s top diplomat Secretary of State Kerry “a liar,” Putin declared the rebels, aided by foreign clandestine agencies, deployed the chemical weapons so that America and other western nations would blame Assad. Putin claimed it insane for Assad, who had gained a decisive strategic advantage in the war, to use chemical weapons. Assad surely knew deployment of said weapons could bring American involvement in a way tipping the balance of war against Assad. It was more probable the despairing rebels, losing ground by the day, concocted this situation to give America a colorable pretext to intervene, literally saving the rebels at the final moment of the eleventh hour, according to Putin. As evidence of his position, Putin pointed to the UN report attributing a prior incidence of chemical weapons use to the rebels.

    Despite the usual primacy of economics at such gatherings, this summit’s climax came when participants discussed Syria. President Obama stated his case as did Putin. President Obama sought to isolate Putin in his own house. It did not happen. Summiteers divided also equally between those supporting Obama and those holding closer to Putin. America and the richest western nations craved military action. Russian and the more populous nations rejected a forceful strike against Assad.

    The same dichotomy has been paralleled in American politics. The elite Washington-New York axis of political and financial power lusts for martial action as if addicted to war. Most ordinary Americans bitterly oppose war action in Syria as if tired of it.

    In his post-summit press conference, Putin barely concealed gloating over the turn of the summit. He talked with the roguish look of a burglar who barely absconded with the purloined booty the moment before the detectives could apprehend him. In front of the world, he had withheld something the most powerful man in the world dearly wanted. In most cases, a thief is morally and legally in the wrong. With allegations about Assad’s government culpability still unproven and with the wisdom of aerial bombardment less than certain, it remains an open question whether the thief is right this time. If this is one of those rare occasions where the thief is right, Putin might have saved the world from a nasty turn expanding the Syrian civil war into a regional conflagration or worse.

    In his press conference, President Obama looked tired, somehow appearing diminished yet swollen at the same moment. Clearly, he had been stung by the considerable domestic and international rejection of his Syria policy. He assumed he could convince the world of the rightness of his dubious cause by virtue of his eloquence and by basing his war appeal on humanitarian grounds. He has been taken aback by his failure to garner support despite the intense, high-priced public relations campaign mounted by Western governments and their agents, the largest global corporate media houses such as CNN and BBC.

    Even critics of President Obama must feel a certain sympathy for him. Before the world, stood a man stewing in a cauldron of his own design or, at least, one designed by the vested, penumbral interests he so faithfully has served. He struggled to construct persuasive arguments much like a drowning man clutching at straws, hoping the harder he clutched the straw might turn into the rope that could save him.

    He argued Assad’s purported recourse to chemical weapons was a dire breach of international law, warranting a martial reply. The assertion contradicts the predominant weight of international law. Chemical weapons use constitutes a breach but the breach is not the only pertinent legal factor. In its rush to action, the American government now behaves as if the weapons abuse is the only factor worthy of consideration. Fixated on punishing the terrible Assad, America caricatures the world as if it is based solely on one legal norm. That single norm, if viewed in isolation, would neatly place Assad on the scaffold constructed by America.

    However, the world is a complexity where almost nothing can be assessed in isolation. The prohibition against chemical weapons must be read in consonance with the larger body of international law. Here, America runs afoul of the very corpus of international law it purports to protect. There are tenets of international law more established and more central to the conduct of global affairs than the chemical weapons prohibition. First, the most well established principle in international law is the restriction against interference in the internal affairs of another nation. Second, nations are disallowed from unilaterally using force against another state except in valid self defense. Third, where the law of self-defense is inapplicable, military action must be sanctioned by the United Nations.

