Category: Columnists

  • This‘monster’ is our brother!

    There is a mail making the rounds in social media network routes. It has come on the heels of the savage butchering of a British soldier in broad daylight. It is doubtful if anyone remains who has not heard of the despicable incident that happened in the Woolwich area of London on Wednesday just gone by. The man, Lee Rigby, known as Riggers to his friends and family was first hit by a vehicle, then dragged into the road, then using the tarmac as their slab, the assailants, Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale had his head chopped off…

    In case you have not seen it, I post below, excerpts of the mail, essentially a call to Nigerians, to deny our connection with the assailants suggesting that the links are nothing but tenuous.

    “Nigerians all over the world should speak out and condemn the beheading of a citizen yesterday in UK. The beheading was done by a British citizen and not a Nigerian as speculated; his name does not confirm his nationality. This lunatic was born in the United Kingdom, never been to Nigeria, [he has been] issued a birth certificate in the UK and holds a British passport. Suddenly he is now a Nigerian?

    This guy is not a Nigerian….. British born Michael ‘Mujahid’ Adeboloja with an accomplice yesterday beheaded a British Soldier on a street in Woolwich, London…. Nigeria should just be left out of this…”

    As with most viral media messages, it is not clear who has authored this but the person is clearly a passionate and patriotic compatriot. Their response reminds me of our erstwhile Minister of Information Professor Dora Akunyili’s response to the matter of the botched American airline bombing attempt. She declared then that suicide bombing is “not in our character”. Hers was the official coalescing of the views of many who chose to deny the culprit, to find reasons why he should not be identified as one of us, in spite of the fact that his father, a highly placed, and ostensibly responsible and respected member of the Nigerian society. “Oh, his mother is from Yemen”. “He schooled in Togo”.“He was resident in London; see what they have done to our son”. That’s was the closest we came to identifying with him.

    To those sentiments above, I should add the age old one that is common in Nigeria when things go awry– the wicked have done their worst! Though not uttered on that occasion, it was implied at least in the compassionate views expressed about the villain. This sort of denial is rampant on such occasions especially within the domestic sphere. It is evidence of a blame culture, a refusal to accept responsibility to contribute to the restoration of a broken equilibrium. We are quick to wash our hands and distance ourselves from the aberrant. We would rather not explore the unpleasant situation to see if and how we might be culpable in the transgression. So homes are broken on account of erring children. “A good child is the father’s” we say; when a child offends the mother is to be punished – excised from the family home with ignominy, for polluting the stock.

    Very well but whatever happened to the view that it takes a village to raise a child? We now live in a global village. Many who were born in Nigeria are raised, or are raising children in various parts of the world.

    As a British Nigerian, here is my reply to the call to shun the Woolwich attackers. I deplore the act unequivocally, regardless of who may have committed it. I am definitely disappointed that the despicable deed can be associated to Nigeria even if remotely. I understand why compatriots resent such associations but we should not bury our heads in the sand or deny our own. The name Adebolajo attests to a Nigerian connection. And deplorable as the crime may be, as a Nigerian, I will not disown Michael Adebolajo, nor should you. We should stop to consider his folk. How they must feel at this time. How they must feel at the monstrosity he’s turned out to be. We should all be concerned that other seed of Nigerian descent do not become so corrupted. What can we do to ensure that Nigeria’s children walk uprightly and attain glorious heights? That should be our concern. After all, when British-born Nigerians do well, we are happy to claim them as our own. Let’s not be fair weather friends. This monster is our brother. At least he is our brother’s son.

    Regardless of the bad press that prevails at this time, I am still proud to be a Nigerian for the fact that one deviant element does not reflect the whole. I know there are many more like him, in perhaps not so dissimilar ways. They exist in Nigeria, in the UK and in other nations of the world. May I remind us of Anders Behring Breivik, the man who in 2011 killed 77 people in a bomb attack and gun rampage in Norway? Norway is not known for violence, neither is Newtown, Connecticut U.S.A. the scene of the chilling gun attack that claimed the lives of 20 children, six adults including the mother of the gunman. That gunman then killed himself – 27 lives in all, wasted just like that in December 2012 and for what? Bizarre, yes; just like the acts of the deranged Michaels. So you see – it is not about nationality, race or religion. They are depraved, and they should be dealt with appropriately.

    Undoubtedly, media representations are important. They influence how individuals and groups are defined. So, I understand, even appreciate the objection to the media labelling of these guys, done by introducing a qualifier which distances them from the dominant group. By describing them as being of Nigerian descent, there is a distancing from these Britons; perhaps as a means of explaining the barbaric nature of the act. After all, previous acts of terror had been brazen and brutal, but none had been so savage – head chopped off with a cleaver in full glare of the public. It is stuff from nightmares, played out in horror films, best not imagined, but it happened.

    The media is justified to present the facts and we must be measured in our reaction to the reports.

    Rightly, the mail going round lists Nigerians who have brought glory to the Britain – the land of their birth, and to Nigeria – the root of their parents. Sadly, the behaviour of the duo is shameful. Yet, we and folks whose name they share, need not despair. The name Adebolajo may not ring a bell; but till now it had not been associated with notoriety. There are enough Nigerians doing good and I am glad. So yes, warts and all, of my Nigerian heritage I remain proud. The lessons it has taught me I will use. The discipline I have learnt from my culture I’ll deploy. I shall thus strive to do my bit, for God and for country.

     

    • Dr Esan lectures Broadcast Journalism in the United Kingdom.

     

  • Aviation minister’s proxy war

    Aviation minister’s proxy war

    Some ominous sign is already in evidence that President Goodluck Jonathan is gradually transforming into a full-blown dictator. His Minister of Aviation, Stella Oduah has with bare-faced impunity, overtly engaged the Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi in a proxy warfare; dramatising the most heinous breach of public morality on behalf of the President, thereby blunting the edges of official conduct and civility. No one can deny the fact that the minister is on errand for the President. Aviation and the state are synonymous. The aviation is federal government and federal government is President Jonathan.

    Since her assumption office, the minister has visited untoward tardiness on the industry which ought to be the nation’s signpost for excellence. One aviation correspondent spoke of her obstructive dominance as the sole reason holistic reformation can never be allowed in the industry as long as she presides over the corruption-plagued ministry.

    If the “Transformation” sloganeering is possible with the minister of aviation, why is it that no Nigerian airport was listed among the best in Africa in the 2013 Skytrax World Best Airport Awards held at Passenger Terminal EXPO, Geneva, Switzerland? To be rated, airports must be top notch in the areas of safety and security, friendliness, passenger facilitation, functionality, among other criteria which all Nigerian airports lack.

    South African airports dominated the top 10 ranking in Africa, with Cape Town International Airport emerging the Best Airport in Africa, followed by Durban King Shaka International Airport and Johannesburg (Tambo) International Airport in 2nd and 3rd places respectively. This year’s awards, voted by airport customers from around the world, garnered 12.1 million responses.

    Egypt’s Cairo International Airport was ranked 4th while the 5th position went to Mauritius International Airport. East London Airport, South Africa, was placed in the 6th position; Addis Ababa Bole International Airport in Ethiopia, 7th; and Port Elizabeth Airport, South Africa in 8th position. Morocco’s Marrakech Menara International Airport and Seychelles International Airport ranked 9th and 10th respectively.

