Category: Columnists

  • My Valentine my university

    You came to life in 1948 eleven years after I was born, the whole country your bridegroom, and only the brightest and the best would have the singular privilege to see your face. What chance did I have of ever meeting you, this truculent urchin, from Obetiti, Nguru, Mbaise, who had never crossed the Niger and only knew Aba, Calabar, and Owerri, all in Eastern Nigeria, Lagos a far-off dream. You welcomed all chasing after you, as long as knowledge was their dream and learning the only enterprise of their soul. Oh, yes, you welcomed them and sent them off after four years or so, with their various degrees to a world you had craftily created for them, in union with all that is good to know and live by, their hearts agog in a romance of intellectual affinities.

    Triumphantly selective, you were University College, Ibadan; liberal and warm, you spread your arms to all who sought after you and had a lot to offer you with brilliance, acuity and astuteness. You were accommodating, perspicacious in an uncannily sagacious fashion. Majestic Flame of the Forest trees stood tall in guard of honour at Oduduwa Road, the imperial entrance into the depths and caverns of your intricate dwelling places. To the few who had come unscathed from the roasting discernment of your qualifying examinations, you matched their talent with red bougainvilleas of excellence pried from arduous labour. Only the best would deserve you and they would give their eye teeth to knit garments of learning with your golden threads of diligence and brilliant study.

    University College, Ibadan, the moon at dawn lit your brow; and, at sun-ripe day, your words rolled out in the tongues of your groom. Each deserving student received your prize in unsurpassed dignity, Bachelor of Arts, Bachelor of Science; degrees that would excel in any contest anywhere in the world. You were truly Universitas. They were all bachelors, their bloods boiling to be married to you, and one day, return with their doctorates to fully discover you and announce your name to the universe. Yes, the planets sought you; the world sought you; Nigeria would give all his heart for you – so sparkling your soul, intense your purpose, grand your design. Nine years after your birth, 1957 it was, this bumbling intrepid rascal in overblown dusty trousers sweeping the brown clay of Obetiti came to your beehive to taste that bravura honey saved for knights of your kingly libraries to whom learning filled the soul.

    You welcomed me to searching lights at Central Porters’ Lodge and you took me by the hand to Kuti Hall, Wing B, gave me a bed and bedding and blew me a kiss of “Now take care of yourself; call me if you need me. Remember, I do not answer all calls; only those that would lead you to soar to your wildest dreams.”

    Oh, you were magnificent, mellifluous, your voice a subtle sultry invitation to excellence. You gave me endearing and enduring friends of trust and purpose. We were all enamoured of you, running after your elegance and fluid sincerity. We graduated Bachelors of Science and those who sought you still returned to a new life in unbridled pursuit of your priceless endowments. What a world they sought to create: their lives and yours intertwined in a new creation in the African sun – a planet whose epiphany was proclaimed by Africans themselves and east and west would now play a rollicking symphony called University of Ibadan, Kenneth Onwuka Dike the conductor.

    I came to join you later in the seventies that you may take me to places I can only dream of. Yes, you always make me dream. You offer me the world and you give me all the love and joy that this world can ever hope to contain. Over the years you indulged me, gave me your sweetness cooked with fine okra, or ewedu, crayfish, fresh-fish, dry-fish, stockfish, in chewy mouth-watering lumps of arduous work and diligent sporting restlessness. I could exult in my retirement letter in September, 2002, ‘My prayers and good wishes will ever remain with the University of Ibadan.’

    In this new and advancing millennium our million dollar bride, to whom we gave all that thrilled her sumptuous heart, now receives only thousand naira suitors; some even offer insulting hundreds. Things are not what they used to be and you are sad, sitting there, outside Trenchard Hall, right hand on your chin, looking out to a world in sunset, where the moon will soon go to sleep, your heart despoiled by interlopers who do not value the refinement of learning. But do not worry. Yes, I say rejoice: for in postgraduate studies, your bastion of revolving brightness will shine anew. Fresh suitors will wield flywhisks of African culture dripping in the wines of our forefathers, in their virtues, in their nobility, in their assiduousness, in their scientific and social acumen, not yet fully explored, but gradually revealing to all joined to your soul the essence of human love and ingenuity.

    Oh, sweet one, I am here for you; many of us are here for you, and we shall not give up. We shall bear you up and give back some of the gains you showered on us. Maybe it is a dream; if so, have the comfort that you have countless friends from many successive decades and though their hearts and minds may be turned to merely earthly pursuits, they all long for you with astounding strength and vigour. In retirement I come to you, my soul singing praises of joy and peace recounting the love you bestowed on me; the graces I received in everything this earth offers by whatever name they are called. I come to you still, drive along the same Oduduwa Road, the entry to your luminous heart, though the Flame of the Forest trees are all gone. But that does not really matter: we may ask then, what matters: are your suitors still coming for the best you can give them in learning; and are they themselves the brightest and the best? What of the teachers, are they worthy in character and learning? You now lie low in a forest of lawns – what a forest; what a lawn! My heart drops down to the earth to better gain your insight – a new life of a new band of suitors rushing madly around in a world you do not understand. Noble traditions of honour and fortitude have given way to expediency, ‘the reality of the situation’, ‘the Nigerian factor’; how do you feel?

    However it may have been, you have not abandoned me. You take me to the University of Ibadan Senior Staff Club. You offer me and my dear wife, Helen, some Gulders, suya, fresh-fish, goat-meat pepper-soup, and you have kept an army of friends who speak your voice when they say, ‘welcome home.’ One would say, ‘I’m happy I stayed behind in Ibadan so Mark and Helen will always have a home here.’

    You give us friends, old and new, who light our faces with frizzy dazzling joy, with their abiding company, their music, their songs, their dance. And you tell us: ‘I’m all for you, I’m University of Ibadan.’ For ever and for ever you will be my Valentine; in sickness and in health; for richer for poorer; for better, for worse. I shall live with you on the planet of Love.

    • Professor Nwagwu is of Paul University, Awka

  • The papal attitude our leaders need

    The papal attitude our leaders need

    The pope, the supreme leader of Catholics worldwide, is respected not only by members of his faith, but by people of other faith. Whether a Muslim, Protestant, Methodist, Anglican, Baptist, Lutheran or Pentecostal, we all rever the pope because of his office. The pope occupies an exalted post which confers on him the moral authority to speak and be listened to by those in power. Even dictators recognise the moral influence of the pope. Whether we like it or not, the pope remains the leading figure in Christendom. We may not like him or his faith, but we cannot afford to disrespect his exalted office.

    It is the office that makes the pope and not the other way round. When the pope speaks, he does so with the authority of his high office. Though popes are human, we have come to deify the office they occupy because we believe that in doing so, we are serving God through them. Since we all want to be on God’s side nobody wants to be seen to do anything that will offend a pope, except such a person is a Joseph Stalin or a Sani Abacha. What did these brutes do? They looked down with disdain at popes. The late  Abacha as military head of state rebuffed entreaties by the late Pope John Paul II to release the late Chief MKO Abiola from detention in 1998.