    America can’t claim self-defense; Syria poses less of the threat to it than America does to Syria. Under established law, America has no right to attack Syrian unless approved by the world body. Reading the prohibition against chemical weapons in harmony with other legal principles leads to one conclusion. To punish Syria’s purported use of chemical weapons, America can only unilaterally impose sanctions short of military action. If it seeks to legally apply a military sanction, America must gain approval from the global organization. However, since the world body rejects America’s position, America has decided to ignore canons of international law that America had previously authored in order to superimpose this presently favored legal precept over the entire body of international law. Because it believes Assad’s government has breached the law, America believes it has the right to distort that law for its own purposes. As such, both regimes are outlaws albeit committing somewhat different crimes.

    President Obama opined that other despots will rush to deploy illicit weapons if Assad is not quickly punished. This position is nothing but dangerous conjecture clothed as statecraft. America winked when Saddam Hussein used deadly gas against Iran and against portions of Iraq’s population in the 1980’s. The rest of that unfortunately large club of despots did not rush to deploy such weapons. If the evildoers did not break the door to deploy chemical weapons at a time when America seemed to approve their use why would they now do so when America now seems hell-bent in opposition?

    Despite the American political elite’s attempts to shape global opinion by depicting its enemies as evil incarnate, these enemy states have been more circumspect in the large-scale use of military power than has been the American government. Even the most wanton leaders do not frequently embark on large-scale military operations against their populations or against other nations. They would rather maintain power by employing the more mundane, daily tools of repression. Such tactics are less expensive and less of a gamble than massive endeavors that might backfire, squandering their regimes and lives.

    Sadly, President Obama has become too slick. The danger in becoming too well-versed in the arts of verbal fabrication is that the accomplished hypocrite becomes the last person to recognize his cover has been blown. During his press conference, President Obama likened the chemical weapons incident to the Rwandan genocide. Twice, he criticized that the world watched idly as Rwanda turned itself crimson. Shame on any American leader for drawing this analogy. Either America’s present crop of leaders is ignorant of recent history or they believe the world has a grave memory deficiency. During the Rwandan carnage, much of the world wanted to act in concert to halt the slide. The UN was poised to do more. It was President Obama’s political mentor, Bill Clinton, who made sure the UN remained passive. Clinton did not want to bear the domestic political costs of UN involvement in Rwanda. In that instance, the world did not prevent America from taking morally and legally responsible action. It was America that prevented a unified world from doing the right thing. Attempting to justify an illegal strike against Syria, America no tries to whitewash its sad history of tolerating inhumane atrocities where America has no economic or political interests in thwarting the nightmare.

    Further trying to justify his position yet absolve himself of personal responsibility, Obama had the temerity to claim he never said Assad government use of chemical weapons was a “red line” for him which if crossed would cause him to respond with muscle. Now, Obama’s tune is that the world community, America and the American congress drew this line and everyone’s credibility is at stake if no response is had. Someone should do him the favor for replaying his prior statement to him. He would quickly drop this revisionary tact as few leaders have publicly assumed such personal responsibility for a matter outside the ken if his country’s vital strategic interests.

    Sadly, Obama has gone so far as to assert, because of this fictional red line, America’s credibility and thus national security has been placed at risk. This argument diminishes the man’s personal stature and that of his office. Clearly, the localized use of chemical weapons in a suburb of distant Syria is not an imminent national security threat to America. In fact, Obama undermined his own argument in the same press conference by later saying the world would have forgotten about this issue had not his Administration pressed it to the forefront. If the issue was so compelling and important, his government would not have had to work to keep it newsworthy. In other words, Obama admitted that his government has overinflated a serious local issue to become one of artificial global importance. As tragic as the lethal incident was, it is equally troubling for the most powerful man in the world to say the death of 1000 people in a distant civil war constitutes a grave threat to his nation’s security and, in fact, global security. In that case, every war no matter where is a matter of grave national security for America. In that case, America should commit half of its military to single-handedly resolve the civil war in the Congo which has consumed the lives of over 5 million Africans. However, America remains opposed to funding a sufficiently robust international peacekeeping force to resolve that perennial crisis.