    South Africa also made a clean sweep of the Best Airport Staff category with Cape Town International Airport, Durban King Shaka International Airport, Johannesburg International Airport, East London Airport, and Port Elizabeth Airport occupying all the five positions. So, where is the Nigerian aviation reform?

    Addressing the House of Representatives Joint Committee of Aviation and Justice a few days ago, the aviation minister told the committee that Rivers State governor has ran foul of the aviation laws and threatened him with the EFFC and ICPC for operating illegally and violating some Sections of the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) laws, as if the Rivers State aircraft imbroglio is responsible for the poor rating of the Nigerian Aviation industry under her watch.

    But she buckled when the joint chairman of the hearing and chairman of justice committee, Ali Ahmed quoted copiously from relevant Sections of the NCAA Act, especially Section 35 which forbids any form of sanction until due notification in writing to aircraft owners was done. Attempt to lie through Caverton Helicopters that the Rivers State Governor has been “operating without valid airworthiness or legal certificate aircraft registered in the name of Bank of Uttah Trustees, but used/operated in the name of Caverton Helicopters” backfired. The Rivers State government presented a letter before the committee on the revenue collected by NAMA on April 26 which indicated payment of $ 389 to the federal government by the Rivers State government for the usage of aviation facilities. In the same token, the minister feigned ignorance of the fact that the aviation authorities ever knew that the Bombardier jet in question has been carrying Coat of Arms of Rivers!

    Aviation minister has been unable to prove the righteousness of her cause in this matter. Nigerians cannot be deceived as to where the body and soul of the minister reside. She has refused to dedicate herself to the revitalisation and rebranding of the aviation industry so as to take out the trash. Under her, mediocrity, incompetence and failure perfectly converge to neutralise the nation’s aspiration for aviation sanity.

    Stella Oduah, no doubt, is craving for clout. She has debased her office for political partisan fights. She is pushing through an opportunistic reform – on behalf of President Jonathan – which forbids private jet owners from air-lifting friends or associates. Under the present aviation reform, President Jonathan alone will be legally permitted to fly over the nation’s airspace with more than 10 presidential aircrafts for campaigns while presidential aspirants of other political parties will have institutional hurdles to contend with. How offensive can this be in a supposedly democratic society?

    The unfolding senecio should not surprise Nigerians. From the outset of his presidency, even on the campaign turf in 2011, the President, aside the nebulous “Transformation Agenda” made no pledge to Nigerians hence none was broken! A “Transformation Agenda” that promises virtual deception to over 200 million citizens can not translate to good governance overnight, including the overhaul of the aviation industry.

    For all the President’s rhetoric on “Transformation Agenda”, the reality is that it is just a fig leaf for conscious power grab. President Jonathan may continue to pursue his oppressive tendencies with fidelity for all he cares, Nigerians are never known, as a people, to permanently attune themselves to oppression and tyranny without asserting their freedom.

    Dictators of all hue begin just the same way the meekly Jonathan strides with consistent vindictiveness, crude politics and opportunism. One can only locate all of this on poor judgment. The truth is that we do not have a president in Aso Rock.

    Nigeria, like any other country under the yoke of dictatorial dereliction, will certainly overcome the appurtenances and deception masquerading as leadership. It happened in the perilous days of President Ibrahim Babangida; we saw the exhibition of raw and murderous power in the ruinous years of the demented dictator, General Sanni Abacha; we bemoaned and stampeded the repellent administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo and his Third Term Agenda. We celebrated their vanity and fickleness in grand style such that will forbid intending dictators to recoil to self-consciousness and vigilance, that they too will have their days in the hall of infamy.

    In this trying times, Nigerians cannot afford an absolute dictator driven by unrestrained ambition and propensity to breach the laws and the constitution he swore to uphold; using extreme and cruel tactics to subdue his own people. Putting power into wrongful use amounts to weakness on the part of a leader. President Jonathan may still grasp the essential cause – and with chance, possibly help the nation to shape the new future.

  • FCT gets community-based health insurance committee

    The Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA) has established a technical committee on community-based health insurance scheme in order to ensure affordable access to healthcare services in rural communities in the territory.

    There are currently 861 communities in the six area councils of the FCT.

    Minister of State for the FCT, Oloye Olajumoke Akinjide, who inaugurated the committee in Abuja, said the scheme aimed at protecting the rural poor from the burden of paying for healthcare directly from their pockets.

    “The FCT Community-based Health Insurance Scheme aims at providing access to healthcare services for the rural poor. Each rural beneficiary becomes a CBHIS subscriber the moment he or she signs up to the programme by paying a token for rural health insurance scheme.

    “Families do not have to divert money that is supposed to be used for food and education to treat illnesses. They do not have to sell their household assets to pay for healthcare services for their family members,” said Akinjide, who was represented by the Executive Secretary, FCT Primary Healthcare Development Board, Dr. Rilwan Mohammed.

    The minister reiterated the commitment of the FCT Administration to create an enabling environment, develop a policy and legal framework, strengthen institutional arrangements and provide regular and sustained financial support through increased target coverage of health.

    She further explained that the technical committee was expected to come up with an institutional framework for the Community-based Health Insurance Scheme in the FCT.

    The committee, which is chaired by the FCT Minister of State, has as members the Emir of Jiwa, His Royal Highness (Dr.) Idris Musa; Director of Economic Planning, Research and Statistics, Alhaji Ari Isa Mohammed; Secretary of FCT Primary Healthcare Development Board, Dr. Rilwan Mohammed and Director of Primary Healthcare in Area Council Services Secretariat, Dr. Sani Muhammed.

    Other members are Special Assistant to the Permanent Secretary, Mr. David Gende; Dr. Hope Iloeaja of National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS); Dr. Hamza Aliyu of NHIS, and Dr. Ibrahim Abubakar of the Millennium Development Goals.

    The Director of the FCT Area Council Health Insurance Scheme serves as Secretary to the committee.

  • Whited Sepulchre

    Whited Sepulchre

    If we want to decipher the difference between former President Olusegun Obasanjo and today’s leader, President Goodluck Jonathan, we should examine the style and content of the emergency rule in the three beleaguered states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. When Obasanjo unleashed his, he came across as a bull. He rumbled into town and made it known that he rumbled into town. He flexed his muscles. He defied the law. He acted the soldier ingrained in his DNA. He was like the hawk in Ted Hughes poem, Hawk Roosting, where the bird asserts, My feet are locked upon the rough bark/It took the whole of Creation

    To produce my foot, my each feather:/Now I hold Creation in my foot.

    Jonathan acted the serpent, long, ruthless, devastating, but deceptively unobtrusive. Obasanjo did not exercise power unobtrusively. He let everyone know that the cowboy was in town, rode imperiously on his horse, shot his gun first in the air to daze and intimidate the residents. Afterwards, he gunned down a few for effect and stamp of his superior brow.

    Jonathan entered town as though he did not, and he allowed the situation to slide into slime, so he could act on the sly. He could then bring down the hammer, and when the hammer lands, few would realise that he had employed the sledgehammer on a fly.

    That is the style of this President. He wants everyone to perceive him as the innocent one, the harassed and the victimised. We can see that in the declaration of the state of emergency. Last week, I asked a question, and the answer is already here. I wondered what the President meant by his assertion that the governors would remain in charge in the meantime. I also asserted that he had no right to exercise powers that he did not have.