    The late Stalin as a general in the German army ridiculed the high office of the pope during World War 11. In response to the late British Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s admonition that Poland be spared the agony of the war as a Catholic nation-state in order  to avoid having complicated relations with the Vatican,  the late Stalin fired this riposte : ‘’How many divisions does the Pope of Rome have?’’ The pope may not have troops as Stalin observed but he has something greater than all the soldiers of the world put together. These are the battalions of the Lord’s army, who are willing and ready to take up the pope’s fight whenever the need arises.

    The pope is the commander-in-chief of the Lord’s army. He does not fight his own wars with arms. His weapon of warfare is not carnal. The only weapon he has is the word, which is greater than all the guns, bazookas and armoured tanks in the world. There is nothing that drives home the moral authority that popes wield than the sudden resignation of the current pope on Monday on health grounds. The world is still in shock that Pope Benedict XVI could throw in the towel because he has become ‘’incapacitated’’ by age. Many are shocked because if they were in his shoes, they would not have taken that route. They would have remained in office, wasting state resources on what they know to be a bad case. We are witnessing a thing like this in our own clime.

    Here in Nigeria, resignation is not in the dictionary of public officers no matter how bad their health is. Even when they know that they can no longer continue in office, they will keep it as a secret from the people and be pretending that all is well with them. Illnesses know no status. No matter the office one occupies if he does not have good health, he cannot enjoy that position. Those who say that health is wealth know what they are talking about. He who has good health has everything. He is fit and able to do his work no matter how hectic it may be. The jobs of a pope and let’s say a governor are not easy. They are demanding jobs and those who occupy these offices should be ready to give the job their all. They can only give their all when they are hale and hearty.

    Man has no control over health matters. We can fall ill at anytime irrespective of the position we hold. A master falls ill and a servant also takes ill. The pope’s case has shown that illness is not a respecter of position. Because the rich and the poor can fall ill, it goes to show that there is nothing to be ashamed about when we are indisposed, especially, if we occupy public positions. We should be able to come clean with the people when anything ails us as public officers because by virtue of our positions we have become public property. What the pope has done should be a lesson to all those who hold public office that we should be open at all times. If the pope had kept quiet, nobody would have known that anything is wrong with him, particularly as the Vatican is very good at keeping secrets.

    But because of the fear of God, he told the world the truth about his health and opted to resign from office, something which seems difficult to do in this part of the world. About three years ago when the late President Umaru Yar’ Adua became ill those around him did everything possible to keep it away from the public until he died in the confines of Aso Rock. In recent times, some governors took ill and instead of their people being briefed about these leaders’ ailment, they went abroad under the guise of going on holiday. When their vacations became longer than necessary, the people started asking questions. Instead of providing answers to these questions, their aides resorted to imputing political motives.

    Who is to blame in such circumstance? Those asking questions or those trying to shroud the governors’ true health status in secrecy? One of the governors, Sullivan Chime, of Enugu State is back; the other, Liyel Imoke of Cross River is still abroad. We don’t know what ails Imoke, but it seems his illness may not be that serious as he had time to celebrate his wife’s 50th birthday last year in the United States (US). He is expected to have resumed by now, but he has not. We have no been told why, but when we start writing about it, our reports will be seen as pieces of entertainment to be laughed at just as Chime and his friends did when we carried stories about his illness while he was abroad.

    ‘’When I read in the papers how I died in India, we then turned Nigerian papers to entertainment forum. We read what they wrote about me and laughed. It became an amusement kind of thing’’, he told reporters in Enugu on Tuesday. The joke, your excellency is rather on you. If you had provided the information you gave on Tuesday, there would have been no need for speculations in the papers about your health. Sir, there is nothing to be ashamed of if we are ill. We are all human, whether a governor or a reporter; so, the report was not to mock you; it was to draw attention to your health challenge. You knew from the outset that you were going abroad for cancer surgery; so, why did you keep the information to yourself?

    Were you afraid that we will wish you death under the surgeon’s knife? That is where you got it wrong sir. If you had told us we would have prayed for a successful surgery for you as the world is today praying for the pope. If the pope can tell the world that he is ill, why can’t governors in Nigeria do the same? Why should we as public officers be afraid to inform those we lead of our illnesses? The other day, Hillary Clinton was diagnosed of blood clot and as she was being taken to  the hospital, her aides released information about her illness. That is how it should be, but unfortunately our leaders do not think so because they have something to hide.

    There is no big deal about illnesses because they will come and go, if we are not destined to be killed by them. Our leaders tend to make a mountain out of a molehill with the way they handle issues relaing to their health. They are too secretive about their well-being as if it is an abomination to be ill. What happened in the case of the late President Yar’ Adua should have taught them a lesson, but they will never learn. But it is not too late; they can still learn from how Pope Benedict XVI  handled his own health challenge. May God give us leaders who are forthright, down to earth and can connect with us.

     

  • Lord Lugard and the 1914 Amalgamation of Nigeria

    Lord Lugard and the 1914 Amalgamation of Nigeria

    The Federal Government has announced that it will celebrate the centenary of Nigeria’s ‘Amalgamation’ on January 1, 1914 by Lord Lugard, then the newly appointed and first British Governor-General of colonial Nigeria. The elaborate celebrations which started a week ago with a glittering state banquet at Abuja are intended to last a whole year and will include, among other projects, the development of a brand ‘new city’ in Abuja. The National Assembly does not appear keen on supporting the projects proposed and is not keen on providing funds for the celebrations. There is also very little public enthusiasm about the entire programme. The celebrations will cost a lot of money and, to address public concern about the huge costs involved, running into billions of naira, the Federal Government has assured the nation that all the expenses involved in the celebrations will be borne by the private sector. But investments of this nature by the private sector do not come without a price in the form of huge contracts that are usually abandoned. Somehow, the private sector will find a way of recouping such a bad investment as the one being proposed.

    Now, there is no doubt about the historic importance of the 1914 amalgamation in Nigeria’s history. It was the first time that the British colonial administration in Nigeria tried to bring the culturally diverse people of Nigeria together under one central colonial administration. Without the amalgamation Nigeria would not have developed or emerged as one country. Instead, we would now have two, or possibly three, different countries. But the manner in which these celebrations take place is equally important. The question is why should we, as a nation be seen to be celebrating the 1914 so-called ‘amalgamation’ of Nigeria by the British colonial power? The Federal Government argues that Nigeria is not a historical accident and, having existed for nearly 100 years as a country, merits celebration. It is important that we get Nigeria’s colonial history right. If we do, it will be obvious to us that we should not be celebrating such a dubious event in our colonial history, as the ‘amalgamation’ was the direct product of British imperialism in West Africa.

    To suggest, or argue, as the federal authorities did, that Nigeria is not a historical accident, but a pre-ordained entity is a distortion of Nigeria’s history. Nothing can be further from the truth. This claim should not go unchallenged, or else we will be creating a false and terrible legacy. Before British colonialism in Nigeria, several kingdoms such as the Oyo Empire, the Fulani Emirates, and the Benin Kingdom already existed in Nigeria, and might have evolved over time as nation states. It was British imperialism that eventually destroyed these empires. Before its independence from British colonial rule in 1960, Nigeria did not exist even as a distinct state, recognised by other foreign states. It was only recognised as a mere British colony, a British dependency that, for all practical purposes, did not have any state identity at all. It was simply part of British West Africa, the Southern part of which was for a while governed by British colonial representatives from the old Gold Coast. Its acquisition by Britain as a colonial territory was actually accidental. It was the direct consequence of Anglo-French rivalry for trade and free markets in Africa.