    Fortunately, most Americans and much of the world remain unconvinced by the hasty presidential expostulations. Opinion polls reveal the overwhelming majority of Americans regardless of race and party oppose unilateral action in Syria. Congress seems in lockstep with public opinion. President Obama has asked Congress to approve his desire to attack Syria. Unless the beneficiary of a political miracle, President Obama will suffer a dramatic, wholly unnecessary setback when the majority of congressional Republicans and a large minority of Democrats vote down his war request.

    This is the second week I have dedicated this column to the Syrian crisis. I have done so for two reasons. First, if handled imprudently, what is essentially a local civil war can transmogrify into something larger, more sinister, and much more dangerous. Second, I am concerned about how easily our people are taken by western media and propaganda. Nigeria and Africa will never develop as they ought unless we can think more independently and objectively. If our collective mind is so easily moved in the direction determined by the western press and the vested interests the western media represents, we are sunk.

    Last week, I received emotional comments that America was justified to seek retribution because of the civilian deaths caused by the incident. People just wanted to strike out emotionally, indiscriminately. These people uncritically swallowed that Assad’s government committed the crime. That allegation may eventually prove true. For now, it remains unproven. Thus, there should be no haste in action. In fact, the purported intelligence President Obama and his officials deem so convincing has been unable to persuade America’s own Congress.

    Moreover, Russian President Putin has released his own report implicating the rebels and anti-Assad foreign intelligence agencies. General Colin Powell’s former Chief of Staff has implicated Israeli. An Associated Press reporter wrote a compelling piece wherein he interviewed people on the ground in the affected Damascus suburb. Rebel fighters and relatives rebels were interviewed. Although this area is in rebel control, the rebels and others admitted that the chemical weapons were in the possession of rebel factions financed by outside intelligence agencies. These agencies supplied the weapons which were inadvertently ignited by negligent mishandling by the rebels during an untimely conventional artillery shelling of the area by Assad’s forces. Why aren’t these reports being seen and considered as credible as the ones America backs? These and like reports never are revealed by the western media because that media’s primary mandate is not to present all or objective news but to project a subjective viewpoint promoting the interests of the vast powers behind the throne.

    For the second time in less than ten years, those entrenched powerful interests have enticed the most visible, influential Black American political figure to stand before the world to promote needless war or military action. Wanting so much to belong to the global elite, both Black men chomped the bait and got hooked. First, Colin Powell lied to the world for his masters. His reward was to lose his reputation and later to be dismissed from his post. Failing to learn the lesson, Obama has allowed the puppeteers to dance him before the world, placing false arguments for false war in his mouth. This episode will likely diminish him permanently. If he attacks Syria, the world will conclude that his Nobel Peace Prize was improperly given. He will join the ranks of American warmongers no different than those of Bush Administration infamy. If he fails to carry out the attack, the entrenched interests will turn their vast wealth and media against him. They shall whittle him down before our eyes. It shall be a painful thing to watch. Again, those Black leaders who seek personal gain by giving faithful, blind obeisance to established interests move smoothly along at first. However, the powers will ultimately ask the Black leader to sacrifice himself because they don’t want that leader to become an independent force. Thus far, Black leaders have sacrificed themselves for interests not their own. As it is with individual Black American leaders so it has been with Black African nations. When shall we ever learn?

     

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  • Arming ‘Civilian JTF’? Nothing can be sillier

    If not checked on time, the silly campaign to arm the ragtag militia formed by young, unarmed civilians in the Northeast to fight the Boko Haram Islamic sect could reach a crescendo and even persuade this sometimes brash government to accede to the request. Already, the Civilian JTF receives military escorts to conduct operations against members of the sect. It has achieved some notable successes, and there is hope in government and military circles that it could do much more if encouraged. For very sound reasons, I have never supported militias anywhere. I am unlikely to do so even now.