    But the President played a fast one on the electorate. First, he declared the state of emergency, so he could draw applause. After that, we saw the fine print. He played it also on a naïve National Assembly that succumbed almost as if unaware of the rudiments of the principle of power.

    When the terms came out, the serpent’s venom dripped on the Northeast. According to the terms, the President has a right to “provide for the utilisations of the funds of the governors and local government chairmen.” It passed unaltered through the Senate.

    The House of Representatives, rather than checkmate it, fell for the ruse by adding that it could be used to “provide for the protection, documentation, return, re-integration, resettlement, rehabilitation, compensation and remuneration of persons affected by this order.”

    Can all the job of the state not fall under protection alone? Only that word cedes the whole authority of the state governor and local government to the hands of the president. The damning line in the provision says that the President can give directive to the state governor and any designate. Does the word designate not imply that the President can install a parallel structure of governance in the state and funnel funds through the structure? That designate could be a soldier or a civilian, but it will be a person in whom the President is well pleased. He or she will be the de facto sole administrator obeying the President.

    Is this not a backstairs strategy to deligitimise the democratic structures? Is it not a way for the President, who is plotting a strategy to win in 2015, to map up means to mop up the numbers for electoral victory?

    But more importantly, this is an imposition of tyranny in the guise of democratic powers. When money flows out of a democratic structure – governor, local government, state assembly -, it means life is out of it. The governor cannot function without the money. The state assembly cannot pass law and the local government is impotent. They will be coerced to beg for their constitutional rights under the constitution.

    What the President has done is a familiar terrain in history. He wants to douse democracy by applying false democratic means. Hitler was watched, as though through a trance by his people, as he employed democratic methods to impose Nazism on the country. At some point Germans glowed in its corporatist dawn with a gloating sense of nationalism before it destroyed them. Ditto Francis Franco of Spain. Democracy cannot overthrow democracy.

    The emergency law was based on a democratic constitution and its execution fails if it defies the democratic tenet. What is left is tyranny. It is laws like this that have made law and political theorists over the ages to be wary of laws and the need for vigilance. It was not for nothing that Thomas Jefferson called the Law “the tyrant’s will.” And William Lloyd Garrison, who saw years of battle against oppression, declared, “that which is not just is not law.”

    With the emergency law in place, what we have in the three states are not democratic structures but white sepulchres. They glitter, exude grandeur, but are like the ceremonies of the dead. The governors, local government chairmen and lawmakers are somnambulists. They are sleeping men and women walking around a palace. They are like mannequins and statues of honour. They can only look and not see, while we look and remember what they represented.

    I wrote in this column a few weeks back how the President is gradually amassing dictatorial powers, and this is another feather on that cap. Politics is a game of power, but democratic power does not endorse a game that concentrates power in a man or a cabal. The expression “imperial president” is a fancy way of calling a president a monarch in a republican milieu. It is wrong. We might think that stopping a governor from flying a state-owned jet is nothing even though he was picked out of a many aircraft that violated basic laws. We might think that locking up Leadership newspaper editors is nothing. We might think that slamming a police presence without law on a local government headquarters is nothing. We might think a law that prohibits anyone except the president to fly a jet without members of the family is nothing until the presidential election. But that is the germ of despotism that wipes out the gem of democracy.

    With the introduction of the emergency laws, the President has slammed a private tyranny. So, while the Boko Haram insurgents wield class and ethno-religious violence on the citizens, Jonathan wants to impose political violence on the political structure. It is like a snake unleashing venom on a rat. Its muscles tremble and die.

    The President, in his style, may not take all the money, but will deliver enough to pay some bills, like civil service salaries, rents, etc. The rest will hide under the pursuit of security and public order, as the law says.

    The way out, as the governors concerned have indicated, is to go to court. The executive and legislature have failed. Next to God, it is the judiciary. I hope the court, under an increasingly brilliant and independent Supreme Court Justice, will echo the line of one of its own: “If we desire respect for the law, we must first make the law respectable.” That was Louis Brandeis who understood the difference between law and tyranny.

    Thanks, Gov. Uduaghan

    Many years back, I visited the Eku Hospital, near Warri in Delta State. That was my place of birth. I drove through it, wandering in what ward I breathed my first. But I was depressed that the hospital known in the past as a measure of medical excellence had fallen to a morass and decay. I learned that the place is back in structure and facility, thanks to the state Governor, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan.

  • Let our rich be

    Let our rich be

    Whatever our rich do, the poor protest: From generators to private aircraft. Now, it is bullet-proof vehicles. What is it?

    I used to think it is only our students that do not rest, be they of the UI of Ibadan, or UI of Lagos, or UI of Ife, Kano or what have you! But no! Our rich too cannot rest. No thanks to our over-pampered but unappreciative hoi polloi a.k.a. the poor masses. In fact, I am beginning to think that our common man is suffering from the Pull Him Down (PHD) or Be As I Am (BAIA) syndrome. The other day, it was about Nigeria being one of the highest importers of generators. Sometime ago, the story changed to our being the country with the highest number of private jets. Just a few weeks back, the poor (as in the poor masses) in the country were angry when it was reported that we were number two in champagne consumption, worldwide. I had to passionately appeal to our President that he should not worry about that disappointing report card; I assured him that our country, in its characteristic fashion, will soon elbow out France, the leading consumer of champagne, so we can get our rightful title in the comity of champagne drunkards. Sure, something must have gone wrong somewhere to put us in the second position. In all these, and in their characteristic soft-heartedness, our rich never lifted a finger. Mum has been the word from them.

    So, what is the bile this time around? They say Nigeria is the largest importer of bullet-proof cars! How is that a problem, except to the poor? Isn’t this a sign of good living? This was a position hitherto enjoyed by Iraq, Afghanistan and Latin American countries. Isn’t it cheery that money is not the problem of our rich but how to spend it? Isn’t it good enough news that we could import this number of armoured vehicles even when we are not in a war situation? And, what, in concrete terms does this boil down to?

    They say in the last few years, about 800 to 900 (only) armoured vehicles have been imported into the country at a cost of about N60billion. Isn’t this chicken change to a major oil-producing country like Nigeria? Apparently one of our great musicians who sang years back that he was only poor; he was not crazy did not know that there is hardly any difference between both. Is it not better for one bullet-proof car to absorb the bullets that some 200 poor people could have been hired to absorb in the course of protecting our rich if our rich are not the considerate and godly type? All the rich have to do is replace the hapless poor with another batch once one batch has been exterminated. You see, a ngba adiye lowo iku, o ni won o je ki oun lo si akitan lo je (whereas we are preventing the chick from death, it is angry that it is not allowed to go looking for food on the dunghill).

    Honestly, I am beginning to lose my temper. And, if I can feel this bad about these unsavoury developments, I can imagine what could be going on in the minds of our big people. I wonder when the poor will ever allow our rich a breather. These are the same rich people that allow our poor, alternatives to whatever they (the rich), enjoy.

    When the rich take tea, the poor take pap. Even the poor acknowledge that both of them are drinking hot water. When the rich travel abroad for medical care, the poor also travel to the village for home-grown solutions to some of their chronic medical challenges. Our poor people have access to Egbesu Boys, Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) for their security when the rich go for police escorts and expensive body guards. When our rich fly in their private jets, the poor also travel in Keke Marwa, Okada, Molue, Danfo and all. In all these, how many times have we seen the rich giving themselves headache trying to find out how much per annum, the poor spend on pap, or OPC, or Keke Marwa, etc.? As far as the rich are concerned, they are satisfied classifying all these activities of the poor as informal sector of the economy which they cannot lose sleep over. The rich simply don’t care even though many of us believe that there is a lot of money in this informal sector.

