The Nation Newspaper

Category: Columnists

  • Scaremonger and APC

    Scaremonger and APC

    Since the announcement of the mega merger to form the All Progressives Congress (APC), there has been a new art of scaremongering and there is something paradoxical about it.

    Let me substantiate. Various spokesmen of the ruling party have gone from demonising the leaders of the proposed merger to scaring one segment of the electorate, especially in the Southwest, that APC is their death knell as a people. In series of press briefings and statements right after the announcement of the merger, Presidential spokesperson Doyin Okupe had some harsh words for the party and its prospects. On the one hand, Okupe asserted that the merger will crumble within a year on the ground that “it is a weak association.” The basis of this assessment is unclear given the widespread nature of the membership of the merging parties and the levers of power they presently control. But Okupe is so sure of his position that he chose to stake his future identity on the veracity of his prediction.

    On the other hand, however, in an effort to paint ACN as a regional party, Okupe ended up disparaging the Yoruba as diehard regionalists. In his thinking, the only attachment that the Yoruba have with ACN is its identity as a regional party. This translates to the view that the Yoruba are not worried about the programmes that are beneficial to them, nor are they concerned about the ideological orientation of a political party. “The party’s only relevance in the Nigerian politics is that it is the outfit with which the Yoruba politics stands out. So when they have lose (sic) that garb, they are gone,” Okupe predicted.

    Recall that this has always been the tragic resort of opponents of both the Action Group and the UPN. Okupe indeed referenced these parties as examples of his meaning. Recall also that one of the campaign slogans of PDP in 2003 was the need for the Yoruba to go into the mainstream of Nigerian politics. Now, the leadership of ACN is making the move via a different route and the scaremongers are at work.

    From another angle in the same art of scaremongering, the leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF) Alhaji Mujadid Asari Dokubo declared in an interview with Saturday Sun that the “emerging merger of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) with the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) and a faction of the All Peoples Grand Alliance (APGA) will spell doom for Yoruba people.” In Dokubo’s chauvinistic assessment, “it is political suicide for the Southwest to align with the North in the power equation.”

    The reasoning is so far out that it is hardly worth examining from a rational perspective. First, if the issue is about experience, isn’t it true that the Southsouth in general, and the Niger Delta in particular have always aligned with the North in federal elections since at least the second republic? Dokubo asserted that “nobody calling himself progressive would go and align with feudalists.” This is a valid point; but it begs a question: Do we identify feudalism with ethnic nationalities or with mindsets and practices? Do we dismiss offhand the prospect of progressive policies coming out of particular groups and individuals just because of their ethnic origin? This appears to be Dokubo’s challenge and the challenge of all of us having been so caught up in ethnic politics and name calling that are detrimental to whatever aspirations we have as a nation.

    Recently, I came across a YouTube video on the visit of the late Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa to the John F. Kennedy White House in 1963 and I was pleasantly surprised. I never heard Alhaji Balewa speak during his lifetime, and watching that video sparked in me a pride in the founding fathers of this country that I found myself giving a standing ovation at the end of the video. Balewa spoke with class. He was articulate and confident. His speeches were brief, casual and off-the-cuff, yet profound. Of course, we could disagree about the policies of his party but we should now learn that name calling is a game beneath our collective dignity as a nation. After all, no one has a monopoly over such practices.

    The second question is this: in what sense is the proposed merger of four parties into APC an alliance with any particular zonal establishment? The parties are spread all over the country. While ACN has control of state houses across the Southwest, it also draws membership and National Assembly members from other zones. The leaders of the merging parties have consistently declared their intention to uphold the principle of internal democracy within the party and in particular in the matter of the choice of flag bearers at all levels. Yet the scaremongers cannot wait for the party to emerge and demonstrate its commitment to democratic principles. They want to cause so much stress for the pregnancy so that their desire for a miscarriage would be realised. In whose interest is this?

    Here then is the paradox. The leaders of the proposed APC have been so methodical and deliberative in their choices that opponents are so scared about the possibilities and potentialities of the party that they would rather not have it come to life. The deliberativeness is not just about the months of dialogue and negotiations; it is not just about the choice of ideologies and manifesto. It is also about symbolism. When they chose the name of the proposed party, they came up with an acronym that carries so much symbolism that it scares the hell out of the opposition: if you have a headache, APC is the answer. In case you are molested by kidnappers and armed robbers, we are the Armoured Personnel Carriers (APC). In a political universe where symbols are sometimes much more effective than substance, it is not uncommon for the sensibilities of the electorate to be attracted to such eye-catching symbol as the broom and the promising chorus of “change” that comes with APC.

    There is a third question: if the reasoning of the NDPVF leader is valid, why can’t the Northern zones be apprehensive of an alliance with the Southwest since indeed, the ACN can boast of its strength and the widespread nature of its mandate? It seems that the thinking here is that what makes an alliance with CPC so scary is that the North can consume its partners. Yet in the same breath Dokubo suggested that former President Obasanjo, a Yoruba, “changed the political landscape” because he made “a conscious effort to create a balance in the patronage distribution in Nigeria.” But it was very clear to all in 1999 that the North wanted Obasanjo as president and voted overwhelmingly for the PDP. Was that not an alliance with the Northern establishment?

    The bottom line is this. APC is becoming a reality and there is palpable fear concerning its impact in the political scene in 2015 and beyond. Whatever side one takes—for APC, PDP or against both—the one benefit that the nation as a whole stands to gain from the emergence of a strong APC is the deepening of democratic norms and practices. Two strong parties vying for acceptance by the electorate at the center is the best thing that would happen to the country since the aborted third republic.

    What makes this approach better than the Babangida initiative of a two-party system is that it would have evolved from the practice of democracy itself. Having learned the importance of numbers, and having benefitted from the frustration of the people with the ruling party and the lackluster leadership at the centre, political sense dictates the rationality of splinter parties coming together under one umbrella for a common cause. Of course, the new party must have to show that it is different, not just in terms of symbols but more importantly in terms of the substance of its programs encapsulated and effectively articulated in its manifesto.

  • G’bye Sir Alex, the man who made chewing gum cool

    G’bye Sir Alex, the man who made chewing gum cool

    I grew up with the notion that the chewing of gum was such an irresponsible act. In fact my Mama and some of my early school teachers were sure it was the pastime of scarlet ladies and motor-park boys. So it was an abomination both at school and at home (Aside: it is also outlawed in my house today). But Sir Alex Ferguson, the wizard of Old Trafford proved my Mama and teachers wrong on this matter of chewing gum. Ferguson (you must know him of course unless you are one of those who think football is the grand folly of 22 grown men chasing one round leather object all over the field for 90 minutes in which case you should not read this piece), probably the most loved man on earth today after Mandela of course, reigned at the Manchester United Football Club (MUFC) for 26 years. He retires this month at the age of 71.

    Fergie as he is called, is always beamed to the entire world (yes, that is almost not an exaggeration, almost the whole world view Man. U matches) chewing furiously at his gum as if that is the talisman to win matches. The more intense the game, the more furious his jaws hammer at the gum and the redder his face gets. If you consider that this rather iconic image must have been seen by viewers nearly 1500 times, the number of matches he handled at MUFC, then you would understand why this singular quirk of his character caught my interest. So if Fergie, one of the greatest men alive today chewed gum for the whole world to see then what was Mama and my teachers talking about, chewing gum must be cool. Riding on Fergie’s validation, I found myself chewing gum especially on long drives and dreary office days (never at home yet). And I have found that it is an extremely jaw-hurting exercise. In just few minutes my jaws would ache and the impulse to spit out the damn thing would be stronger than any joy derived from chewing it. Even as I write this, I am chewing Wrigley’s Extra Long Lasting Flavour SPEARMINT and all I wish is to spit it out.

    If I had Fergie to interview that would be my first question: How do you manage sir, chewing hard for 90 minutes; is it that you have a metal jaw or you have a specially customized soft chewing gum (come to think of it, why haven’t the Chinese given us Fergie Gum?)? I am not a Man U fan, in fact I will first watch an Arsenal match before any of Man U’s but his gum chewing kind of won me his admiration and I wager that it says something about his personality, character and confounding success in the round leather game called football.