    It is bad enough that the Civilian JTF is receiving military help to conduct police operations, itself an admission of frustration by the military and a late concession to what many of us had argued was unproven allegations of large-scale support by the Northeast people for the violent sect. But to now suggest, as Mike Okiro, former Inspector General of Police and current Chairman of the Police Service Commission, does that the vigilantes be armed and kitted and placed under local police commanders is both derisory and irresponsible.

    The presence of the vigilantes is a reflection of the failure or inadequacy of the country’s security system. Mr Okiro opposes state police, but his call for the arming of the vigilantes and their placement under local police commanders is nothing but a call for the decentralisation of the police. Moreover, with all the training and discipline soldiers and policemen have received, they have sometimes worryingly displayed unmitigated cruelty and carried out extra-judicial killings. How would the country fare under armed and recognised vigilantes? In light of the activities of Niger Delta militants, openly repentant or surreptitiously active, and the Rwandan and Bosnian wars, could the Northeast vigilantes ever be successfully demobilised after the insurrection had ended?

    The Northeast Civilian JTF has no doubt proven their patriotism, even displaying unusual and remarkable courage under fire, and from ongoing military investigations, might have been betrayed once or twice. I applaud their courage; but I oppose the involvement of militias of any kind in security operations. Their involvement may thrill security men now, but it is a short-sighted thrill. It will boomerang in the long run. Surely we are not so bereft of deep thinking and of carefully working our way through crisis as to become enamoured of quick fixes and dangerously flawed solutions.

    What the Northeast revolt tells us is not just how inadequate our economic management is, but how anachronistic our security system has become. The revolt invites us to embark on urgent radical and comprehensive restructuring of the country; but we prefer to tinker. As the country’s leaders continue to dither, let us hope the day will not come when circumstances and other unforeseen dynamics would take the initiative from us and imperil our existence.

  • Humpty Dumpty falls at last

    Humpty Dumpty falls at last

    ‘New PDP’: Old things have passed away? I’m afraid, not necessarily 

    Wikipedia defines an umbrella as “a canopy designed to protect against rain or sunlight”. So, when the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chose an umbrella as its symbol, the expectation is that come rain, come shine, Nigerians will be covered. And, with the emergence of the party as the ruling party in 1999, there were great expectations of an all-round protection from the party. Unfortunately, what Nigerians have been reaping is a bundle of disappointments. The optimism that greeted the return to civil rule on May 29, 1999 has given way to general discontentment. Things have been that bad; and there is no doubt that it can only get worse if Nigeria is left in the hands of the PDP beyond the expiration of President Goodluck Jonathan’s term in 2015.

    That was why Nigerians leapt for joy when on August 31, the party broke into two. It was an implosion foretold. On that day at its special convention in Abuja, some prominent members of the party pulled out of the Bamanga Tukur-led PDP to form what they called ‘New PDP.’

    Alhaji Abubakar Kawo Baraje, a former acting national chairman of the party is now the national chairman of the ‘new PDP’.  Chief Olagunsoye Oyinlola, a former national secretary of the party was named as its national secretary and Dr Sam Sam Jaja as deputy national chairman.

    Other leaders of the ‘New PDP’ are former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Governors Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso (Kano), Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Sule Lamido (Jigawa), and Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto). Others are Murtala Nyako (Adamawa), Babangida Aliyu (Niger) and Abdulfatai Ahmed (Kwara). Before the break-up, many of the members had been complaining about Alhaji Tukur’s leadership style, but President Goodluck Jonathan seemed not ready to do away with him. It was therefore imminent that a division was inevitable.If, therefore, there was any surprise about the party, it was that it could trudge this long before collapsing.

    For 14 years, there is nothing the PDP can point at as its achievement. It met Nigerians in darkness; it has not taken them out of it. All we hear is about the Federal Executive Council awarding contracts for this or that project; Nigerians are yet to feel the impact of such massive award of projects. Early last week, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, cried aloud about the worsening unemployment situation in the country.