    The point is that our common man does not seem to know that people who are mute when pilloried as we are pillorying our rich are the most dangerous. Remember the tale of the man who took the duckling. He had to quickly return it when he told an elder that the mother duck did nothing after he had taken the duckling, and instead picked a chick. The hen reacted violently and the elder said the chicken was better material for pepper soup. I cannot understand the basis of this resentment for our rich; when in actual fact, it should have been the other way round. I mean, it is the rich who should have been wondering of what benefit are the poor beyond just clogging the space and constituting environmental nuisance. The silence of our rich is only not golden; it is also ominous. These are people who have almost all the dossier on the poor at their finger tips but do not care about such inconsequential details.

    But the poor (when the rich buy generator, or exotic cars, exotic wines, or bullet-proof cars) sniff for information on the sum total on each of these items bought by the rich. They do not care if their nostrils gather dust in the process of sniffing for the information. They are so idle that they even compare and contrast and come to the conclusion that the country is first in terms of spending on these expensive items.

    Honestly, these poor people have to be careful. The fact that we have the kind of God-fearing rich people that we have should not be taken for granted. Not all countries are that lucky. The poor here should not overstretch their luck because if these rich people change their mind, the result would be too unpalatable for them to bear. Anyway, in their own interest, the poor should call an emergency meeting where they would elect their executive officers so that we will all know their chairman who we can call (to order) whenever their members misbehave again. Things cannot continue like this. My fear is that if we do not have a leader that the rich can call to account for the misconduct of their members, the rich might one day be tempted to do the ultimate: ask that the poor be wiped out from all parts of the country or be dropped in the lagoon or the nearest Osu River; that mere seeing the poor makes them (the rich) want to throw up. I do not want things to degenerate to this extent.

    Our poor should know that in most other places, whatever the rich do has to be applauded; no matter how silly it may seem. Even our revered Williams Shakespeare attest ed to the fact that the rich and the poor do not belong in the same category when he said: “When beggars die there are no comets seen; The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of princes”. Have the poor ever seen comets when beggars die? Have they ever seen where the heavens blaze forth the death of their ilk? Please, please, for God’s sake, let our rich be. Rather than be sad that they are doing well, we should be glad and grateful to God for their lives.

    Uneasy lies the head that wears the riches! We cannot leave our rich to the vagaries of the insecurity in the land.

  • That the children may live…

    This soulless nation has governors who take champagne for breakfast, lunch and supper. Yet, there are children with holes in their hearts who have to beg good hearted people for hand-outs

    To celebrate this year’s Children’s Day Anniversary, dear reader, we focus on the question ‘What do our children mean to us as a nation?’ The answer will determine how much we are ready to ‘Stop Violence Against Children’, which I think is one of the themes this year. All I can come up with is ‘Nothing!’ Hey, listen a bit, will you; just let me lay out my reasons for this. I suspect though that there be some among us trying to swallow me up with their yawn because the subject holds no magic for them. I forgive them.

    To start with, violence surrounds the little tots in this country from birth. Facts, figures and indexical studies have shown that Nigeria has one of the highest maternal/child mortality rates in the world. Indeed, it is so bad I am told that for every other breath I take, a poor mother somewhere is losing either her child or her life through labour. Now, if I can just hold that breath … Any hows, the world knows that the situation is indeed grave, and so does Nigeria, but what has the country done about it? Again, Nothing! Nigerian hospitals continue to snuff the life out of people because of broken down or non-existent vital machines, God Almighty continues to take labour deliveries while doctors and midwives continue to throw up their hands in despair crying, ‘Whatever happened to the Pied Piper of Hamelin?’

    Now, let’s move on. The world knows, and so does Nigeria, that Nigerian children are regularly used for cheap, and I mean very cheap, labour in this country, and what does the country do about it? Nothing! Each day, a little boy of no more than ten years passes in front of my house hawking his ware at the top of his voice. On bare foot. Indeed, he has become such a master of his trade that he has turned his hawking calls into song. Each morning, therefore, he goes ‘Com-m-m-me a-a-a-a-a-and bu-u-u-u-u-uy ma-a-a-a-a- pa-a-a-a-a-p!’ That sure takes me to only one conclusion: he should be in my choir because he sings tenor. Seriously though, children are killed, maimed, sold or kidnapped in this country because they are sent hawking each day by their mothers and fathers who are too indifferent to get up and fend for them. That is the kind of violence that has made many among us to take a very drastic action: we look the other way.

    Sometimes, though, looking the other way is not so easy because you soon find yourself suffering from neck cramps. We then do the next best thing, and that is to cringe before the situation. ‘My child, why are you hawking so early this morning instead of going to school?’ ‘I will go to school when I have finished selling this’, he replies. ‘But why must you be selling this so early?’ ‘My mother asked me to.’ Naturally, that silences those of us who are excessively greedy for information.

    I think though that the period of silence should be over right about … now. Listen to this tale. A monk joined a monastery of two where speech was forbidden because he wanted to devote himself to God completely. For a year, no one said a word in the monastery. At the end of that year, one of the monks spoke. ‘What month is this?, he asked. After another year, the other monk said, ‘November.’ Yet another year passed before the monk who spoke first said, ‘Pea in shoe is pinching. Worn it for three years.’ At that, the new monk packed his bags. ‘I’m going’, he said, ‘You two talk too much.’

    I think we have talked too much already on the status of children in this country, and none of it has brought any relief for my early morning pap crooner. He is still compelled to hawk wares (of no more than one thousand Naira) before he can go to school. Now, after crawling through the neighbourhood all morning, what do you think he’ll go and do in school? Sleep in class, like everyone else, that’s what. So, no thanks, no more talk. Now, it’s action.

    Let’s begin with the child’s education. It is time we enacted a law that makes school truancy a punishable offence to both parent and child. A young boy of about twelve that I know can neither read nor write because his parents need him more on the farm than in school. His father is too sick to farm, but he eats manageably well, thank you for asking. That law would not only compel every child to go to school but also stay in school. Every child must be given a chance to have meaningfulness in his life and hope in a future.

    While we are at it, let us also enact a law that says no child below the age of fourteen, including babies on their mothers’ backs, will be allowed to ride on commercial motorcycles (popularly called Okadas) or in the front passenger’s seat in a car while in traffic. If the country cannot enact laws to protect the child’s safety in traffic, however, at least let the IG give me the right to arrest such erring parents. I promise to use it carefully though I have one or two parents in mind.

    We would thank you very much indeed, dear government, if STREET HAWKING BY CHILDREN CAN BE BANNED BY LAW. Hawking on the streets is decidedly going out to meet violence. God alone knows the number of children who have gone missing from that exercise alone. Nothing justifies asking a little child to put a little tray of wares on his head and move from one neighbourhood to another hawking those things before he/she can have breakfast. That law would remind us all, literate and illiterate alike, that a child is entitled to reasonable food, shelter, education and clothing from his parents up to a certain age. Those are his rights. That law would also remind us all that having children is a great privilege. So you see, violence seems to surround our little tots everywhere in this nation.