    Britain was not really looking at the time for new colonies, or territories in West Africa, but for trade and free markets. In 1861, the British acquired Lagos as a colony after gun boat diplomacy (state terrorism). But in 1865, the report of a parliamentary select committee of the British House of Commons had advised against any further acquisition of colonial territory in West Africa. The old Gold Coast (now Ghana) and Sierra Leone had already been acquired as British colonies. This report was accepted by the British government and dampened imperialist impulses for a while. But by 1885, the informal sway exercised by British merchants in the delta area, which led to Jaja of Opobo being exiled from the delta area by the British Consul, had been formalised at the 1885 Berlin Congress that simply divided Africa as spheres of influence of Britain, and the other European powers in Africa.

    The Africans were neither present at the Berlin Congress nor even consulted about the manner their territories were divided among the European powers. It was a shameful episode in the history of human civilisation, of which even the European colonisers cannot really be proud. It was just as bad as its precursor, the slave trade. Northern Nigeria was simply handed over as the Niger Coast Protectorate to the Royal Niger Company, a British chartered trading company operating in Nigeria, in much the same way as large parts of British India were handed over to the British East India Company. In 1885, the British had proclaimed a Southern Protectorate in Southern Nigeria after the conclusion of fraudulent and unequal treaties with the Obas there. In 1900, the two protectorates of Northern Nigeria and Southern Nigeria, as well as the colony of Lagos, were separate entities. As at that point, there were three separate British dependencies in the territory that was later named as Nigeria, by Flora Shaw, the wife of Lord Lugard, and colonial editor of the London Times, with extensive connections in Whitehall.

    Sir Frederick (later Lord) Lugard was to play a key role in Nigeria’s subsequent colonial history. He had originally being brought to Northern Nigeria in 1895 from Uganda for military campaigns by George Goldie of the chartered Royal Niger Company and was the man who conquered Northern Nigeria militarily. Sokoto, the seat of the caliphate, was the last Northern territory conquered by the British in 1903. His military campaign in Northern Nigeria included his famous march to Borgu and the race to Nikki which formed the basis of British claims to Northern Nigeria. It was as a result of his successful military campaign in the North that on January 1, 1900, he was appointed the first British High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria, after the administration of the area by the Royal Niger Company had been brought to an end and a British protectorate formally established there. This was some 15 years after a separate and distinct British protectorate had been established in Southern Nigeria.

    Even then, Britain had no definite plans for the future of its new colony. There was no real debate in the British House of Commons about what to do with its new colony as there was no real enthusiasm among leading British politicians for acquiring new colonies. The emphasis in the British colonial office was on keeping to the barest minimum the cost of administering this vast territory. There was little long range planning in Britain for the future of its new colony. In the event, Nigeria was at first left and ruled in three distinct parts, later reduced to two units, Northern and Southern Nigeria, and in 1912 placed under Sir (later Lord) Lugard as its first British Governor General of colonial Nigeria.

    •To be continued

     

     

  • Ten years of Trust’s  dialogues (II)

    Ten years of Trust’s dialogues (II)

    In my overview two weeks ago of Media Trust Limited’s 10 years of annual dialogue which started in 2004, I said the four most exciting – and should have added most interesting – for me were the third on the scourge of corruption in Nigeria, the seventh on African women in politics, the ninth on politics and the media and this year’s on nation building.

    The other six were, of course, exciting and interesting enough. The first, as the regular participants would know, was on the same theme of nation building as this year’s. The second, though on the dismal science, was made interesting by the panel of three of Nigeria’s leading economists, Professors Sam Aluko, now late, and Mike Kwanashie of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and the prolific and ever controversial Malam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the Central Bank Governor, but at that time the risk manager of United Bank for Africa.

    In their subject matter alone, the fourth (2007) on how to conduct free and fair elections in the country, the fifth (2008) on the challenges of democracy on the continent and the sixth (2009) on how to restore public faith in the country’s politics, were also exciting. But their various panellists – Professor Maurice Iwu, probably the most discredited chairman of the country’s election commission, Alhaji Ahmadu Kurfi, its longest serving executive secretary and Chief Segun Osoba, one of the five Action Congress governors in the South-West President Olusegun Obasanjo knocked out for six in the 2003 governorship elections through sheer cunning (2007), Ghana’s President Jerry Rawlings (2008) and the trio of Anambra’s Governor Peter Obi, former House Speaker Bello Masari and Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, then still legally contesting his defeat at the Edo governorship elections in the 2007 elections (2009) – ensured there were no dull moments during those three dialogues.

    The eighth dialogue in 2011 on the challenges of good governance in Africa was also a natural crowd puller if only because of the prevalence of bad governance on the continent. It was the more interesting because one of the three billed to lead the dialogue, Dr. Mo Ibrahim, the telecommunication billionaire, had instituted a well-endowed prize for good governance on the continent which is Africa’s closest answer to the Nobel Peace prize, in the sense that much of the widespread conflict on the continent can be traced directly to bad governance by its leaders.

    As things turned out, the audience did not get the benefit of Mo Ibrahim’s rationale for instituting his prize, among other things the audience would have loved to hear from him, even though he turned up for the event. He could not speak because he fell ill on the night before the event. It was then left to the pair of Mr. Fola Adeola, a highly successful banker and reformer of the country’s pension scheme, and Ms Arunma Oteh, the boss of Nigeria’s Security Exchange Commission, to lead the dialogue. For me the most memorable remark to come out of that year’s dialogue was Adeola’s profound statement that Nigerians seem to have outsourced their problems to God, instead of taking responsibility for what they say or do, good or bad. Since then God, it seems, has remained the patient refuge of every scoundrel, probably even more so today.

    All of which brings me back to the four dialogues I said were the most exciting and interesting for me, i.e. those of 2006, 2010, 2012 and this year’s. The first of this lot was the subject of this column two weeks ago. The problem of this country, I said, was not corruption as such but the brazenness with which it is practiced and the fact that, far from punishing corruption, we indeed celebrate it from the top to the bottom of society.

    It is this attitude towards corruption which has made it all so easy for many of our leaders to “chop and clean mouth,” to use the peculiar Nigerian expression for the complete lack of shame among our leaders about their sordid past, even the immediate past.

    This, more than the topic of the 2010 dialogue about the African women in politics and the formidable panel of Winnie Mandela, Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele, Naja’atu Mohammed and Ms Samira Nkrumah, was what I found interesting about the year’s dialogue. It was truly amazing, at least for me, how President Obasanjo, as the chairman of the occasion, could look Nigerians straight in the eyes and tell them he did not know Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, then governor of Katsina State, was a sick person when he imposed him on his party as its presidential candidate and went on to impose him on Nigerians as their president in 2007.