    The genius of Sir Alex Ferguson can be said to have thrived on his hardy singlemindedness , that rare knack to drive oneself remorselessly to the peak of one’s performance each time and every time one has a task at hand and achieve the result one needed; the ability to absorb pain without wavering, the discipline of a great marathoner and the eye for sighting great football talent from miles away. There is also the fitness factor, each time I see Fergie on tv lately, I often wonder how this 71-year-old still carries on with coaching in this very physical game of football. Though he started slowly at MUFC when he arrived in 1986, in less than five years, he perfected his techniques; he soon mastered the game, conquered his club and ruled over the football world. He retires today sitting atop a footballing empire that has 659 million followers worldwide and was worth $2.3 billion upon its listing at the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) recently.

    It is a mark of Fergie’s strong personality that over 26 years, he groomed some of the biggest football star of our time yet he suffered no significant star trouble. Eric Cantona, Andy Cole, Roy Keane, David Beckham, Ruud Van Nestlerooy, Edwin Van Der Sar, Ryan Giggs, Cristiano Ronaldo, Wayne Rooney and many more, were his protégés at some point in his long Man. U life. He is at once a coach, a father and a taskmaster to the boys. He is said to love them as much as he would lay it thick on them bringing up the fabled ‘Fergie freeze’. He was in charge and would brook no messing around from any player, especially a ‘swollen-headed’ type. He is said to cold-bloodedly freeze out any player who begins to get too big for his boots whereupon the player would choose to either shape up or ship out. A certain Van Nestlerooy was a goal machine for MUFC with a glorious career ahead of him. He was said to have got big-headed and Fergie froze him up leading to his premature exit from Old Trafford and unfortunately, a less -than illustrious career.

    While the big European clubs changed coaches like undies (7 big clubs changed 116 coaches in 26 years), Fergie sat put at MUFC garnering silverware with the appetite of a glutton. Apart from his fabled love for choice red wines, which some would consider a ‘good’ vice, Fergie is clearly a straight guy, and a family man who stuck to his wife of over 40 years, Cathy, whom he said was the key figure throughout his career “providing a bedrock of both stability and encouragement”. Apart from his legendary mind games before big matches, he never sought undue publicity. I do not remember any scandal, ill report or unprofessional conduct about him. He seems such a stable and principled character.

    So much to say about Fergie and I am sure books have been written about him. His untrammeled successes never got to him, in fact he seemed to live far above his trophies untouched, unperturbed to the point that he became the ultimate trophy of MUFC. And I want to close by saying that apart from making chewing gum cool, he made football cool, he made success cool, indeed, he is such a cool fellow. That is the ultimate lesson we must learn from Sir Alex Ferguson.

    LAST MUG: Adieu Pini Jason: Anyone who loves good, well-written, well-reasoned public commentary would know Pini Jason and would love his writings. Pini, as we all called him who probably kept one of the longest running columns in the Vanguard newspaper passed on last Saturday. Apart from being one of the long-standing fans of his page our paths crossed from 2007 to 2011 while we were on a call of duty to Imo State. He was Special Adviser on Special Duties while I was Chief Press Secretary to the then Governor Ikedi Ohakim. Ogam, as I called him, we worked quite closely in a number of committees and on projects and just as he showcased in his writings, he was a man of high convictions. He was forthright and had clear opinion on any matter; extremely brilliant, he didn’t suffer fools gladly. Nigeria journalism has lost a master. Gaa nke oma, Ogam.

  • Challenges to peace-building

    Challenges to peace-building

    An article published in this column in 2011 was entitled ‘A VOICE FROM HARVARD’. It contained a brief analysis and excerpts from the lecture delivered by His Eminence, Dr. Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar III, the Sultan of Sokoto at Harvard University in the United States of America on October 3, 2011. The title of the lecture was ‘ISLAM AND PEACE BUILDING IN WEST AFRICA’. It is recalled here because of its relevant to this time in Nigeria. Here it goes:

    “….Many people (outside our country) consider Nigeria as a theatre of absurd conflicts and interminable crises. They may be justified in holding this view; with the Jos crises festering for years, with post-election violence and suicide – bombings, it is difficult to think otherwise. When we consider Nigeria’s population of 150 million, half the population of West Africa, its over 250 ethnic and language groups, its regional and geo-political configurations, its landmass and its diversity in religion and culture, we may be constrained to reach a different conclusion. Nigeria may, after all, be a paragon of stability which, as God Almighty has willed, shall undergo all the trials allotted it early enough in its national history.

    But in all fairness, systemic ethno-political and religious crises, like the ones we have witnessed in recent years, do not have a long history in Nigeria. They all began in the late 1980s, following the intense competition for power and influence especially among the western educated elite; the Kafanchan crisis of 1987, in Southern Kaduna, was quickly followed by the Zangon Kataf and other crises; all in the same vicinity. The democratic dispensation, which began in 1999 also came with its set of problems, the most visible being the Shari’ah Crisis and the First Jos Crisis which led to the declaration of state of emergency in Plateau State.

    But these crises, varied as they were, reveal the multi-dimensional nature of Nigeria as a political entity. We witness the primacy of politics in almost all these conflicts. In the struggle for power and political supremacy, politicians exercise no restraint in aggravating the socio-religious and ethnic cleavages, which characterize the geo-politics of the Nigerian state. It should not be forgotten that the Second Jos Crisis of November 2008 was also ignited by a botched Chairmanship election in Jos North Local Government.

    The second dimension to these crises, especially in Kaduna and Plateau States, is the indigene/settler dichotomy, which is yet to be addressed properly by the Nigerian State. Many ethnic groups in these conflict areas see the other ethnic groups as foreigners who should not enjoy the full rights of bona fide residents. Most of these disenfranchised Nigerians also happen to be Muslims. However, those who oppose this dichotomy argue that these so-called settlers had spent more than two hundred years in the areas they reside. Moreover, as Nigerian Citizens, they have the full right to reside wherever they wish and pursue their legitimate business without let or hindrance. After all, they cannot be settlers in their own country.

    The third dimension of Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises is their potential to become a systematic national crisis. When a person is killed in any of the areas of conflict, his co-religionists, especially in the cities react violently and begin to kill anyone they think is related to him. This often triggers further reprisals from other parts of the country where victims come from. It took a lot of effort by the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council [NIREC] which I co-chair, and other state authorities, to treat each crisis independently and reduce the risk of systemic reprisals.

    The fourth dimension of Nigeria’s crises is poor leadership and the bad governance usually associated with its management. Many of those charged with authority in the states where these conflicts occur are also parties to the crises. They make feeble efforts to control the violence and do so only when much of the damage has been done…

    “….The issue of poor leadership and bad governance also explains how the Boko Haram movement has been able to transform itself from a small Hijrah group in Yobe State, escaping from the uncertainties and contradictions of the Nigerian State, to a militant movement able to wreak havoc and destruction once provoked. Those in authority were prepared to court the leaders of this group when it suited them and to trample on them like flies when they were no longer useful…However, the recent bombing of the United Nations Office in Abuja has introduced an international dimension to terrorist’s activities, a development, which is hitherto entirely new to Nigeria.