    Yet, we have not mentioned domestic violence. We are lucky in these parts though; our communal living style effectively guards against the maniacal tendencies of psychopathic and sociopathic men and women masquerading as parents. For as long as that communal living is in place, the tendencies can stay in check. Now you see how useful the endless uncles and aunties are. Make room for them, will you, in that little bungalow of yours. Ah hem!

    The country appears to be waking up from its slumber though. Now, it has enacted laws against child labour and child slavery. The only thing is that now, it finds itself dealing with baby factories. The ingenuity of Nigerians appears inexhaustible, right?

    Pardon me, but what laws have been put in place to protect children who are handicapped, sick or with special needs? What laws are in place for children whose parents cannot meet the health bills of such children? There is no greater violence against these children than when we merely push a wheelchair in their direction and leave them to fend for themselves. The state needs to wake up to them.

    This soulless nation has governors who take champagne for breakfast, lunch and supper. Yet, there are children with holes in their hearts who have to beg good hearted people for hand-outs in the media. It is time to really mean it when we say the children are our future. We must work now, while there is time, to build the Nigerian child. It is time we gave our children life.

  • Details of emergency proclamation deepen anguish

    Details of emergency proclamation deepen anguish

    Riding on the crest of a wave of popular approbation on the declaration of emergency, President Goodluck Jonathan is all the more convinced that he took the right step in his effort to pacify the restive Northeast region. The details of the proclamation, which were not immediately available but came many anxious days later, show conclusively how far-reaching the provisions are, and how fateful they could become in the coming months and years for the sustenance of democracy. Notwithstanding which part of the divide we find ourselves – for or against emergency – or how uncritically we embraced the panacea even before we knew the details of the proclamation, it is time for us to move on to even more germane but troubling matters, especially considering that emergency has become a fait accompli.

    I suspect that the president took a few more days than he planned to transmit the proclamation to the National Assembly because he was astounded by the overwhelming support Nigerians gave him. He probably felt he would not injure his goals, whatever they were, if he tweaked the provisions of the proclamation to tighten his hold on the Northeast. Any sound democrat – and there are few of them in Nigeria – or sound thinker should be alarmed by the provisions of the proclamation. Sadly, neither the public which whooped for emergency nor the National Assembly saddled with the greater responsibility of safeguarding democracy, has shown any disquiet or even discomfort with the details. The mostly conservative Senate has raised barely a whimper against emergency, and the often populist House of Representatives has only offered feeble protests.

    So, for now, we are stuck with emergency in the Northeast, even as fears grow in sane quarters that given Dr Jonathan’s constant immoderation and propensity for brinkmanship, he could yet widen the areas under emergency proclamation. Before the details of the proclamation were made public, this column had concluded that the governors of the affected states would become ceremonial rulers and the military commanders the de facto rulers. This observation flies in the face of the president’s pronouncement that he had not tampered with the democratic structures in the three states, and that the governor, Houses of Assembly and the local government areas were intact. It was inconceivable that the said democratic structures could function in the teeth of emergency, I warned. Surprisingly, lawyers, academicians and newspapers argued that by leaving the democratic structures in place, the president was jeopardising the success of emergency and prolonging the misery of the Northeast.

    Such undisciplined reasoning was not totally unexpected, considering that there had been a progressive attenuation of disciplined thinking and research in Nigeria for many years. I had nothing to base my suspicion on, of course, other than my intuitive distrust of Dr Jonathan’s bona fides, whether in relation to his depressing political pragmatism, his lack of ideological persuasion, or even his annoying abjuration of the role and place of philosophy in the government of any society, ancient or modern. When he finally publicised the details, it was clear that Dr Jonathan, like his superficial mentor, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, had unlimited contempt for the principles and practice of democracy. He entertains the quaint belief that it is sometimes necessary to destroy a thing in order to save it. The unsuspecting National Assembly, the bewildered public, and the querulous press apparently agree.

    In the proclamation, Dr Jonathan has completely and undisguisedly subordinated the governor, local government chairmen and, by implication, the Houses of Assembly in the affected areas to the military commanders in the three states. The military commanders, as emergency rule in Ekiti showed in 2006, are in turn subordinated to the president. In short, Dr Jonathan has the distinguished Lugardian honour of imposing indirect rule in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States. The National Assembly’s harmonised version of the proclamation tried to circumscribe the subordination of governors and LG chairmen to the president’s whims by limiting the orders he could issue to matters relating to “maintaining and securing peace, public order and public safety in the emergency areas.” The reality is, however, far different, and this needn’t be argued.

    But if this was the only evidence of power grab in the Northeast, it could be pardoned. In another far-reaching provision in the proclamation, the president is empowered to utilise the funds of the affected states for the purpose of executing the state of emergency. The president’s original proposal to spend state funds is truly frightening. But the National Assembly’s harmonised version futilely attempts to limit the usage of the funds to “provide for the protection, documentation, return, re-integration, resettlement, rehabilitation, compensation and remuneration of persons affected by this order.” It is hard to know exactly what was on the minds of the framers of this provision, for the responsibilities listed in that clause are actually much better performed by the states and LGs than the federal government, let alone a military commander. In fact, it is clear that the president originally intended this provision to underwrite the cost of the emergency itself.

    This column had warned last week that, “The governors will be ceremonial leaders throughout the emergency, even as the affected states may be coaxed into parting with a part of their monthly allocations to the war effort.” That warning was neither prescient nor comprehensive enough. There is nothing in Dr Jonathan’s proclamation or the legislature’s harmonised version to indicate the degree of tampering allowed the president. The governors are already browbeaten, and the public mood against them unsparing. They will, therefore, tamely submit to all forms of violation and indignity.

    The president already has enormous powers to do anything he wishes with the country, and is more powerful than any democratically elected president anywhere. Unfortunately, since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, no president has been circumspect or innovative in the use of those powers. Emergency in the Northeast now indirectly deposits more powers in the hands of the president than he used to have. He will henceforth begin to see all sorts of possibilities in accreting in influence and control in hostile states. He now understands how to grab power and how to fund that grab, irrespective of what positive ends he puts the grab to. Technically, he now knows what to do to extend emergency rule, and he will not be incommoded by shortage of funds, nor, quite embarrassing to every Nigerian, will he be in short supply of support.

    The Joint Task Force has proudly announced its troops have completely overrun Boko Haram camps in the emergency states. No less was expected. It would be stupid of the militants to stay and fight. The only time they did so in 2009, they were worsted, and their leader, Mohammed Yusuf, extra-judicially murdered. Since then they have adopted guerrilla tactics and war of attrition that enervate even the most sophisticated army. When emergency was proclaimed it was expected that the Boko Haram militants would flee their camps, regroup at a future date, re-strategise, and re-launch their terror war in more lethal fashion. It is that uncertain and sanguinary aftermath that the JTF and the Jonathan presidency should be worried about.

    I restate my perspective once again that Dr Jonathan’s leadership style is inconsistent with the highest ideals and principles of great leadership. State of emergency is superfluous in the circumstances of the rebellion in the Northeast, as it was superfluous in Plateau and Ekiti States under Obasanjo and in the defunct Western Region under Tafawa Balewa. If Dr Jonathan had not taken a dim view of the matter by embracing melodrama, he would have discovered that deploying additional troops and pacifying the region did not need the agency of a state of emergency, not to talk of needlessly and surreptitiously weakening democratic structures in the affected areas and indeed everywhere, tampering with the fundamental principles of federalism by proposing to spend state and LG money, and unjustly and unfairly blaming and subordinating elected governments to military commanders.