    But then Obasanjo knew his Nigeria like the back of his hand, as they say. So he proceeded to wash his hands off his handiwork and ask Yar’Adua, who he knew was at that point not in charge of his faculties, to “take the path of honour” and resign as president. A few voices were raised against the immorality of his pretence but the overwhelming majority, as he must have reckoned, focused on the message rather than on the messenger. In any case, the following day, the message virtually drowned out the subject of that year’s dialogue.

    As a veteran journalist and political pundit, it is not surprising that I found the subject of the 2012 dialogue among the most exciting and interesting. Image, as America’s Abraham Lincoln once reportedly said, is everything, or almost. This explains, at least partly, why journalists and politicians have been in a love-hate incestuous relationship of use and dump for as long as anyone can remember. This was clearly demonstrated by the way Governor Adams Oshiomhole, as much a man of media image as he is of his actions, condemned the media during the dialogue as all too often a purveyor of fiction, not, I must say, without justification.

    Two telling examples lend support to Oshiomhole’s charges, one ancient, and the other recent. The ancient was reported by the late Alhaji Babatunde Jose, the doyen of Nigeria’s press, in his 1987 autobiography, Walking a Tight Rope: Power Play at Daily Times. This was in his account of the 1953 so-called Hausa/Igbo riots in Kano. At that time he was a senior reporter with the newspaper and was on a familiarisation tour of the North. “I,” he said in the book, “had quite correctly reported it in my copy as a riot between Hausas and Yorubas. Somehow it appeared in Daily Times as a riot between Hausas and Ibos, a very different matter and potentially a very dangerous error.”

    The edition was seized and pulped by the colonial authorities and another with the correct version printed for circulation but not, unfortunately, before the damage had been done. “We,” he said, “never found out how the mistake occurred. Was it an accident or was it a deliberate attempt to foment trouble?”

    Whatever the motive, the acorn of distrust that story planted in the geo-politics of this country has since grown into an oak tree, perhaps bigger.

    The recent example of the press malice comes from a 1996 book, NIGERIA: Guerrilla Journalism by Michele Maringuez, by no means an enemy of the Nigerian press. On the contrary she had a lot of positive things to say about the country’s press in her book. Even so she lamented that it was “often astonishingly negligent about checking and confirming its sources or even statistics. Errors and glitches abound and are seldom corrected in the next edition.”

    She gave an example of how AFP, the French news agency, and The Guardian, the self-styled flagship of the Nigerian press, published different statistics from an IMF press conference in Lagos about Nigeria’s economy. When the worried AFP correspondent cross-checked with the IMF it turned out the flagship was wrong.

    Maringuez’s second example was even more egregious. In December 1993, she pointed out, three of the country’s leading news magazines carried a sensational story that former self-styled military president, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida was on the run from the General Abacha regime. The News’ banner headline on its cover read “Babangida’s dramatic escape.” African Concord’s was “A dictator on the run.” Tell’s was even more dramatic. “Why IBB is on the run,” it said, with his picture along with his late wife, Maryam, getting off a plane.

    It turned out that, far from being on the run, the man and his wife had only gone for lesser Hajj in Saudi Arabia and for holiday abroad only to return a few weeks later. None of the magazines ever mentioned his return.

     

  • Yoruba self-marginalisation

    Yoruba self-marginalisation

    At a press conference in Ibadan last Wednesday, Yoruba elders under the aegis of Yoruba Unity Forum, YUF, accused President Goodluck Jonathan of favouring other sections of the country to the detriment of the South-West geo-political zone in the appointment of top government officials. According to the group, the marginalisation of the zone in the current political equilibrium, particularly in the distribution of political positions, “is an attempt to excise the zone out of the federation”. The elders alleged that the President’s pattern of appointments, with no consideration for the Yoruba, suggested that Jonathan did not appreciate the contribution the Yoruba people made to his emergence as the president in the 2011 general election.

    Olu Falae, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, who spoke on behalf of the group, said the Yoruba were sidetracked in the appointment and control of the apex political offices. He gave a rundown of such plum appointments as that of the President; Vice-President; Senate President, Speaker, House of Representatives; Chief Justice of the Federation, Deputy Senate President, Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives; acting President, Court of Appeal; Secretary to the Government of the Federation; Chief of Staff to the President; Office of the National Security Adviser; and Head of Service of the Federation. He noted that none of these offices was being occupied by a Yoruba person and that the absence of Yoruba in the current power equation, had adversely affected the zone.

    Falae went further to justify the need for the President to redress these anomalies. He said, “In the days of the late President Umar Yar’Adua administration when he was incapacitated by illness and there was reluctance to make Jonathan acting President, it was predominantly Yoruba activists who led the march on the National Assembly to force our lawmakers to pronounce Jonathan acting President. When he chose to run for the presidency, he got the enthusiastic endorsement of many Yoruba progressives, especially the leadership of Yoruba Unity Forum…”

    While Falae was lamenting the marginalisation of the Yoruba in Ibadan, simultaneously on the same day, leaders of the South-West states converged on Osogbo, the capital of Osun State, at the opening ceremony of the regional Grassroots Business and Investments Forum christened EXPO 2013. There, the leaders called on all the governments and people to join hands in building a prosperous zone. Prince Bola Ajibola, a former Attorney General of the Federation, who was chairman at the ceremony, said political tendencies should be de-emphasized in plotting the road to the future. He said the achievements of governors in the zone in the recent time were good enough to attract investments to their states.

    The two governors in attendance – Rauf Aregbesola of Osun State and Abiola Ajimobi of Oyo – toed the same lines. Of particular reference was the view canvassed by Ajimobi, that the issue at stake transcends party politics. According to him, “This is not about party politics. It is about governance. It is about the region. Each of the states has an area of strength. What we need is to develop areas of comparative advantage for the overall interest of our people.”

    Ajimobi enumerated the benefits accruable from regional integration to include “consensus-based decision-making processes, elimination of conflict and unhealthy rivalry, holistic articulation and effective mobilisation of varieties of resources, and the utilisation of community resources to facilitate optimal delineation of development roles among the integrating units.”

    Looking at the current political dispensation in the country as it relates to the sharing of political offices, one cannot but agree with the views and fears expressed by Falae. It is apparent that the Yoruba has lost out in the political calculations of the current rulers in the country. But the reasons may not be far-fetched. In the first instance, the PDP, the ruling party at the centre, was overwhelmingly humiliated in the last general election held in 2011. The loss of the party, no doubt, was due to the desire for change by the people of the South-west who were obviously fed up with the misrule, brigandage and shenanigans of the leaders of the PDP in the zone between 1999 and 2011.

    That era witnessed a free-for-all ‘buffet’ on the common wealth of the zone by those in power without any appreciable thing to show for the depletion of the resources at their disposal. As it is always canvassed under democratic rule, the only legitimate weapon available for a traumatized people is to use their voting power to right whatever perceived wrong wrought on them. And this was exactly what happened at the 2011 election. That election saw the PDP losing its grips on such states in the South-west as Oyo and Ogun. Before then, Osun and Ekiti States had also slipped away from the dominant PDP.