     

    THE PROMISE OF DIALOGUE

    “….When I became the Sultan of Sokoto in November 2006, some of the major problems I found on ground were the after-effects of the Riots, especially in Kaduna, Jos and some parts of the North East as well as a disturbing atmosphere of mistrust, fear and hostility, especially between the leaderships of Nigeria’s two major religions: Islam and Christianity. To resolve these knotty issues we chose the path of positive engagement, which we thought would engender meaningful discourse, improve communication and understanding and change the dynamics of our operating environment to that of trust and confidence…

    “….The Nigeria Inter-Religious Council [NIREC] provided the right platform for this engagement. The Council, itself a product of Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises, was composed of 25 members each from the two religions and co-chaired by myself, in my capacity as the President-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, and the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria [CAN]. The approach of NIREC was simple and practical. Firstly, we affirmed the sanctity of human life, Muslim and Christian, and insisted that anybody who takes the law into his hands, regardless of the circumstances, must bear the full legal consequences of his action. You cannot believe it, but despite the frequency of these disturbances, only a few people have ever been punished for perpetrating any act of violence. The masterminds go scot-free. Secondly, while appreciating the fact that we are required to look after the interest of our co-religionists, we must pay attention to the other dimensions of our conflicts. As many were preparing to declare a religious war in Jos, for example, we laboured hard to draw attention to the other dimensions of the crisis. It was a conflict between Muslims and Christians quite alright, but it was not a conflict between Islam and Christianity. When Nigeria’s President called for a parley among stakeholders, we made bold to declare the Jos crisis a political crisis. Thirdly, we adopted a tactical approach to conflict resolution. Whenever, there is a break-out of violence, we work together to restore law and order and ask the quarrelsome questions later. We take this approach to minimize loss of life and to ensure that the crisis is contained in the primary area it occurred. Also, we devised a quarterly meeting schedule that took us to all parts of the country. It was heartening to many to see us working together and preaching peaceful co-existence and religious harmony even in areas, which never registered an ethno-religious conflict.

    I must point out that it was also our view that inter-faith action should transcend conflict resolution. For it to be effective, it must affect the life of the common man. NIREC floated the Nigeria Inter-Faith Action Association [NIFAA] to take up this challenge and NIFAA has been very active in the control of the dreaded tropical disease: Malaria. We also find that we must act together to address issues related to electoral reform, good governance and anti-corruption. I am also glad to state that the goodwill and understanding which these activities were able to generate, have given impetus to the development of inter-faith dialogue to a new level. I always remember, with happiness, the seminar organized by the Christian Association of Nigeria [CAN] in April 2010, on ‘Knowing Your Muslim Neighbour’, where I presented a paper on the topic. The Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs [NSCIA] gracefully reciprocated by inviting CAN members to its formal meeting in Kaduna, where the CAN representative gave a lecture on Islam in the Eyes of a Christian and both Muslim and Christian scholars, gave inspiring responses on the scriptural basis of mutual co-existence. Despite serious setbacks in recent months, many of us remain committed to this positive engagement and to the promise that dialogue offers the resolution to Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises.

     

    LOOKING AHEAD

    ‘’…Understanding the multifarious nature of Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises should strengthen our resolve and determination to deploy all the energies and resources at our disposal to see to their resolution. Our inability and reluctance to take meaningful action go to challenge not only our common humanity but also our self-worth. It is, therefore, important for us to appreciate, first and foremost, the importance of consensus building within the polity, with a view to ameliorating the current state of political polarization in it. The Nigerian political class must be able to speak and understand one another as well as to develop a minimum national agenda to chart the way forward. The political class must also be able to open dialogue on a variety of national issues, including the perennial problem of power rotation and willingly enter into agreements that they can honour with dignity….

    “….Also, governance, at all levels, must translate into tangible benefits for all Nigerians, regardless of their ethnic and religious affiliation. Nigeria has the resources to make life more pleasant for its people. It is equally imperative to address the poverty problem as well as the needs of the youth population both in all the geo-political areas of the country. In a situation where over 50% of our population is jobless at less than 19 years of age, we are definitely sitting on a time bomb much deadlier than that of Boko Haram unless we take urgent action to defuse it….

    “….Furthermore, there should be renewed determination to address both the Jos and Boko Haram sectarian crises. The Federal Government must take seriously its security responsibilities and effectively contain these crises. But beyond that, a genuine dialogue must be initiated, to begin healing festering wounds and to bring genuine understanding and reconciliation amongst the entire people of Plateau State and beyond. The social dimension of the Boko Haram cannot also be resolved by the mere use of force. This is the reason why I have consistently suggested dialogue and education to counteract its message, especially those aspects dealing with modern education. Millions of Muslim pupils are already outside the school system. Millions more will definitely follow if urgent intervention is not undertaken to enlighten the younger generations. And the question I have always asked is What kind of society can we build in the 21st century when our youth turn their back on Science and Technology and are unable to produce the next generation of doctors, engineers and other specializations necessary for sustaining the socio-economic development of the society?….

    “….Finally, we should not neglect the impact of the International environment on Nigeria’s ethno-religious crises. Happenings in the US, Iraq, Afghanistan, Norway, Netherlands, the UK and France are as current and relevant as events in Jos, Maiduguri and Abuja. We must preach international tolerance and moderation. The fight against extremist groups should never be perverted to become a fight against Islam and its doctrines. We should all remember that in the final analysis, it is not what the perpetrators of violence do that really counts. It is the actions we take, individually and collectively, that would shape the fate of humanity….”

  • Fafowora’s memoir and Nigeria’s moral abyss

    Fafowora’s memoir and Nigeria’s moral abyss

    Ambassador Dapo Fafowora belongs to the golden era of the country’s Foreign Service. He was nurtured in the best of British civil service traditions of that epoch. His 549-page biography entitled: ‘Lest I forget: Memoirs of a Nigerian Career Diplomat’ was formally launched yesterday at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Victoria Island, Lagos. Though yours sincerely is yet to settle down with the book, Kunle Abimbola of our Editorial Board, in his earlier column in the week, gave a good adumbration of the book. He described it as ‘rich in anecdotes and even richer in sound knowledge of modern history.’

    The book, ostensibly, reveals Fafowora’s betrayal by notable figures in Nigeria’s public firmament, including General Joe Garba and Professor Ibrahim Gambari, both foreign ministers under Murtala-Obasanjo and Buhari/Idiagbon military administrations respectively, and of course, Lawal Rafindadi, the demised Director-General of defunct Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO). The ‘treacherous’ acts of the trio according to Fafowora’s memoirs, led to his early retirement by the Buhari-Idiagbon regime. While Garba and Rafindadi were no more living to defend themselves, Gambari is very much alive to give his riposte to allegations of backstabbing and ethnic jingoism levelled against him by Fafowora. No doubt, the enlightened public, especially the media will feast on this for some time to come – not with the rigorously scathing review accorded the book by our luminous Professor Adebayo Williams.

    The best part that appealed to me in the book is where Fafowora gleefully declares that he has never in his glorious public service life ‘given or received’ bribe. He effusively stated in the book: ‘I have never in my entire public career, spanning nearly 50 years now, either given or received bribes, or any other form of gratification. I find doing so repugnant and personally demeaning.’ In a country where corruption has been elevated to the status of national ethos; where if possible, inhabitants are ready to bribe God, it is heart warming to know that someone of notable standing can still publicly make this kind of statement. Of course, to make such avowal means that the Ambassador is very sure of himself. Perhaps, few ‘countable number’ of Nigerians can stand tall in the podium of public arena to make such. Fafowora has done that and till now, nobody has come out to controvert it. The public is watching!

    The declaration of Ambassador Fafowora reminds me of the truism in the aphorism of Italian diplomat Niccolò Machiavelli that is fondly remembered for writing ‘The Prince’, a handbook for ruthless public officials to wit: “It is not titles that honour men, but men that honour titles.” In this era of dearth of impeachable men in the nation’s Foreign Service, it is good to still note that a man like Ambassador Fafowora once passed through that path and still exist to give honour to that title of an ambassador that has now been widely bastardised.

    It is not only in the Foreign Service that the nation needs moral/ethical revival. In Law, Engineering, Medicine, Architecture, Banking and Finance, Public Administration, Political Science, Mass Communication, Sociology, the artisans, and even history all witnessed a situation where experts unabashedly distort facts – unfortunately, experts without honour that see what others are but forget what they are. How many of today’s experts in the country are able to conquer that hunger of the flesh which has become a terror that incarcerates men. Most men’s inability to conquer the flesh has created a society where it is very difficult to live above board. Those that are custodians of honour are the most dishonourable in public and private enterprises.