    Moreover, there is a gross misunderstanding of the nature of the crisis facing the country in the Northeast. The rebellion in that region may have socio-economic undertones and a veneer of politics, but it is also much more disturbingly a potpourri of sectarian and class revolts rooted in malformed medieval ideologies. Such revolts, which often come and go within a generation, do not respond to force as facilely as many hope. But to the consternation of the sober and the mirth of the hysteric, Dr Jonathan has reacted to the crisis simplistically and imprudently. On its own, the National Assembly, in particular the Senate, has failed to react to the president’s prognosis with the kind of legislative aplomb a modern and activist legislature should summon.

    Giving free rein to the president’s subversion of democratic structures in the affected states is bound to have repercussions in the near and distant future. Obasanjo was not checked in 2006, though he never imposed emergency in more than one state at a time. Now, Jonathan has imposed emergency in three states at once, and seems set to foment trouble in a fourth, Rivers. And by harshly and abruptly discarding the little progress the country has made in consolidating democracy, and by stifling opposition efforts to propound alternatives, the president and his supporters have injured the body politic much more obnoxiously than Boko Haram is ever capable of doing.

  • Amaechi and the NGF: An election so disgraceful, so contemptible

    If anything indicates very starkly the hard temper of Nigerian democracy, last Friday’s election of chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) showed why and how. A day to the election, indeed hours before, no one, not even any of the governors, was sure who would win the election, in view of the base emotions that sometimes propel Nigerian politics. But it was always clear that whoever won would find it difficult to rally all the governors behind himself. Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State won by 19 votes to Plateau State’s Jonah Jang’s 16 votes, showing how divided and divisive that pressure group has become and how keenly the election was fought for a post that carries no constitutional significance, and is indeed superfluous to the needs of the country, not to talk of the desperate needs of the people of the 36 states.

    It was not as if the sorely tried winner was intrinsically divisive or even controversial. The problem with him, and which his victory evinced, was how, due to no fault of his, he was perceived in the presidency as an upstart and a troublemaker. In saner climes, his commitment to development, his doggedness, his courage and his eloquent grasp of issues should make him a rising star in his party. It is indeed no credit to the image of President Goodluck Jonathan that he and his men virtually demonised the Rivers governor, cast him in the shape of a radical and rebellious outcast, and were prepared to gleefully and unconstitutionally subvert Rivers State and deliberately divide and destroy the NGF.

    The import of the NGF election is not that some governors are miffed by their candidate’s loss, or that the president’s objectives seem for now to have been truncated. (Dr Jonathan is famous for not taking no for an answer). The import is that much more than the president, the country’s 36 governors theoretically form the bulwark of Nigerian democracy, yet many of them have become ardently contemptuous of the elementary principles of democracy. Though they represent the country’s collective political achievement and ideological stability, they have shown a disgraceful incompetence to manage an election in which only 35 people voted. How could a group of top politicians who find it difficult to summon the common sense to win or lose a small election with dignified calmness superintend state and national elections in which tens of millions of Nigerians would vote? How could a group of senior politicians who find it difficult to acknowledge their colleagues’ point of view find the grace and wisdom to tolerate dissent in their own states?

    It does not bother me who won or lost, though, because of the president’s meddlesomeness, I would rather his candidate lost; but I am worried that the governors played infantile politics, politics without principles, politics without nobility, politics without character. I am in fact deeply disturbed that a man of Governor Godswill Akpabio’s moderate accomplishments and admirable eloquence (he talks nineteen to the dozen) should lend his exertions and modest gifts to anomalous and ignoble ends. Where is his soul, and can he call it his own even if it were thrust under his nose? Not only is he disputing what was apparently a transparent election, he has taken incredible and laughable steps to make the NGF self-destruct. Had he offered himself entirely to, say, a great president, we would still have condemned his servility; but at least his faults would be redeemed by the great and noble purpose he wilfully and reckless spent it on. Unfortunately, he has devoted his every talent to the wrong cause and the wrong man.

    Amaechi has won, but I fear he will not be able to unite the association behind himself, nor be able to deploy the group for any meaningful democratic end. I also fear that the presidency, which has become a vindictive and sterile bastion of futile politics, will rededicate itself to destroying Amaechi. Nineteen governors voted for Amaechi; he will be lucky to get more than 20 to stand with him whenever he needs them. More, because of 2015, and because Dr Jonathan cannot rise to a profound level, the presidency will make Amaechi’s remaining years in office a living nightmare. And given the shallowness of the Nigerian mind and the immaturity of their politics, it is not guaranteed that Amaechi will find the kind of support his hard work as a governor and his character as a person merit. And contrary to what he thinks, his victory has not tested and proven Nigerian democracy. His victory, which cannot be divorced from the politics that preceded it or the shenanigan that followed, has only shown how irresponsible and reckless most of those who govern the country have become.

  • Chinua Achebe: His wondrous passages

    Chinua Achebe: His wondrous passages

    [Being a revised version of a tribute written for Transition Magazine, U.S.A.]

    Chinua Achebe had more than the standard allotment of respect and fame for writers, including even those who in their lifetime achieve great acclaim. One of the most notable expressions of this respect bordering on adoration came from one who is himself a celebrity among celebrities, Nelson Mandela. In their long time in the prisons of the South African apartheid system, above all other writers it was Chinua Achebe’s works that sustained the spirit of Mandela and the other giants of the anti-apartheid struggle. “The writer in whose company the prison walls fell”: That is how Mandela described the liberation of psyche and spirit that he and his mates felt when they encountered Achebe’s brooding and deeply insightful novels on colonialism and its complex legacies for Africa, the West and the rest of the world.

    I had not yet read of Mandela’s uncommon praise for Achebe’s writings when, as a member of a volunteer team of professors of Cornell University that taught in both medium and maximum security prisons in Elmira and Auburn in upstate New York, I taught Achebe and Frantz Fanon to some inmates of these prisons. A disproportionately large number of these prisoners were African American, and all were men. I think these factors account for the fact that more than all the other Cornell volunteers, the inmates felt a very special emotional bonding with me since I was the only African male in the group. But beyond this, Achebe, shall we say, provided the real fulcrum for that emotional bonding – Achebe in dialogue with Fanon. Fanon was not exactly a hard nut to crack for the prisoners, but the mix of flights of spellbinding psychoanalytic and philosophical musings with visionary and prophetic prose was a bit too abstruse for them.

    With Achebe, things ware different. His stories, his prose style, and the depth of his wisdom made an apparently deep impact on the prisoners. With very little prompting from me, many of these prisoners – some of whom were lifers who were serving time for extremely violent crimes – used Achebe’s works to throw further light on my explications on the more schematic or programmatic aspects of Fanon’s theories of radical decolonisation. One surprising thing in this was the fact that the two Achebe novels that I taught the prison inmates, Things Fall Apart and Arrow of God, told harrowingly tragic stories of the failures of anti-colonial revolt, whereas Fanon’s books mapped difficult but ultimately victorious paths to decolonization. When I probed the sources of this deft move by the prisoners, they revealed their deep empathy with aspects of Achebe’s novels that I hadn’t at the time paid much attention to, aspects to which their own situation had apparently made them far more responsive. Chief among these was the startling fact that beneath and beyond the main plotlines of failed and tragically flawed nationalist revolt against colonialism, Achebe’s novels told scores of mini stories of ordinary men and women whose humanity, resilience, and self-empowerment were not crushed, could indeed not be crushed by the otherwise powerful and all-conquering forces of colonialism and imperialism. This experience, this revelation served as the catalyst for two of the most important among the half dozen essays and monographs I have published on Achebe: “For Chinua Achebe: the Resilience and Predicament of Obierika” and “An African Cultural Modernity: Achebe, Fanon, Cabral, and the Philosophy of Decolonisation.”