    By the loss of almost all the states of the South-west to the opposition Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN, with the exception of Ondo State, currently under the control of the Labour Party, it was clear that the people had resoundingly rejected the PDP. Perhaps, in simple terms, this was a matter of choice of which party the zone wanted to entrust its destiny. Today, the price the zone has to pay for that decision is its obvious marginalisation by the party at the centre in the scheme of things. This situation is buoyed by the intractable internal wrangling that has pervaded and further decimated the ranks of the PDP leadership in the zone. Anywhere you turn; there are several factions and groups within the party contesting for the control of power. To put it succinctly, the party is at ‘war’ with itself in the zone.

    Of course, the other political zones have reaped bountifully from the burgeoning confusion in the zone with the attendant collateral damage. It is astonishing to note that the leaders of the PDP in the zone do not only quarrel among themselves, they also use the schism among them to run down their members when it comes to political patronage at the centre. Not only this. When it comes to the matter of appointments to choice political offices, the zone has never presented a common front. All manners of interplay of forces, ranging from the sublime to the ridiculous, are brought to the fore whenever the opportunity to present a qualified and capable individual for appointive office at the centre, comes up. The consequence of this and many others is the glaring marginalisation of the zone in the scheme of things.

    Aside from the fractionalization of the PDP in the South-west, which has affected the fortunes of the zone, the leaders and elders appear to be staunchly divided among themselves. For quite some time now, the zone has witnessed the formation of several groups with each group jostling for the control of the zone. And there is no need to start mentioning names here. The effect is that this also has an overbearing implication on the fortunes of the zone. This stems from the fact that members of these pluralistic groups are, in many instances, fighting for individual spoils rather than regional or group interests, as the case may be.

    Therefore, the irony inherent in what took place simultaneously last week, in both Ibadan and Osogbo, which is less than one hour drive in-between, is a sort of self-manipulation of a people by the people themselves. Otherwise, how do you explain the staging of a strategic economic summit that is targeted at the development of a region in one part of it, and another gathering on the present and future of the same region on the same day and perhaps, the same time elsewhere within the zone? If not self- marginalisation, what else?

    At any rate, there is the need for the leaders and elders of the zone to go back to the drawing board and fashion out new strategies to realize the aspirations of the zone. A starting point is the bond of unity which must exist among them!

  • ‘Amalgamation anomalies’; Keshi GCON, players CFR; Wanted: a Youth Centre/ ward?

    ‘Amalgamation anomalies’; Keshi GCON, players CFR; Wanted: a Youth Centre/ ward?

    The President could enter a promissory pact with Nigerians to hasten deliver on nasty ‘amalgamation anomalies’ plaguing unity. These include functioning refineries, fuel exports not imports, true federalism, restricted corruption through well-funded proactive EFCC and ICPC and police in every Ministries, Departments and Agencies, MDAs, empowered judiciary with faster trials and stiffer penalties, 50-100,000Mws of power, an East-West Road, a second Niger Bridge, an improving N100:$1 naira exchange rate and reduced single digit borrowing rate, a youth centre in every ward and most importantly, a stop to corrupt party machinery and party members from thieving and taking 30-100% of budgets and contract values ‘as of right’ for being in power.

    Time for some deserved honours. Huge gbossas and congrats to Head coach Stephen Keshi, fluent in English and French, GCON –Grand Commander of Nigeria, who commanded his men to African victory, or Grand Coach of Nigeria, of Africa and the Green Eagles, CFR, Commanders of Football of the Republic, for their amazing journey defying the odds, abuse and the abysmally evil Nigerian politics of football and sports in general. Keshi for Minister for Sport in future.

    Yes, Keshi, GCON, should resign. And come back immediately even in a week having renegotiated his next Brazilian World Cup contract bearing in mind that the Senate President is mentioned with a figure of N400m/annum as each Nigerian Senator has over N100m‘disposable’ not salary income, is it quarterly or annually for ‘constitutional projects and LGA wives get N50,000/month for their marriage certificate? Get your money man. At least you have done something honourable that we can see! Elsewhere coaches earn more than their presidents! Let us get real: sports and particularly football, not politics rule the world!

    But think of the odds against our success. Though we have no war, how many real quality footballs, N3000 each, or other sports equipment have been bought by Governors for our 70,000 schools and 1000 tertiary institutions? Too few!! How many talent scouts do tours of ‘under the flyover’ and school games? Instead of reactionary too-little-too-late N130 million Dangote donations is there a Glo OR Dangote database for sports monitoring in any sport in Nigeria? No, just multimillion naira Coca Cola or Pepsi or MTN billboard and a plastic football at every junction overlooking every school football corner. You can dream but do not play, boy! Wanted: 70,000 logoed footballs signed by the 2012 Orange Africa Cup Of Nations Champion Green Eagles and a ‘Stephen Keshi School for Coaches’ funded by government land, and the private sector sponsors. No more billboard only football sports. Let us get it right from now on, please. Immediate Induction into the New Football Hall of Fame is not enough and wrong-headed. They had football hero ancestors. Let us do things in order. Sports teams and coaching support teams should be totally indigenous to really pit countries against each other even for the World Cup.

    The centenary celebration logo could have benefited from a central map of Nigeria inside the green layered circle.

    The N650 Abuja Youth Support Centre is welcomed with mixed feelings. Anything done for the ‘abandoned’ youth is overdue. However N650m could have built, rented or modified and then equipped hundreds of centres of N1-10m in 65 to 650 nationwide. As part of 2013/2014 Youth empowerment and anti-terrorism strategy at LGA, state and national levels, Nigerian politicians and visionary leaders in CSR must incorporate budgetary plans for Youth Inspiration Centres. As the political unit, the ward, should have ‘One Youth Centre/ Ward’ Policy, 15,400, within walking distance of all Nigeria’s youth. In such centres youth can interact, learn from each other and others, learn and practice computer and social skills and transition to being responsible citizens. The army of youth corp members, retired Nigerians, teachers, professionals, professional bodies and government agencies can assist in projects. There should be a link through the network of Youth Inspiration Centres to each other, ministries and NGOs with the education hungry youth for two-way interaction.

    DANGER: The Minister for FCT offered to name the Abuja Youth Support Centre (YSC) after the President’s wife. Bad judgement. It a wise rule of thumb and a ‘Youth Law’ never to name a public youth centre after anything politics. Things named after serving politicians are abandoned by subsequent politicians even of the same party, especially if a wife is involved. The backlash is real as following the recent African First Ladies Peace Mission Vs Past First lady’s WATEF, Women and Youth Empowerment Foundation will see. That youth law is merely to guarantee continuity from one government to another without stigmatisation, discrimination, starvation of funds and failure to attract visits from rival party government officials. In addition deliberate destruction of the communal Youth Support Centre property during subsequent political upheaval by disaffected party members and faithful of other parties is possible. So a political name is counter-productive and renders the project stillborn. In short, how many will visit the centre if it is named after an ‘opposition’ politician or his wife. All these can easily be avoided with neutral names, like the site, historical event or individuals of blessed memory. Political neutrality is a watchword for youth centre activities. Youth issues must be beyond politics.

    But when did Nigeria’s population become 170m? Just because of politics? Politics and politicians conjuring figures do not increase populations –families do! Soon Nigeria will be ‘claiming’ ‘200m’, maybe at the Centenary Amalgamation? More fiction-like the power supply.