    Most men, especially those in the corridors of power in our society have no deference for honour of the mind- they are conscienceless human beings. They see no sense in the words of that renowned English essayist, Joseph Addison, where he said it is ‘better to die ten thousand deaths’ than for a man to ‘wound his honour.’ For as long as their flesh are appeased, to hell with honour and integrity.

    That is why the few men of integrity in the country today, like Ambassador Fafowora, have hard-to-believe tales of injustice to tell in the course of their service to fatherland. He, like others in his shoes, sustained wounds for the sake of conscience. In a society facing dearth of honourable men, Fafowora must be ready to forgive the unjustifiably blows of forceful retirement at an unripe age of 43 that a thankless country like ours inflicted on him. I hope ambassador as we fondly call him on the Editorial Board of The Nation takes solace in that 18th-century English poet, Alexander Pope, best known for his epic poem, ‘The Rape of the Lock’, and his translation of Homer’s Iliad when he said: ‘Act well your part, there all the honour lies.’ Ambassador has really done well. Congrats sir!

     

    Airtel/NCC and ruse of SIM card registration?

    Does the SIM card registration work? This question becomes pertinent in view of my experience this week with my new Airtel mobile network line. Sometime last month, I requested a special line from Airtel and was initially allotted one that was embargoed, presumably on the orders of a top notch after I had paid the charged fees and collected receipt at its Ikorodu outlet. After I threatened to sue the company, I was offered another special number (07011117777) which I reluctantly accepted in order to save the job of the employee that duly issued the payment receipt after complying with requirements for award of special numbers.

    Sometime this week, a text from Airtel requested me to answer ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ to an inquiry regarding whether or not I had problem with my line. Once I answered yes, the Airtel network service immediately disappeared from my Nokia handset that Tuesday afternoon. By Wednesday afternoon when l went to lodge my complaints at the Airtel office on Oba Akran Road, Ikeja, I was surprisingly informed that my SIM card had been swapped and the thousands of naira on it transferred.

    Now, the questions: How can an Airtel SIM card duly registered with my thumb prints duly taken be re-registered by another person so effortlessly in less than 24 hours? Were my details no longer in NCC/Airtel information banks? Could such criminal act have been done without the connivance of an insider? Is someone that is not pleased with the number acting funny? Of what essence is the entire SIM card registration, including thumb prints that gulped not less than six billion naira of tax payers’ money – if this kind of fraud could go unchecked? I demand answers to these questions from the network and NCC, otherwise, the need for judicial recourse might become inevitable soon.

  • Kalu and the Igbo plight

    Kalu and the Igbo plight

    It baffles that leaders who had every opportunity to better the lots of their people, but failed to do so would still have the audacity to hoist themselves as true Igbo leaders; this is particularly when those who had done pretty well as leaders to uplift the Igbos remain in the background while working assiduously to do more. Since he left office after eight years as governor of Abia State, Orji Uzor Kalu has been in desperate search for relevance and recognition ahead of 2015 general elections. He has since deployed all strategies including media hypes, rumours and peddling of lies to draw attention to himself.

    Latest of such desperation was the staged outing by his allies in London at the British House of Commons recently. Shorn of his typical penchant to grandstand, Kalu’s speech at the event was as usual lacking in any substance. In the bid to arrogate to himself the true champion of Igbo cause, he merely dragged the Igbos to the mud just as he did not proffer solutions to what he claimed to be the marginalization of the Igbos in Nigeria.

    Here is Kalu’s summary of the plight of the Igbo: “unequal allocation of resources, unequal voice at the Federal Executive Council, unequal representation at the National Assembly, unequal participation in the administration of justice in the federation, unequal participation in the federal civil service and adjunct bodies and unequal representation in the armed forces and para-military organisations.

    He also added; “unequal representation in the diplomatic corps ensuring incapacity in showcasing the Igbo culture as part of a pan-Nigerian culture in our foreign missions and embassies, fewer primary, secondary and higher education opportunities for our children.”. And then he added: “These structural disparities are constitutionally entrenched, thus their grave implications for Ndigbo are beyond the primary questions of inequity and marginalisation.”

    But one question the hired audience and journalists at the event failed to ask was his contributions towards addressing the plight of Igbos, while in office as executive governor of Abia for eight years, and what is he doing now also to tackle the problem. They did not ask Kalu on what capacity he was addressing Igbo plights in Nigeria, since after he left office as governor, he has not attended any meeting convened by the Igbo socio-cultural organization Ohanaeze Ndigbo or Igbo stakeholders where issues affecting Igbo interest are being discussed.

    So how can he be on the fringe and pontificate on the plights of Igbos instead of presenting such to National Assembly members as they are in process of amending the constitution? Igbos have not forgotten in a hurry his role in scuttling of Chief Alex Ekwueme’s presidential ambition in 1999 and 2003 in collaboration with his ex-military godfathers from the North on whose back Kalu rode to limelight. People of Abia will also not forget how he left the state indebted, destabilized and underdeveloped after controlling their collective resources for eight years during which he arm-twisted the management of the state university to issue him a degree certificate he did not merit.

    Kalu’s greatest problem is that he talks too much and in the end contradicts himself. He believes he knows more than any other person. When he accused the security agents of being responsible for the spate of bombing and was taken on by the Minister of Information Labaran Maku, Kalu, he went on a laboured defence without facts and figures and without a shred of evidence.

    His position and action in the past and present has not helped him to talk of Igbo cause, rather it has worsened it. The Njiko Igbo platform which he now uses and claimed to have formed to advance Igbo interest in Nigeria was originally formed by Alhaji Yahaya Ndu, the younger of brother Senator Ben Collins Ndu in 1983 at Enugu and was formally inaugurated on April 20, 1989 in a ceremony witnessed by many prominent and regular Igbos from all walks of life. Kalu was never a member of the group, even when he became governor of Abia State in 1999, he never identified with or supported the group at any point in time. Prominent Igbos who know about the group including Yahaya Ndu are alive and are quietly watching Kalu and his antics that will take him nowhere.

    If Kalu is a good student of history as he would want people to believe, he should know that the Igbos have been the beneficiary of no less than 35% of federal appointments made by the Jonathan administration and his state Abia has also benefitted a lot courtesy of the cordial relationship between the state government and federal government, a situation that was not obtainable throughout Kalu’s eight years of governance. Offices held by Igbos in the present government include those of the deputy senate president, the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, finance minister, as well as the chief economic adviser to the president. Others include the special adviser on project monitoring, the special adviser on the subsidy re-investment and empowerment programme, Chief of Army Staff, the executive vice chairman of the National Communications Commission, managing director of the Asset Management Company of Nigeria, managing director of the Nigeria Sovereign Wealth Fund and the Ministers of Power, Labour, Aviation and Health.

    Other high-ranking Igbo officials serving in the present government include the chairman of the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, the director-general of the Bureau for Public Procurement, the director-general of the Debt Management Office, the director-general of the Securities Exchange Commission, the Special Adviser on the National Assembly and the head of the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission. Igbos got a number of strategic ambassadorial postings, including the heads of the missions in Canada, the United Nations, India, Switzerland, Spain and Singapore.

    So what is Kalu trying to achieve by his belated pontification and gospel on the plight of Igbos in Nigeria? He is not and has never been the right person to speak on the plight of Igbos because when the opportunity was there for him to act in Igbo interest, he failed to so. Kalu should better concentrate on his acclaimed business empires to expand them and create jobs for teeming Igbo youths if he truly loves the Igbos. But the problem is that we are yet to see the business empires anywhere in the country talk less of Igbo land.

    • Dr. Omeneogor writes from Toronto, Canada.