    If President Jonathan did not know before August 31 that his presidency was standing on shifting sand, and if he is yet to acknowledge that fact even now, then he must be naïve indeed. It was clear that the way he is running his presidency; it is only a matter of time for the party to implode. His handling of the Rivers State crisis, where even ‘Oga madam’ wanted to drive a democratically elected governor out of town, was a thing that could only have been any other ‘politics’ in the queer ‘family’ called the PDP.

    I may be wrong; but something tells me that the break-up became inevitable partly because those behind it have read the handwriting on the wall and have seen that more Nigerians are disenchanted with the party. The implication is that there would be less pork to share after 2015; so, why not jump ship before it is too late? Unfortunately, Alhaji Tukur, with whom the president appeared to have covenanted not to separate, has not been helping matters. He appears not to understand the gravity of what has hit the party under his chairmanship. He is still threatening the arrow-heads of the ‘new PDP’, a thing which tells me that he is in no way about shedding his village headmaster toga.

    Yes, I am opposed to zoning; but no top shot of the PDP can say the same thing because they all know (if they want to be honest with themselves) that zoning is very much alive in their party. But former President Olusegun Obasanjo unilaterally ‘killed’ zoning just to satisfy one ambition: install Jonathan as president. The PDP had engaged in such dishonesties in the past without being bothered, in so far as it was convenient for the party. To the ruling party, everything is ‘politics’. Or, to use their catchphrase, it is a ‘family affair’. So much water had passed under this bridge of ‘family affair’ that the party, and by extension, many Nigerians, no longer know the difference between good and bad.

    Even when one of the party’s elders, former President Obasanjo went to the homes of the party’s top shots and ate pounded yam and egusi soup, or when he danced with them today only to get them removed from office the next day, we all see it as ‘politics’ because our psyche has been so conditioned.

    All these actions worsen the plight of a people who only about 14 years ago were freed from the jackboots. The many lessons that they were supposed to have learnt from the transition to civil rule were never learnt; as a matter of fact, they were never taught because the ruling party that is supposed to teach those lessons itself lacked the capacity. The party cannot give what it does not have.

    But only the enemies of Nigeria would weep for the PDP. What has happened is that the party has merely paid itself back in its own coin. It was a question of what goes around, comes around. The party led the way to balkanisation of some other structures by creating parallel ones. We have the PDP Governors Forum which it encouraged to spite the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) and reduce the influence of its chairman, Gov Amaechi. When this did not achieve the desired result, the party (presidency and all) infiltrated the NGF and attempted to break its ranks by sponsoring Governor Jonah Jang of Plateau State to run against Amaechi for the NGF chair. In spite of the federal might, Amaechi defeated Jang by 19 votes to 16. It was obvious the Jonah faction characteristically slept off during the election, as it eventually claimed to have won after waking up from its deep slumber. It is instructive to remind Nigerians that the Presidency gave the loser a winner’s welcome!

    Honestly, I do not know how far the party’s elders can go now, when things appear to have been damaged irredeemably. If the elders had cautioned Alhaji Tukur before and he did not listen, then, they should leave him and his boss to their fate because that is what you do to a child that is behaving like a dog that wants to get lost. But if the elders kept quiet all through, either because of the spoils they are getting from the government or for whatever reason, then, we have to question their kind of elders.

    The point however is, even if the breakaway faction reunites with the old tomorrow, it can never be the same again. The camaraderie is gone with the winds because, as we say in Yorubaland, two people can no longer be friends after taking themselves to court. What has happened in and to the PDP is worse than people going to court. An umbrella is supposed to provide cover for people in rain or sunshine. This is a big irony with the PDP because the umbrella, its symbol, has exposed Nigerians to everything that it is supposed to protect them against. This is the disconnect between dreams and deeds; the tragedy of the big-for-nothing ‘largest party in Africa’. But nothing I have said here should be misconstrued as a celebration of the ‘new PDP’, as old things may not yet have passed away. However, the way the opposition parties react to this great fall will determine, to a large extent, how much of the spoils from the PDP crash they will get in the coming elections.