  • Plagued past Vs blasted present

    Plagued past Vs blasted present

    What Reuben Abati, ex-The Guardian and current presidential spokesman and Femi Fani-Kayode, former Aviation minister and Olusegun Obasanjo’s irreverent presidential gadfly, would openly tangle is the stuff of a very pleasing – and biting –irony: as shown in Abati’s “The Hypocrisy of Yesterday’s men” and Fani-Kayode’s counter, “The Delusion of Today’s men”.

    When Fani-Kayode was in power and in government (apologies to Ibrahim Babangida and his infamous post-12 June 1993 presidential election annulment bragging), there was no personage, no matter how hallowed, this gadfly could not sting, all in the service of his imperial president.

    Now, Abati has given the Obasanjo ancien regime a bit of the Fani gadfly dose and all Fani Power junior could do is whine and drivel; and deliberately mix up the valid corporate paralysis of the Federal Aviation ministry, with showcasing a claimed personal glory as aviation minister! That is perfect sophistry – but if reader is dumb!

    But even in his lachrymose riposte, Fani-Kayode dropped a useful Freudian slip, when he prayed with all his soul that yesterday’s men may yet be future occupants of power.

    The question is: power for what? Power for power’s sake, which epitomised the empty snorting, and even emptier grandstanding, of the Obasanjo era that Fani-Kayode served; and which has made it susceptible to Abati’s biting fusillade?

    Or power for positive change, which moral authority would have shut Abati up, even when, for the umpteenth time, his prostrate principal is barbed on account of his glaring incompetence?

    But this Abati vs Fani-Kayode media show also echoes an earlier intra-power bickering, even when Nigeria was far saner.

    When the Great Zik of Africa crossed the path of the then East Central State Administrator, Ukpabi Azika (Judas among his Igbo people but hero in Nigeria, for standing resolute against Biafra), Azika launched into a verbal poetry of “ex-this and ex-that”. The Great Zik kept his peace but got his pound of flesh when Azika fell with the Gowon regime in 1975. He fired back in sagacious triumph: “no condition is permanent”!

    Now, that was biting wit and counter-wit. But it did not leave Nigeria better than it met it, given the progressive decay of leadership, which may yet land this land in a ditch. Neither will this Abati/Fani-Kayode spat. It is yet another costly distraction from proxies of failed and failing leaders.

    Indeed, both Abati and Fani-Kayode produced another stunning metaphor in their debate on how, or how not, a certain Obasanjo aviation minister allowed the Port Harcourt International Airport “to grow grass”, while a Jonathan minister has not only fixed airports nationwide but is busy upgrading them.

    But really, that these proxies of a plagued past and a blasted present are allowed much media space, with all due respect to democracy and its tenets of free speech, is indicative of how the public space has been overgrown with grass, with wilful thorns of a horrible past and a disastrous present choking the imperative for radical change to salvage a clearly troubled future. It is mere empty noise that distracts the mind from clear thinking.

    But if Fani-Kayode and his Obasanjo class of 2003-2007 got so hit the best Fani could produce is a pathetic self-glorifying riposte, Abati is no less tragically misguided. The problem with Abati is that he is tragically trapped in the past. Besides, he is putting his head in a battle he does not understand: for Jonathan, his boss, is an Obasanjo creation.

    In his well primed verbal shellacking, he wrote with the aplomb, the glory and the majesty of a verbal royal; and of a wordsmith that takes no prisoners, the ruthless way he hit home!

    But alas! It was all authoritarian wordplay without moral authority. Like the Biblical King Saul, the moral glory of his Guardian column-writing days is departed from Dr. Abati. All that is left is a naked and hollow language of power – power his pathetic principal, neither a thinker nor a doer, but a gnome wanting to cling to power, even if he does not seem to know what to do with it, projects rather pitifully!

    Still, despite the glaring limitation of the Jonathan presidency, the Obasanjo crowd had it coming; and in the Abati shelling, got their due comeuppance.

    First, it was Obasanjo who, despite being a former president, would go and publicly run his mouth on the incumbent, despite a Lugardian power convention that demands otherwise. He easily forgets it was this same empty grandstanding for relevance that landed him in hot soup with the grim Sani Abacha, who unlike IBB before him and Goodluck Jonathan after him, did not suffer fools gladly.

    Then, an Obiageli Ezekwesili and a Femi Fani-Kayode would come, lobbing into the fray stupendous figures in alleged wasted “savings” for the gullible and excitable to chew, go ga-ga and foam in the mouth – a squandered US $67 billion here, a US 100 billion there from alleged oil sales for two years, query allegedly courtesy of David Cameron, the British Prime Minister, and another N350 billion allegedly shelled on dubious security vote.

    But why is Obasanjo and his gang getting self-righteously livid now? When they knew security was not assured, why did they hoard money as “savings” when they could have invested it in physical and social infrastructure, which would not have been stolen but would also have resulted in multiplier effects for the prostrate local economy and provided jobs for the millions of jobless?

    Was it the perfidy in the Yoruba tale: of prodding robbers to plunder (inviting alleged incompetents to an unstructured national treasury) only to tip off the owner of the property (the present Obasanjo and co jeremiad in the Nigerian media)?

    And why the lament on a spendthrift Yar’adua and Jonathan presidencies when Obasanjo had all the time to erect a robust check-and-balance system structured on genuine federalism, but instead opted to push himself as the strongman Nigeria would perpetually need? That perhaps was why he so desperately wanted a third term!

    Besides, did he not actively campaign for Yar’adua, his darling Umoru? And did he not junk Yar’adua on his sick bed, just to crown Jonathan as his new prince, zoning be damned?

    After all said, all the cacophony is nothing but unlamented civil war in the unravelling power caste Obasanjo tried to erect for his sole pleasure, masquerading as national interest. So, let the Obasanjo crowd maul themselves. It is pure Karma at play!

    Meanwhile, let Nigerians think: a plagued past and a blasted present only assures a torrid future that Nigeria would have only at its peril. So, instead of being sucked into this worthless in-fighting among useless power prodigals, Nigerians must get rid of them all in a clean sweep – and 2015 is another opportunity.

    The Obasanjo crowd, past and present, are the one who trouble Nigeria’s Israel. The power chamber – and the polity – is better without them.

     

  • Reporting Governor Sullivan Chime’s return

    Reporting Governor Sullivan Chime’s return

    Only those who never wished him well – the envious and malevolent whom we shall always have among us, unfortunately – only such people must have been distressed when Governor Sullivan Chime flew into Enugu last Friday.

    They were hoping that, 140 days after his unceremonious departure from his base allegedly on medical grounds and countless reports that his health had deteriorated, he would sneak in – or be sneaked in – “like a thief in the night,” preferably on a gurney. Those with amore macabre imagination were looking forward to a grimmer re-entry.

    Imagine their discomfiture, then, when Chima emerged in broad daylight from the private jet that had ferried him from Abuja, descended the stairway unaided and walked “with his own two feet,” to his official car, one eyewitness wrote giddily, all along waving – with his own hands, it must be supposed – to the mammoth crowd that had gathered there to welcome him back.