  • Congratulations Shetima Ali Monguno, my friend

    Congratulations Shetima Ali Monguno, my friend

    Like most Nigerians I was shocked to hear that Shetima Ali Monguno, 92-year old elder statesman was kidnapped by the Boko Haram insurgents and taken to unknown hideout. Like most Nigerians who know Shetima Ali Monguno, I prayed and prayed for his eventual release and God answered our prayers. For those who don’t know this man intimately, he was just another statistics in the number kidnapped or killed by this murderous group calling themselves Muslims and as many have said, a true Muslim would not commit murder, kidnap or harm another person, but particularly, old men, women and children even in the time of war. The Boko Haram says that they are fighting a Jihad and even if in their warped ideology, they have divided the world into two namely; abode of Islam and Abode of War; there is no way Shetima Ali could have belonged to the Abode of War as a true Muslim. His place of birth, Monguno had been in contact with Islam as far back as the seventh century, less than a hundred years that the Prophet Mohammed walked the earth and his family has been Muslims since that time. When in the 19th century, the Sokoto-Fulani Jihadist, particularly, the son of the Shehu Usman Dan Fodio, (Uthman bin Fudi) Muhammad Bello wanted on the pretext of purifying Islam to overrun Borno, they were resisted by Muhammad El-Kanemi, a Shua Arab Cleric who saw imperialism camouflaged as Islamic Jihad. Although Mohammed El-Kanemi eventually displayed the 2,000 years old Seifawa Dynasty, the integrity and independence of Borno was preserved. In order words, since about 700AD, Islam had thrived in Borno well before it got to Hausa land and other parts of Nigeria.

    These preambular statements are necessary to place Borno in the heartland of classical Islam where it had been for many centuries. Of course I am aware of the fact that a religion could manifest syncretistic tendencies which would need to be cleaned out in order to go back to the original religion. But whoever is leading the cleansing must himself be clean and holy. This was the case of Muhammad Ahmad, the grand Mahdi in the 19th century Sudan who styled himself the “Imam of the age” sent by God to return Islam to purity in the Sudan. His legacy still remains even up till today and at one time, one of his grandsons became Prime Minister of the Sudan.

    What we have in the Boko Haram is something like the Maitasine rebellion in Yola and Kano and its Bulunkutu counterparts in Borno in the 1980s. It was clear that the leaders of this revolt were not really true Muslims but people who mixed Islam with traditional African beliefs and were quickly suppressed by the Armed Forces of Nigeria. The Sultan of Sokoto has dismissed the Boko Haram and their murderous campaign as unislamic, the reason therefore, of the persistence of insurgency can be found not only in any Islamic ideology, but in the poverty occasioned by the corruption and oppression of the Talakawa, by the ruling elite in many parts of the North.

    Unfortunately, innocent people like the grand old man, Shetima Ali has had to suffer. It is common knowledge that Shetima Ali has held many important positions in Nigeria since the mid 1950s. He was a young minister in the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa Federal Government and for several years minister in the Yakubu Gowon government; he was Pro-Chancellor of the University of Calabar at one time and for many years, a member of Nigeria’s delegation to the United Nations’ General Assembly. I got to know him very well as a man of integrity, purity and honesty. When I was Director of the Nigerian Universities Commission (NUC) in Washington between 1979 and 1982, I welcomed him many times to the United States in my official capacity. He overwhelmed me with his simplicity. He usually travelled without luggage but with a small briefcase which he would check into the plane and inside the small briefcase would be a long dark Kaftan and that would be it. When everybody would be waiting for their luggage, he would simply walk out with his briefcase to our waiting car. And when asked why he had no luggage and his reply would be “as soon as he checked into his hotel, he would remove the long Kaftan he wore, send it to the laundry and replace it with a clean one in the briefcase and alternated this until he went back to Nigeria. He would hardly claim his tour allowance. He ate very sparingly which explains his slim figure of over six-feet. He spoke English beautifully and still speaks it beautifully and as a Muslim, who could marry four wives, he only had one wife, an English woman after he had divorced his Kanuri wife.

    As Minister of Petroleum during the Gowon years and President of OPEC, he could have become stupendously rich as many of his successors. He was so clean that in 1975, the University of Lagos wanted to give him an honorary degree for his exemplary life, but the young Turks including myself opposed it in Senate on an erroneous ground that nobody in public service in Nigeria could be clean. I later discovered that we were wrong and that our Vice Chancellor who nominated him, Prof. J.F. Ade-Ajayi was absolutely correct.

    Several years later, I had the privilege to discuss with Shetima Ali and he told me the story of his life, how the then Minister of Lagos Affairs, Musa Yar’Adua gave him a plot of land in Victoria island and didn’t know what to do with it for years until a friend told him he could develop it by contractor finance, and this is the only material thing he has to show for all those years of his national service. I used to visit him when I was a Professor in the University of Maiduguri in his simple and frugal house where he would sit on an arm chair in front of the house either reading or reciting the Quran. He would graciously offer me tea which was the only drink he ever offered me. This abstinence from any drink except tea probably explains his health and longevity. Even though his eldest daughter, Fati, was married to one of the members of the Supreme Military Council during the Buhari, Babaginda, and Abacha years; he never used that connection to enrich himself as many would have done.

    I have had occasions to discuss with him the problems of Nigeria when I was in Washington, United States and Bonn, Germany and he always appeared as an idealist who feel that if the leadership is right and exemplary, the country would do well. It is therefore a sad irony, that in his evening years he should be a victim of kidnapping and terrorism. I am sure the Boko Haram released him not because of any pressure on them, but because of the purity of the man in their captivity. They probably felt his death in their hands would undermine and erode the sympathy or tolerance that some people still have for them. Let us hope that the release of this saintly man would usher in the opportunity to dialogue with the Boko Haram and other insurgent groups, so that there can be peace in our time.

    The title Shetima which Alhaji Ali Mogunu bears is the recognition that Kanuris give to their men of learning. It is from the same Arabic root like Sayyid or Said or Sheikh. Other forms of the same word occur in Hausa land and even Borno as Shehu and among the Malinke as Shekhu or Sekou; all meaning “leaders”. Shetima Ali has been for many years recognised as a leader among the Kanuri, he was first identified as a young man by Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Governor of the Northern region, who himself used to bear the title Shetima and one hopes that a man so recognised by his people would be listened to by the Federal government for his ideas which he had previously made public in settling this Boko Haram problem.

     

  • The Saka sensation

    The Saka sensation

    FORGET the lyrics. They were not meant to inspire. Don’t mind the boisterous choreography; it is not meant to be the main attraction. Concentrate on the message and its delivery – short, sharp and arresting.

    A man backs the camera, a ray of green light comes up behind him and, suddenly, the man faces you, amid a flood of yellow light. He begins to fling his hands and shuffles his feet, singing and screaming: “I don port o! I don port o! I don port o!”

    The message is simple and clear. He says he has – thanks to the new number portability – moved from one mobile service provider to another. That simple message – and its purveyor – has been the subject of a massive debate in social, business and intellectual circles. Everything has been thrown into the fray. Expediency. Professionalism. Expertise. And more.

    Was Saka wrong to have dumped Etisalat? How are the marketing experts at Etisalat feeling now? Should Saka have gone the way he did, telling the world that his marriage – was there any? Experts insist there was none – to that network was over? Why the divorce? Cash? What mileage for MTN?

    Nigerian comedians have come a long way. Consider Moses Olaiya Adejumo (aka Baba Sala) with his plywood bow tie, oversized sun glasses and expansive trousers. The colonial master’s hat, the table clock strapped onto his wrist and the ubiquitous umbrella in his hands. He made everybody laugh and laugh until our eyes turned red with tears. Baba Sala gave comedy his all – his youthful days, intellect and energy – and lost it all in the course of pursuing this all-consuming passion. He invested all he had in a movie, which got pirated. He lost all, ending up in penury.

    Today’s comedians are in a new world. No funny costumes and faces daubed with some black powder. They are decked out in sharp Oxford Street suits. Ali Baba. Holy Mallam. Tee A. AY. Basket Mouth. Julius “the genius” Agwu. Teju Babyface. The witty and immensely talented Gbenga Adeboye of blessed memory.