    The passage from the heroic world of Mandela and his prison mates at Robben Island to the world of hardened criminals and other carceral subjects in America’s prison colonies is typical of the centrality of passages between incredibly diverse spheres of sociality and community that Achebe as writer and public intellectual traversed in his life and career. One of the most portentous of these passages is the journey in his works in fiction and non-fiction into virtually all the literary languages of the world. He got extensive commendations, inquiries and plain “thank you and thank you again” correspondence from men and women, old and young, the highly literate and the modestly schooled. And these came from all the continents, all the regions of the world, and all stations in life.

    This liminality, these wondrous passages into nearly every corner of the world of letters on the planet pose tremendous interpretive challenges to us. Achebe is one of two or three of the most popular, most widely read contemporary authors and yet he is a writers’ writer, an author who was/is deeply respected by some of the most influential authors of the past half century like James Baldwin, Nadine Gordimer, Doris Lessing, Toni Morrison and Wole Soyinka. He is a towering pioneer figure in modern African literature but he is also in the front ranks of the rarefied canon of World Literature. He is a constant subject of discussion in the popular presses of Africa, Europe and America but he is also an endless source of debate and controversy among literary scholars all over the world.

    As much as these passages are constitutive of Achebe’s fame and renown, they cannot be taken as self-evident or self-explanatory. Of course it is not the case that “explanations” that don’t explain much, that are in fact rather tautological have not been proffered as interpretive keys for unlocking the enigma of these exemplary, border crossing passages of Achebe across the typically fragmented publics of writing and cultural production in the African continent, its Diasporas and the world at large. For instance, here is one such “explanation”: Both the popular mind and the world of scholarly researchers and exegetes have focused almost exclusively on Things Fall Apart, ignoring other writings of the Nigerian author like the infinitely more complex Arrow of God and the fascinating and reflexive meta-narrative that is Anthills of the Savannah, thereby making the passage from the “high” to the “low” and back again to the “high” a fairly easy one to make. Here is another “explanation”: Things Fall Apart cemented Achebe’s celebrity status among both “naïve” readers and the professoriate of letters because it enabled legitimacy for African writing in the upper stratospheres of academia to be tokenised without compromising that legitimacy with racial and cultural condescension which, for a long time in literary history, had been a constant, almost inevitable precondition for granting legitimacy for any intellectual or cultural production from our continent.

    These “explanations” are neither false nor redundant. But they are external to writing qua writing. In other words, they do not even remotely engage the fact that both the passionate enthusiasts and the sometimes equally passionate if more politely and discretely self-restraining opponents of Achebe as an author base themselves on his writing. And on this central issue of writing, and in particular on the nature and status of Achebe’s writing, we are caught between two fundamentally opposed notions or traditions of writing. Writing, the best writing, must draw attention to itself, to its forms and modes of self-constitution: this is the fundamental article of faith of modernists and postmodernists alike, even if both camps differ in big ways on the specific terms for self-display and self-reference in writing to be manifested. Conversely, writing must not unduly draw attention to itself; it must find a balance, an equipoise between what needs to be expressed and the formal and linguistic means for its expression. That is the classical and much older but still extant tradition of writing to which – so goes the determination of the arbiters of taste in the contemporary world of letters – Achebe putatively belonged. I would personally argue that Achebe actually made the passage to and from these two seemingly opposed traditions in several of his writings in both fiction and non-fiction. But that was not the judgment of the border guards of modernist and postmodernist literary culture and thought. This, it seems to me, lies at the root of why the so-called “highest” prize, the Nobel Literature award, was denied him.

    In all, I personally met Achebe only a few times, on four, perhaps five occasions, only one of which was at his home at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka when he taught and lived there. But among contemporary authors, he was among the select few to whom I felt a great closeness because I found myself returning again and again in the last four decades to his works. He was a master storyteller who had the quite unique gift for folding countless stories of ordinary women and men into the big, “world-historical” currents and forces of modern culture and society. In certain key areas of artistic vision and humaneness, I think he quite easily surpassed nearly all the other great novelists on colonialism – Conrad, Kipling, Forster, Orwell, and Ngugi. First of all, Achebe took the humanity of both coloniser and the colonised for granted; he neither deified nor demonised one or the other, coloniser and the colonised. By contrast, most of these other great novelists of colonialism could not, did not entirely escape this trap. Secondly, Achebe forcefully showed that both sides in the colonial divide were simultaneously subjects and objects of powerful forces whose outcomes they could neither control nor predict. And thirdly, Achebe had a deeply tragic sense of life and history that was however leavened by irony, wit, humor and a calm openness to the absurdities of existence. As perhaps the single most important historical force in the making and the unmaking of the modern world as a global community structured by and in inequality and interdependence, colonialism needed a master novelist and essayist whose works could resonate throughout the world in the West and the Non-West, among both the ex-colonisers and the ex-colonised. It was given to our own Chinua Achebe to be the novelist and essayist who rose to successfully engage that challenge.

    With his recent death, another passage, perhaps the most significant of all, has taken place. I once joked that Achebe was second only to his own creation, Okonkwo, the protagonist of Things Fall Apart, as the most famous Igbo person in the world. But that was about half a decade ago, long before Achebe’s demise. With the number and scale of the outpouring of the mix of grief and celebration from all parts of the world that followed the notice of his transition, Achebe, it now appears, is second only to Nelson Mandela as the most famous African in the world. I don’t think the near unanimous judgment that he has achieved immortality through his works is premature.

    In due time, Achebe’s works will undergo passage into the regime of posthumous commentary and debate, free of both the positive and negative consequences of their imbrication in the towering presence and subjectivity of Achebe himself. I am thinking here in particular of his last published book, There Was A Country. The anger, the bitterness and the outrage caused in many quarters by some of the views and claims made in the book will stay with us for some time to come. But I personally see no portent at all in the fact that this last book was the most controversial among all of Achebe’s writings. His legacy is much vaster than the controversies engendered by that book, just as it is also absolutely unconstrained by the Nobel Prize that was not awarded to him. Speaking about the loss of another great Nigerian, Wole Soyinka once remarked that that personage will walk tall among the ancestors. With my unabashed rationalist and humanistic idealism, I read that benediction as meaning that the departed had entered the hallowed ranks of the true immortals of all ages. So let it be with Chinua Achebe.

     

     

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • LIE and our ‘Oga at the Rock’

    LIE and our ‘Oga at the Rock’

    There is a particular road in the South West that tells the story of a leader that lacks vision, that has no style nor the grit and wits of leadership. This leader is not sagacious or dynamic nor does he have the capacity for service delivery. That road is the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway. For the purpose of convenience, and possibly, some poetic mischief, let us call it LIE.