    I should leave it to the reporters who saw it all with their own eyes to describe through the headlines of their publications,the scene at the Akanu Ibiam International Airport, Enugu.:

    Jubilation as Chime returns to Enugu.

    Chime returns to Enugu amidst tumultuous welcome.

    Enugu agog as Governor Chime returns.

    Rousing welcome as Chime returns to Enugu.

    Huge crowd welcomes Chime back to Enugu.

    Governor Chime returns to Enugu in grand style.

    Amid jubilation, Chime returns to Enugu.

    Chime returns to Enugu amid jubilation.

    The return of the absentee governor: Enugu jubilates.

    Large crowd heralds Chime’s return to Enugu.

    Ailing Enugu Governor Sullivan Chime returns.

    Commotion as Chime lands in Enugu.

    Each of them is a fine example of headline craftsmanship — terse, arresting, informative, and summative. Some of them even have the additional merit of being colourful. I would hate to be a judge in a competition to select the best among them. But they all share one flaw that I will remark presently.

    As for the full story of Governor Chime’s return, nothing even comes close to the eyewitness report by Ambrose Agu report titled “Governor Chime’s Triumphant Return” (THISDAY, February 9, 2013).

    The report begins with three or four persons emerging from the chartered private jet that ferried Chime to Enugu, none of whom the crowd recognised or cared about, followed by an “unmistakable tall figure,” and sure enough, it was His Excellency Sullivan Iheanacho Chime, who proceeded to walk down the staircase “with his own two feet.”

    With his own two feet did the governor walk down the plane’s stair case to his waiting official car, you understand, all you purveyors and apostles of ill will And with his own two hands did he wave to acknowledge the resonant cheers of the surging crowd.

    The governor looked fine, Agu writes. “I looked at his face. It looked fine, the same handsome face, no change. This was Sullivan Chime, pure and simple. No addition. No subtraction.”

    Despite the throng at Government House where the entourage headed after the brief airport ceremony, to say nothing of the stifling security, Agu secured a private audience with Chime. One on one. No intermediaries.

    Hear it from Agu himself, fascination with the governor’s face and neck and all:

    “I went to His Excellency. He grabbed my hand and shook it, same firm grip, same vigorous shake. I welcomed him back. We spoke for a few minutes. Now I was literally face to face with him. I could see his face and neck.

    “There was no hat, no scarf, and no spectacles. I looked at his face and neck. No mark, nothing irregular. In fact he looked very fresh, very healthy and at ease with himself. He smiled often and spoke normally. There was nothing wrong with his face or neck, and there was nothing wrong with his voice.”

    With his own hand did Chime grab and shake his visitor’s hand, all you apostles of ill will; with his own face did he smile, and with his own voice did he talk for several minutes with his guest

    Nor was this an isolated feat. That same day, Agu writes, Chime must have met, smiled at, and talked with “possibly hundreds” of people –traditional rulers, politicians, government officials,trade union representatives, clergy, and media executives – the full Monty.

    Agu is the first to admit that he is no doctor, and he does so with touching candour. But he knows, as nobody else does, what he experienced during his visit with Governor Chime – what he saw with his own eyes and heard with his own ears. And taking all of it into account, he says, any talk of Chime being “incapacitated” — as the apostles and purveyors of ill will were still claiming — “is just too absurd that only a fool would bandy it.”

    He didn’t ask Chime’s opponents to go eat out their hearts or do something really coarse, but Agu clearly would not be displeased if they did just that.

    Concluding his testimony, he writes: “Gov Sullivan Chime is clearly capable of governing Enugu State alone.”

    To return to the headlines I surveyed: Terse and arresting and informative and colorful and summative as they were, they omitted one important detail. Chime, returning to Enugu 140 days after he departed without saying a farewell, spoke not a word to the “tumultuous crowd” that welcomed him back.

    Not a word to thank them for their loyal support and faithfulness, for their prayers and good wishes.

    All the publications I surveyed reported what Sullivan was wearing, right up to his cream white jacket and his sun glasses. But in their headlines, and indeed in their accounts of the event, only two of them pointed out that Chime’s arrival was wordless.

    One of them wrote: “Jubilation as Chime returns to Enugu; keeps mum.”

    The other wrote: “Chime returns to Enugu; fails to address supporters.”

    Those who know Governor Sullivan Chime say he is too well bred and too fine a person to make a public display of such appalling bad manners. It must be, then, that he was saving his vocal chords for a major broadcast to the people of Enugu State.

     

     Correction

    In my column for February 5, 2013 (“Soludo: A quest renewed”), I wrote incorrectly that Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State belongs in the ANPP. He actually belongs in the APGA.

  • Super Eagles victory: Matters arising

    Super Eagles victory: Matters arising

    Against all expectations, the Super Eagles won the African Cup of Nations, (AFCON) at the Soccer City Stadium in Johannesburg, South Africa on Sunday night. Except, perhaps the coaching crew, nobody gave the team any chance of scaling through the group stage not to talk of wining the coveted trophy. Indeed, Nigerians had become so disenchanted with past failures of the team that nobody, except the real die-hard Super Eagles supporters thought the team could go far at the tournament.

    So what really happened at the AFCON in South Africa? How did a team of average Nigerian players, most of whom were playing in their first AFCON, surpass all the odds to rule the continent again exactly 19 years after we last won the trophy at Tunisia in 1994? How did the Super Eagles shove aside the usual administrative lapses of the nation’s soccer ruling body to put smile on the faces of Nigerians again?

    Well, one would like to start by giving credit to the coach of the team, Stephen Keshi. A veteran of many soccer battles on the African continent, he started his football career at the local scene playing for and captaining the defunct New Nigerian Bank of Benin (NNB) Football club. Together with talented soccer players such as Bright Omokaro, Austin Popo, Humphery Edobor among others, Keshi made the defunct NNB football club one of the most feared teams on the continent. He was to later lead the national team as captain for 10 years (1984-1994), a feat yet to be surpassed, in an era that has come to be referred to as the golden era of Nigerian football. Keshi later moved on to the pulsating world of football coaching qualifying the low rated Togo for the 2006 World Cup final in Germany as well as leading Mali to the 2010 edition of AFCON in Angola.

    From the foregoing, it is quite clear that Keshi came on board the Eagles job with a fair credential. However, the success he had led the team to attain in such a short time has little to do with his credentials. Rather, one would like to view his success with the team in relation to his determination to build a new team with a completely new mentality for the country. One of the banes of the national teams has been the over- reliance of previous national team coaches on the so-called established players who ply their football trade outside the shores of the country. Though, most of these players are good in their own right, but it has become quite clear that in view of the relative success they have recorded in their career, most of them have lost the zeal to play for the country again. This is usually seen in their lackadaisical attitude to national call. In some instances, these players often choose the kind of matches they want to play for the country while in most cases they don’t usually give their best. Without doubt, it was this nonchalant attitude towards the national team that partially led to the inability of Coach Samson Siasia to qualify the team for 2012 edition of AFCON in Gabon and Equatorial Guinea.