    There are also Sunday Omobolanle (aka Papiluwe), master of repartee, rambunctious Babatunde Omidina (aka Baba Suwe), the one who got the drug agency issuing bulletins every time he moved his bowel after being wrongly held for peddling drugs, and Bolaji Amusan (aka Mr Latin) and his friend Yomi King (aka Opebe) who insists on being an auto mechanic despite his bad hand. Nkem “Osofia” Owoh, Gringory and Chuka Okpala (Zebrudayya). And many more.

    Of them all, none has recently sparked a huge debate like Hafiz Oyetoro, popularly known as Saka, the face of the MTN mobile number portability campaign. The contentious issues are as intellectual as they are moral. Saka was the lead act in an Etisalat campaign. Then the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) introduced number portability – another controversy on its own – and the networks mounted a huge marketing drive to keep their subscribers and/or get more.

    The handlers of the Etisalat advertisement have said that when they were working on the script, they were looking for a character. Saka walked in for the auditioning and he was found to be fit for the role. In the MTN campaign, it is a different matter. A celebrity was needed; an easily recognisable face. Saka fitted the bill, having been a well known face on television.

    The rumour in town is that MTN paid Saka in millions. Etisalat, said those who claim to know, paid in thousands. Saka simply showed that there is a difference between a comedian and his jokes. Jokes apart, a comedian is no joker when it comes to cash. The cash was right and Saka “ported”. Isn’t there a Saka in all of us?

    Nobody should begrudge Saka his success. He has worked hard for it. A man who studied and teaches Theatre Arts, he never looked for a banking job, like many of today’s graduates. He simply practised what he learnt. He is excited doing his job.

    Now, many other professionals are envious of Saka. When will doctors begin to earn millions –and some respect from nurses who claim that they are on a par with them? Will policemen ever be well paid for their exertions? Will teachers get their due? Will reporters ever get a good – and prompt – pay?

    The world of comedians is a strange one. They work hard to keep us all laughing. And how hard it is to make people laugh in Nigeria, a country that is, ironically, blessed with frontline comedians, even in high places. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, writing a foreward to Ali Baba’s book, wondered why the comedian would malign people who pay him to entertain them. To him, Ali Baba is an example that democracy is working.

    The former President recalled a meeting with Zimbabwean Robert Mugabe, who complained that a Nigerian said when he (Mugabe) was asked by the BBC what the damage was after a fire at the electoral commission’s office, he replied by saying “ apart from the structural damage, the only thing that was lost was the result of next year’s election”. Obasanjo said he assured Mugabe that the man, whom he was sure must be Ali Baba, meant no harm.

    An Egyptian television satirist, Bassen Youssef , was recently charged to court for insulting President Mursi. The United States issued a statement, saying it was worried about “disturbing trend of growing restrictions on freedom of expression”. Can we then say Obasanjo is tolerant? I dey laugh o!

    How do you make people laugh in a country where many go to bed without food, where youths pound the streets looking for jobs that are not there, where insurgents have seized some parts of the country by the throat, where leaders do not serve but only expect to be served and where armed robbers waste lives daily.

    American comedians and their European counterparts are lucky; they do not need to work too hard. It is easier to make people laugh in such climes where hunger and disease have been conquered, the moon is within reach and life expectancy is high. Electricity, water and good roads are taken for granted. Why won’t they laugh?

    Where is the inspiration for jokes in a country where fraud has become a way of life? Billions of pension funds are gone for good, stolen by criminals in official circles who are backed by men in the corridors of power. The President has said the corruption stories are exaggerated. Is that to be taken as a joke? A presidential joke? A gaffe?

    For Nigerians, the inspiration for jokes could come from overseas and any subject, including soccer. Consider this that a friend sent to me by telephone:

    “Crusade!Crusade!!Crusade!!

    “Dortmund Christian Ministry, in conjunction with Bayern Church of God, invites you to a two-day power packed crusade tagged “Destroying all Spanish Giants &Goliath (Part 2) Featuring: Breaking of curses (EL Classico); Freedom from powers Platini); .Humiliation of pride (Jose Mourinho);.Overpowering principalities (Lionel Messi); Achieving your destiny and reaching your goals (Wembley).

    “Host Pastor: Rev. Robert Lewandowski.

    Ministering; Pastor and Elder Arjen Robben, Apostle Thomas Mueller, Pastor Marco Reus& other anointed men of soccer.

    Ushers; Bro Messi and Bro Ronaldo.

    Come for a power packed display as all giants will be knocked out of your life forever.

    “Come one, come all!”

    Do ritual killers and armed robbers enjoy jokes? Have Boko Haram leaders ever found an occasion for laughter? Do kidnappers, who snatch kids, women and nonagenarians, ever share jokes? If they do, how do they laugh? Loud and clear? Guffaw? Or they just cackle like demented birds? Or with a gruff, like a hemp smoking motor park tout?

    A comedian’s life is a study in complexity? How does he create jokes? Doesn’t he have family problems that could take his minds off those rib crackers? In other words, how does he fall into the right mood to deliver those lines that keep the audience reeling and rolling? How?

    Just how many Nigerians, dazed by the vicissitudes of life in an Orwellian setting like ours – poverty, disease, hunger, insecurity, illiteracy and all such headache – still find that inner sensation that triggers laughter.

    How we all wished we could laugh always, considering laughter’s benefits as a stress reducer and a kind of anti-depression therapy? Is the atmosphere – the looting and killings – conducive to laughter? In other words, dear reader, be honest, when last did you laugh?

     

     

     

  • From Baga to Bama

    From Baga to Bama

    We are talking of peace, but they seem more interested in violence. Everything is being done to make them toe the path of peace and reason, but the Boko Haram elements seem set in their ways. To make Boko Haram see reason, the Federal Government raised a committee to dialogue with the group. The panel has since started work, but Boko Haram has so far not taken its place at the roundtable.

    We are talking peace, they are beating the drums of war. Nobody knows what Boko Haram is up to. The group strikes at will, catching the security operatives unawares. Anywhere they strike, they leave sorrow, tears and blood. They have hit Bama in Borno State again. This is the second time in less than one week that they are invading the community, which first made the headlines when former Petroleum Minister Prof Tam David-West was jailed there in 1990.

    Bama is a far-flung place from other parts of the country. It is a border town close to Chad, Niger and the eastern part of Cameroon. It is 70 kilometres away from Maiduguri, the Borno State capital. Those who know also say that it is quite a distance from Baga, another border town which is about 180 kilometres from Maiduguri. Baga was the scene of a bloodbath last month which shook the nation to its foundation. We are still trying to unravel the circumstances that led to that dastardly act in which 185 persons were said to have been killed by the Multinational Joint Task Force (MJTF), only for Boko Haram to hit Bama in the wee hours of Tuesday.

    Boko Haram invaded Bama in a big way. No fewer than 500 members of the sect riding in 10 Toyota Hilux vehicles were said to have invaded the town, wreaking havoc on army and police barracks, the prison, where David-West was kept, the magistrate’s court, revenue office, primary healthcare centre, and the local government headquarters, among other places. No fewer than 55 persons were believed to have been killed.

    The group was also said to have set free over 100 inmates of Bama Prison. Was the invasion carried out to release the prisoners, some of who may be members of the sect? Why has the sect stepped up its operation at a time when the government is looking for a way to appease the group through amnesty? With the way things are now, those against the granting of amnesty to Boko Haram may have a point. Should the nation still be talking of giving the group amnesty when it seems to have shunned all entreaties to cease fire and embrace dialogue?

    Let us say the truth, Boko Haram has gone too far in killing, maiming and destroying public properties. It is acting as if it can match the government in combat. That is a fatal error of judgement. Nobody, no matter how powerful they think they are can match the government’s might. If the government decides to take on Boko Haram, the consequences will be disastrous as we saw in what happened in Baga last month. Many don’t want a repeat of the Baga massacre, that is why they have been prevailing on the government to take it easy with the group.