    In order to put the story of LIE in perspective, let us do a re-cap of its recent journey into decline. In May 2009, the Yar’Adua administration concessioned the road to Wale Babalakin’s Bi-Courtney and for almost four years the company exhibited its incompetence in road construction and its efficiency in propaganda management by installing bill-boards with nauseating and deceitful messages at different locations along the road. The bill-boards on the road were more than the workmen at the site. Press statements were more than asphalt. Visits to stakeholders to solicit their cooperation were more than the number of project inspections. The company was engaged in series of conflicts with the Ogun State government, a major stakeholder in the project. The company was visible, the CEO was ubiquitous. Wale Babalakin made so much noise in newspapers and appeared on so many T.V talk-shows flaunting his credentials on road construction and his company’s capacity to fund the project. It was not long before the entire nation came to discover that Bi-Courtney’s claim that it possessed the professional and financial capability to fix LIE was nothing but corporate lie.

    In November last year, the federal government told the nation the whole truth about LIE. The government not only revoked the agreement between it and the company, it went ahead to award the contract to Julius Berger and RCC even though the details were not made known. Since then nothing has been heard or done about LIE until about two weeks ago when the Federal Ministry of Works ran a full page advertorial in some national newspapers to explain the situation to the nation. It reminded the people that the federal government has not reneged on its promise to fix the road but that the delay in fixing it has been caused by government’s adherence to due process. Going by this advertorial, the nation should not expect any major work on the road this year. Because the next advertorial by the government will try to justify why the contract cannot be awarded during rainy season or why major work cannot commence on the road this year.

    LIE, as it is today, is a good narrative of national decay, leadership deficit and vacuity, contractual betrayal and failed promises, infrastructural paucity and visible depravity, political deception and economic declivities. Every inch of LIE soars in falsehood. It is meant to be an expressway but this is the most obvious lie about LIE. There is nothing ‘express’ about the road. The truth is that it has become a glorified service road for the scattered settlements and communities that line along its routes. And if we indulge ourselves in conventional delusion by calling it “expressway”, can’t Jonathan see that this ‘express’ is in serious distress? What is ‘express’ about a road on which motorists spend three to four hours on a regular basis for a trip that should not take more than 10 to 15 minutes? Or what is the distance between Mowe and Alausa that workers who live in Mowe and work in Lagos Secretariat, Alausa, will be spending two to three hours before getting to their office?

    What is “express” in a road that people cross every minute? Since there is no pedestrian bridge, it is a common sight to see people living in the communities crossing the road as soon as they are discharged on the road by the commuter buses. It is only normal for motorists to reduce their speed or stop for the people to cross. The situation becomes alarming during major programmes of the churches along the road. What is “express” about a road which the various settlements and communities along it use for their market day or where street traders hawk fried snails, plantain chips and other assortment of snacks?

    In which civilised country do you find an expressway with 20 to 25 bus stops in its first 50 kilometres? Between the Lagos toll gate and the Redemption Camp, which is a distance of 46 kilometres, you have virtually every settlement along the road having its own bus stop with “Berger”, Warewa, Arepo, Magboro, Ibafo, Asese and Mowe being the major ones. What can one also say about the trailers and tankers that park negligently and arrogantly on the road while the government feigns ignorance and helplessness.

    In which country do you find an expressway with such volume of traffic that is as high as 15 to 20 vehicles per kilometre? The rate of accidents on that road both major and minor is conservatively put at 5 to 7 per day. And in most cases when there is a major accident involving trailers or fuel tankers, the traffic is always at a standstill for hours with motorists on the alert to sprint in case of any explosion. I am sure the Federal Road Safety Commission would have lost count of the number of innocent souls that have been lost on that road.

    LIE is a strategic road of carnage ambience. LIE is a congested road of trucking carnival. LIE connects the South West to other geo-political zones. LIE unites the diverse nationalities in commerce, politics and facilitates social networking between the citizens in the North and the citizens in the South.

    The Fulani herdsman in the North moves his cows to the Yoruba man in the South West through LIE. The Igboman in the East moves his goods to the sales points in Lagos through LIE. Tankers from Lagos conveying fuel to other parts of the country do so through LIE. LIE has become an embarrassing emblem of unity binding us together as citizens of this country and bonding us to one another. LIE has become a metaphor of false oneness that makes it difficult for us to tell our leaders the truth about the sickening condition of LIE.

    For Jonathan, LIE is a symbol of failure. Those who flatter Jonathan with extraordinary wits need to see the condition of LIE in order to come to terms with the reality of Jonathan’s caducity. No serious nation, nay, no serious leadership that is desirous of development will watch helplessly for many years the deterioration of a road as strategic as LIE. On a daily basis, citizens waste many man-hours on that road because the government has refused to fix it appropriately. When a road as strategic as LIE drains between four to six hours of citizens’ productive time, there is a direct consequence of this on national productivity and the nation’s GDP. A responsible and responsive leadership should know that its economy is in serious jeopardy if its infrastructure is in a state of decay with no immediate remedy in sight. Between the government and the citizens, LIE is an incontrovertible evidence of a breach of social contract.

    This is the price a leader pays when he decides to play politics with Citizens, welfare. What stops Jonathan from convening a stakeholders’ parley comprising the presidency, the governors of Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ondo, Ekiti and Edo, for the purpose of proffering viable solutions to the menace of the road? But Jonathan has decided to play the superman by trying to fix it all alone forgetting that LIE is a national burden that has held us hostage irrespective of our geo-political identities. And until we unlock the truth about LIE, everyone of us will remain captive to stagnation and hostage to progress.

    Agreed that LIE is a federal road, but are these states not part of the federation? So, what does Jonathan stand to lose if the federal government and these states come together to fix the road to international standard? Now, the greed and zeal to take the credit alone has caused him credibility deduction with citizens particularly those who use the road regularly tagging his administration a monumental failure for its inability to perfect an ordinary LIE.

    Of recent, I have developed an inexplicable fascination for roads, I mean good roads. This possibly explains why I have suddenly become an adventurous tourist visiting some of the states that have embarked on massive road constructions. I have gone round most of the roads in Lagos, Osun, Ekiti and Oyo. I am yet to go to Edo, Ogun and Ondo. But from what I have seen that the governors of Lagos, Osun, Oyo and Ekiti have done on roads, I am convinced that if President Jonathan shoves politics aside and meets with these governors, the whole problem of LIE will become history. For him to know that one is not exaggerating the performance of these governors in road construction, let him pay a visit to the Lagos-Badagry Expressway and see the magic Babatunde Fashola is working on that road. He will marvel at the transformation of a federal road by the Lagos State Government.

    A quarter of the energy and attention that Jonathan invests in the politics of Bayelsa and Rivers States could have been channelled to the rehabilitation or total re-construction of LIE. When a leader engages in diversionary activities by shifting focus from what is concrete to frivolities, it is either he has no idea of what to do or he has completely lost his bearing as a leader. All the distractions that Jonathan creates for himself show that he does not appreciate the enormity of leading a nation that is as complex as Nigeria. The challenges facing the nation are too daunting and do not in anyway leave space for the President to while away his time in scaffolding politics. Without attempting to exculpate Jonathan from his own unfitness, it is a shame that 14 years into democracy, Nigeria has no template for responsible governance and dynamic leadership that could liberate the nation from the bondage of LIE.

     

     

    •Thomas, A former Special Aide to Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, teaches History and International Studies at the Lagos State University.