    Although most soccer pundits have tried to lay the blame of the players’ lack of passion for the national team on soccer administrators, one thing that is, however, clear is that our so called superstars are no longer committed to the national team. Hence, it is to the credit of Keshi that he chose the hard path of starting from the beginning rather than the usual lazy approach of coaches gallivanting across Europe to ‘meet’ with foreign based players.

    Right from the outset, Keshi did not hide his intention to call the bluff of some of these players whose ego has become a big threat to the aspiration of the national team. For instance, a player like Osaze Odewinge, in spite of his talent, has demonstrated over time, that his presence in the national team is more of a distraction. When he is not blaming his coach, he is either quarrelling with team mates or journalists. He has become the nation’s football modern day enfant terrible. Thus, it was eventually a blessing in disguise that Keshi decided not to take him and his likes to the tournament in South Africa.

    The relative peace that existed in the Super Eagles camp during the competition is, perhaps, because most of the players Keshi took to the event were green horns whose major interest was to do well for themselves as well as their country. Sunday Mba, Warri Wolves midfielder that scored, perhaps, the two most important goals for the team in the competition played with passion and grit thorough out. Together with the likes of Victor Moses, Emmanuel Emenike, Godfrey Oboabana, Kenneth Omeruo, Brown Ideye (all playing in their first AFCON competition) as well as Ahmed Musa provided the team with a new dimension that has been missing for long in the Eagles play for a long time. Though the team did not get its act together in the first three group matches, but immediately it got into the right gear, there was no stopping the team.

    What this victory does for the national team is that, henceforth, no player would dare snub the team again. Now that is clear that no player is bigger than the team, competition for shirts would become more intense and this would eventually augur well for the team. Again, the team’s success at South Africa would restore the wining mentality which it was noted for in the early 90’s. Equally, with this victory, the home based players, who had long been regarded as not too good for the national team would be encouraged to put in their best in the local league since they are now aware that national team selectors are interested in them. This, in itself, is a victory for the much vilified local league.

    Now that the Eagles have landed again, all hands must be on deck to ensure that the momentum is sustained. Relevant authorities should make sure that the team and its coaching crew are provided with everything that would make it remain the pride of all Nigerians. As the federal government prepares to roll out the drums for the team, it should equally remember the Super Eagles class of 1994 and fulfil whatever promises the government of the day made concerning the team. It is in doing this that we can encourage our sportsmen across the world to remain dedicated and committed to the course of the nation.

    Ogunbiyi is of the Features Unit, Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

     

  • After outrage, then what?

    After outrage, then what?

    Outrage may have been an understatement to describe the aftermath of the conviction of John Yakubu Yusuf, the pension thief, for his role in the N23 billion pension scam. In a clime where delinquency not only rules but has as its companion, impunity as directing principles of state policies, I couldn’t have imagined the quantum of emotive energy generated in the wake of the controversial ruling by the Federal High Court of Justice Mohammed Talba in Abuja. I guess that is the way we are.

    So much for our collective sense of outrage. I watched as Nigerians raved, ranted and chanted all manners of expletives targeted at the judge. Did anyone ever imagine this would be our Mohamed Bouazizi moment? (Remember the Tunisian youth whose act of self-immolation prefaced the Arab Spring?)

    And what was it that Nigerians griped about? Simple. That a man who admitted to being complicit in defrauding the Police Pensions Office to the tune of N23 billion – of which N3 billion represented a personal haul – was asked to pay N750,000 and to go home and sin no more!

    What’s the N23 billion to the hundreds of billions allegedly carted away by subsidy thieves? Who refers to the 2009 class of alleged bank robbers these days? Does anyone remember the trillion-plus naira sunk into the banks to bail the sector out of the delinquency of the principal actors?

    Nigerians, most likely would have tempered their outrage if they had bothered to recall those moments.

    Note that the latest issue is essentially about the discretion of the judge to hand out fair sentence; in this case, the maximum sentence applicable was a two-year jail term with or without an option of fine. This is what those who question the prerogative of the judge miss. Need one add that discretion is what it is – and this within the confines of the law.

    Why should Nigerians gripe?

    Put in another way – what is the difference between the farcical pronouncement of a jail term under which a convict would spend his execu-thief time at a place and pleasure of his own choosing as we saw of a bank thief and the option of asking the felon to go home and rest after the due stress of trial as in the pension scam?

    Now, seriously; when did that become an issue in our legal jurisprudence? Do we need to back to the 1999 – 2007 classes of politically exposed persons to appreciate the terrible dimensions of the crisis aptly described by the late Justice Akinola Aguda as the jurisprudence of unequal justice – a phenomenon under which different classes of society are exposed to different facets of the same law?

    Does anyone remember the case of one Lucky Igbinedion who also got a slap on the wrist for abusing the public trust? And James Onanefe Ibori currently cooling his heels in a British jail? Now, was it a coincidence the judgment on the pension scam came in the week in which an Ibadan High Court sent the provost of the Federal Cooperative College, Ibadan, Mrs. Ruth Adehwe Aweto and the school bursar Adekanye Komolafe to jail without an option of fine for the crime of defrauding the same federal government?

    The Ibadan case is interesting for the amount involved. Both provost and the bursar claimed to have employed 41 permanent staff for their institution for which they handed the federal government a wage bill of N7 million. As it turned out, their wage bill was no more than N4 million as all the staff were casuals. For ripping off the federal government of a paltry N3 million, the duo will spend four years apiece behind the bar without an option of fine.

    Here is my point: I find the outrage against the ruling of Justice Talba somewhat misdirected. To start with, not a few of the genuinely outraged citizen would concede that the option of a plea bargain was the next best thing to end the ordeal for both parties. That way, everyone goes home happy: the government could claim that the war against corruption is no fluke; the thief left off the hook to enjoy a fraction of his loot. And for the bewildered citizenry – you guessed right: theirs is outrage therapy!

    I must add also that no dilemma can be more confounding. We need the judiciary to help us fight corruption, but it seems to me that the niceties of its rules and the procedures – the age-long safeguards against arbitrariness of state power – have somehow become a cog in the path of justice. The result is that justice is increasingly sought off-shore while our judicial officers pretend that all is well. Is it part of their reading of the globalisation manual?

    Let me highlight another aspect of the corruption story that seems to have escaped deserving attention. I refer here to the farce that our public finance system has become. The question of how a handful of officials could manage to cart away billions from the treasury without detection or without the trigger of an alarm obviously begs to be addressed. Of course, the problem is pervasive, cutting across every sector of our national life. It seems about time to re-examine the effectiveness of those extant controls in the system, those early warning systems that once served. Aren’t they ultimately cheaper and less frustrating than the current chasing after the wind after the act has been committed?

    Finally, to say that the nation is engulfed in a moral crisis is to put things mildly. The truth is that the nation is dying in instalments; it is only a matter of time before corruption brought the nation to its knees.

    What is the way out? Honestly, the solution is complex. First, we need to do something about the corrosive value system which promotes crass individualism. We need to put systems in place to reduce the possibility of heist being committed. A renewed national will is needed to stand up to the monster.

    How can anyone talk of a fleeting chance of success when those who should ordinarily champion the war are not only pointing fingers but living in denial?