    But for how long will the government allow Boko Haram to run rings round the country as if it is law unto itself. The government has tolerated Boko Haram long enough and this is why the group seems to think it can do anything and get away with it. With its murderous actions, Boko Haram keeps on testing the government’s will, yet its sympathisers keep saying that the group should be handled with kid’s glove. The question those people should answer is that having applied the carrot without any meaningful result, shouldn’t the government adopt the stick?

    Because of the undue sympathy for Boko Haram’s cause (which many of us don’t know anyway), we have tied the government’s hand. The government cannot act decisively to stop the group’s menace in order not to be accused of highhandedness. But see the havoc that Boko Haram is causing with its ‘lowhandedness’. We just must put a stop to this madness one way or the other. We cannot allow Boko Haram to continue to enjoy a free rein of killing households and destroying public properties without making the group to account for its deeds.

    Boko Haram has been given an opportunity to come to the roundtable for talks. So, what else does it want? Is it that its grievances cannot be resolved by dialogue? No matter how difficult a problem is, it cannot be resolved through the use of a knife or a gun. It can only be resolved through dialogue and the earlier Boko Haram and its backers realise this, the better for them. Or else, they should be prepared to pay for their action, if not now, but certainly in future.

     

    Failure of leadership

    In every society, government provides infrastructure for the well-being of the people. Where the private sector and individuals come in, it is to complement the government’s efforts. This is why some companies and individuals build roads, power plants, state-of-the-art schools and hospitals to relieve government of the burden of being the sole provider of these facilities.

    That these organisations and individuals embark on these projects do not make it their responsibility. But what do we see these days? These groups and individuals are being saddled with this duty, which governments elsewhere discharge faithfully. Despite its enormous resources, our government is finding it difficult to carry out these simple tasks.

    Isn’t it a shame that the government cannot provide us good roads, potable water, hospitals, houses and schools? These are basic infrastructure essential to the day-to-day living of the people, which they are today paying through their noses to get because government has abdicated its responsibility to rich organisations and individuals. These corporate bodies and persons are making a kill from the provision of these facilities.

    In our respective homes, we provide our own power through generators and water through boreholes or wells, depending on the person’s resources. Yet, we say we have a government. Government, my foot. Can we say we have a government when we cannot feel its impact on our lives? Whether rich or poor, neither can say that they feel the impact of government except those fortunate to participate in the looting of our patrimony.

    Now, they are carrying their incompetence too far. Of the 1.7 million candidates for this year’s Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), only 520,000 stand the chance of being admitted and this in a society, which is already grappling with the problem of graduate unemployment. What does the government want the over one million remaining students to do in a society which places so much emphasis on paper qualification?

    As a way out, Education Minister Prof Ruqayyat Ahmed Rufa’i is calling on the private sector to invest in education. She is not saying anything new. There are already so many private investors in education, not only at the tertiary level, but also at the primary and secondary school levels. We know how much they charge. The poor cannot afford to send their children to such schools. Mrs Minister, your suggestion cannot be the solution to the problem.

    The Boko Haram, Niger Delta militants, and other ethnic militias and kidnappers we have today are all the by-products of a decadent society occasioned by the failure of leadership. We will remain at these people’s mercy except the government devises an ingenious means of meeting the citizenry’s needs instead of always relying on the private sector. Why don’t we then privatise governance? Won’t that be the one-stop solution to all our problems?

  • Nation hostage to peddlers of hope

    Teacher and Healer of Nazareth’ detested the hypocrisy and the evil intrigue that defined the essence of the temple of Jerusalem, the priests, elders, and the Pharisees of his day. He once drove out those who had converted the temple into a market for their wares. He was later to tell the murmuring self-conceited priests and elders that he could destroy the temple and rebuild it in three days.

    Jesus, as a friend of sinners, insisted the temples under Judaism, was no more than a business centre ‘where sinners seeking God’s mercy only got robbed by the priests’.

    And before his final betrayal, Jesus admonished his disciples saying ‘Neither in the mountain, nor in Jerusalem shall ye worship the father. God is a spirit and they that worship Him, must worship in Spirit and truth.”

    The Acts of the Apostle also told us that the Hellenists in Jerusalem after Christ crucifixion rejected the temple and took the message of God’s unconditional love for sinners to the Samaritans. They also in the First Letter to Timothy warned the congregation to “shun the teacher who is morbidly keen on mere verbal questions and quibblers’ because ‘God is to be contemplated about in the silence of the heart’. They therefore laid down a tradition of “prayer amidst poverty, faithfulness amidst suffering and of heroism capable of rising to martyrdom”.

    But 2000 years after the death of the Great Teacher and Healer of Nazareth, miracles seeking Nigerians and their jet age quibbling orators, like the Jews, their high priests and Pharisees have voted for temples. Massive churches of different architectural designs dot our land. The clarion call on Sundays and during special events such as burial ceremonies, by pastors is for generous donation in aid of new church buildings or for the renovation of existing ones. The fad among retiring civil servants, law makers and ex-governors is to build bigger churches for their communities. Even our president after collecting a gift of a small church for his community came to Lagos to rake in close to N7b to build a bigger church and recreation centre for his rural Otuoke fishing community. And for the multitude of jobless and poor miracle seekers, the bigger the temples, and the more loquacious their pastors, the greater the seduction their promises of hope and of miracle of ‘reaping without sowing’.

    And this perhaps explains the usual chaos and anarchy that is often associated with weekly migration of miracle seekers to Bishop Oyedepo’s 50,000-capacity temple where three services are held every Sunday, or to Pastor Temitope Joshua’s 15,000-capacity Synagogue of all nations every Sunday. And of course for over a decade, it has often been an agonizing experience for motorists passing through the Third Mainland Bridge, Ikorodu road towards Berger end of the Lagos-Ibadan Express way every first Friday of the month when Pastor Adeboye celebrates his Holy Ghost night. And for motorists coming to the commercial nerve centre of the nation, from other parts of the country, it has often been share misery.

    Last Friday, I spent over five hours between the University of Lagos and Berger end of the express road, a journey which will ordinarily take less than two hours in spite of the usual gridlock associated with Lagos roads. This situation which is said to be worse for other motorists coming to the nation’s economic nerve centre from other parts of the country has defied solution due to lack of political will by the federal government. It has often been lost on successive federal administrations that as a multi-religious society, Christians’ freedom of worship, must not impinge on the liberty of adherents of other religions including non believers. It is also often forgotten that even among us Christians, there are many who are not miracle seekers and that have chosen to abide by God’s injunction that man must live by his sweats.

    The number of miracle seekers has grown several folds in the last 13 years in the absence of a coherent employment policy by successive PDP administrations in the country. The Pentecostal churches and their prosperity prophets have become the only beacon of light providing hope for the hopeless and jobs for the unemployed.

    While ex-President Obasanjo, Vice President Atiku and other leading members of PDP and their sympathizers have built private universities charging outrageous fees, the churches and their owner pastors have also built institutions of higher learning solely as business endeavours, to cater for the needs of those that the government cannot cater for and their members that have the capacity to pay.

    The exploits of our pastors as successful entrepreneurs and employers of labour were late last year celebrated by Forbes which identified those it described as the richest pastors in Nigeria with diverse businesses interests in the hospitality, aviation, media, publishing and television.

    While government owned publishing outfits sold to favoured friends and sometimes crooks, have collapsed as a result of what the House Committee that probed privatization and BPE, described as ‘asset stripping,’ Oyakhilome’s publishing output is said ‘to churn out two million copies of his ‘Rhapsody of Realities,’ a monthly devotional which sells at $1 apiece.’ While Babangida, Abacha and Obasanjo sold Hamdala, NICON NUGA, Sheraton and Federal palace hotels in Kaduna, Abuja and Lagos, our pastors are running their own hotels as profitable ventures employing thousands of Nigerians.

    We can therefore say the churches and their jet age pastors have only come to fill a vacuum created as a result of government failure to meet its obligations to the people. And these churches and their prosperity prophets will continue to be relevant because if ‘religion is the opium of the poor’, as Karl Marx says, our market is huge. The will to survive by the desperate unthinking poor will continue to drive them to the embrace of con artists and quibblers who promise hope. And with abundance of unearned free money at their disposal, financial/oil fraudsters as well as thieving ex-governors and law makers protected by the state will continue to buy grace. The fortunes of private jet owing prosperity prophets will continue to rise.

    And today as it was in the old Jerusalem, in the last days of Jesus, some of our big churches both Pentecostals and orthodox, remain homes of intrigue where multi billion business deals are made, and havens for unapologetic vindictive ex and serving presidents.

    I think all we can do apart from reminding the state actors and the powerful pastors of the warning by ‘The Teacher and the Healer of Nazareth’ to the effect that, ‘repentant prostitutes will enter the kingdom of God before the Pharisees, is an appeal that the pastors take a cue from Jesus Christ, the true friend of sinners and his disciples who chose to move around taking the message of salvation and forgiveness of sins directly to the poor. They did not stay inside the Jerusalem temple to sell grace.

    Our pastors are after all better now equipped for true evangelization than Christ and his appointed apostles. They have access to technology, social media, and internet facilities. They own publishing outfits and television stations. They also have bullet proof limousines and armed security guards provided by the state. Some have even been credited with having as many as four private jets. Why must prosperity prophets, after robbing the poor, take a whole nation hostage in order to sell their invincible wares? These are after all mere promises of hope.

     

  • New Ekiti Deputy Governor

    New Ekiti Deputy Governor

    It was swift and well calculated to deliver a big, maximum political punch on Ekiti politics. Perhaps, that is the only mild manner the sudden appointment last weekend of Modupe Adelabu as the deputy governor of Ekiti State could best be described. A Professor of Education, Adelabu replaces the immediate past deputy governor, late Eunice Oluwafunmilayo Adunni Olayinka, who passed on, on April 6, following a protracted battle with cancer.

    The late Olayinka was an amazon gifted with guts, gumption and iron in her backbone while her sojourn on planet earth lasted. Unfortunately, her poise, finesse, elegance and mental acuity had been consumed by a notorious cancer that cut her down.

    The outpouring of emotions, grief, tributes, and the well-choreographed rites of passage with which she was‘escorted’ from her death bed to her final resting place at Ado-Ekiti, the fast growing capital of Ekiti State, attested to the high esteem which the Ekitis usually accorded their heroes and heroines, living or dead. No wonder many people, especially her kindred in Ekiti, knighted her “Moremi Ekiti”. This is a great honour and perhaps, the first time in the history of Yoruba land, that someone is considered worthy to literarily step into Moremi’s shoes.

    Moremi, in Yoruba mythology, was a damsel who was abducted (or kidnapped) by some bandits from a particularly nagging tribe that perennially invaded Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba land many, many years ago. On one of such raids, Moremi was taken along among the supposed captives, easily one of the spoils of wars then.

    Legend has it that Moremi allowed herself to be captured by her own volition. Before then, the Yoruba were always voting with their feet whenever the masquerade-looking invaders who they ignorantly referred to as ‘ara-orun’ (spirits) invaded Ile-Ife. Moremi stopped all that. During her period in captivity, she spied on the so-called invaders who had tormented her people for a long time. One day, she escaped and meandered her way back to Ile-Ife. There she revealed to her people that the recalcitrant invaders were actually human beings disguised in regalia made of raffia palm and dressed like masquerades to frighten and terrorise the people.

    Now loaded with the gift of insider knowledge, the Yoruba started plotting how to confront the terrorists. By the time they came on their next expedition, they were not only confronted by the now emboldened Yoruba, they were massively slaughtered and routed. The trick was simple. Long bamboo sticks were mounted with‘oguso’(dried palm fruits waste), which was highly combustible. It is still used in some African rural settings to make bonfire till date. So many of them, stored in various ‘armouries’ all over the ancient town, were released. Bonfires were then made of them and the ‘masquerades’ were set on fire one by one. Before they realised what was happening, the invaders had been routed. Those who managed to escape, if any, never dared the Yoruba again.

    It is to the everlasting memory of the heroism of Moremi that the Yoruba worship and equate her with a deity, which she really was. It is in commemoration of the titanic battle that the Ife people celebrate her annually with what is known as ‘Edi’ festival, which holds towards the end of the year. It is an event which attracts people from all walks of life, including the Diaspora, to Ile-Ife.

    During the festival, which runs for about seven days, the fourth day called ‘ina-osan’, ‘noon fire’ is celebrated by inducing a mock ‘war’. Here, able-bodied men carrying thick and long fire-bearing sticks, usually emerge from the innermost recess of the palace of the Ooni of Ife. With the ferocious fire burning all through the streets, crisscrossing Itakogun and Arubidi quarters of the town, a distance of about six or more kilometers to the palace. The procession terminates at a sacred grove located deep inside a thick forest (Igbo Oro), in the Iyekere area of the ancient and historical city, close to present-day Ondo Road. This procession is held amidst drumming, singing, dancing and acrobatic displays by various traditional, gender, age and cultural groups in the town.

    After the fire-bearing men has exited the palace, another group of tall and huge men dressed in the costume of the ‘masquerade’ invaders of old, will emerge from ‘hiding’ and dance round Enuwa quarters located just by the gate of the palace. They also dance inside the palace with youths and young children trooping behind them. The final day of the Edi festival is marked by the appearance of ‘Tele’.

    That seven-day revelry that accompanied the annual Edi festival was the equivalent of what the Ekitis did for Olayinka all through her death to her final interment. That was more than what a princess, which she was, deserved because Olayinka proved that it was possible for a lady to combine beauty with brain and sparkling achievements. By doing that, she joined the lengthy list of eminent women who are today occupying sensitive places in the hall of fame not only in Nigeria or Africa but the world at large.

    This is a big challenge for the new deputy governor who is stepping into such giant-size shoes. Do I call it Queen-size? I am quite sure that she is up to the task. This is because Adelabu’s academic standing speaks volumes about her talents. Kayode Fayemi, the workaholic, incumbent governor of Ekiti State, had initially wanted her as a deputy, but the case of her ailing husband at the time was more compelling for her total attention. Hence she politely turned down the offer. At that time, she was the Head of the Department of Educational Administration and Planning of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, the ancestral home of Moremi. She was later appointed chairman of the State Universal Basic Education Board, SUBEB.

    Adelabu has held many important positions both in the academia in Nigeria and abroad. She was part of the 15-member Education Reform Panel that worked assiduously on Ekiti State government’s reforms in the education sector. At various times, the new deputy governor has also served as a resource person for United Nations Development Programme, UNDP; United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF; and United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, UNESCO, on numerous issues bordering on education. She has also been involved in consultancy work for the Universal Basic Education Commission in Nigeria.

    As someone who had served as external examiner in some reputable national and state-owned universities, I am sure the education sector in Ekiti State, which is the major industry in the state, is set to witness great transformation, I mean real transformation and certainly not a cosmetic one that has become music in the airwaves all over the place. I think the education portfolio and, in some cases, local government affairs are usually tucked under the purview of deputy governors, especially in educationally advanced states of the South-West of the country.

    Aside from the education sector, between 2000 and 2003, Adelabu was also a foundation member of Board of Ekiti State World Bank Assisted Poverty Reduction Agency. And fighting poverty is a major plank of the Fayemi administration in Ekiti State and by extension, a major political weapon being wielded by the Action Congress of Nigeria now re-christened All Progressive Congress, APC, a new political identity that is already sending shivers down the spines of other real and fake politicians in the country.

    She has consulted for the World Bank, the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID) and other international agencies. This is another asset for the Fayemi administration and Ekiti State in general, especially the womenfolk who are now required to rally round one of their own just like they did for the departed Olayinka.

    I can bet it with any serious politician in Ekiti State today that the choice of Adelabu as deputy governor has given Fayemi another victory, a resounding victory at the yet-to-be-contested and conducted 2014 polls. This is indeed a win-win strategy designed to inflict maximum punishment on the rancorous opposition in the state!