Category: Columnists

  • Obasanjo’s double speak

    Obasanjo’s double speak

    When former President Olusegun Obasanjo speaks, we are wont to take him very seriously. Apart from having presided over the affairs of this country at three different times, he is very highly respected at home and also by the international community having been engaged in peace negotiations and sundry activities in and around the globe. He has also been actively involved in shaping the content and direction of this country right from the civil war days till date.

    Whatever opinion such a personage volunteers on the affairs of this country, is bound to have profound influence on the thinking and direction of its people. Not a few Nigerians were therefore taken aback last week when he spoke to the CNN on how best to handle the Boko Haram menace in the country.

    Apparently unmindful of his previous views on the matter, Obasanjo had criticized the handling of the Boko Haram insurgency by the Jonathan administration on the grounds that it did not apply the ‘carrot and stick’ in fighting the scourge.

    Hear him, “to deal with a group like that you need the carrot and stick. The carrot is finding out how to reach them. When you try to reach out to them and they are not amenable to being reached out to you have to use the stick”

    He said Jonathan is just using the stick.

    The purport of Obasanjo’s contention is that Jonathan is only applying maximum force to the Boko Haram menace without engaging them in some form of dialogue. For him, this approach cannot effectively address the potent danger posed by that sect. That is Obasanjo’s opinion and he is entitled to it.

    A couple of weeks back, the same Obasanjo had berated the same administration for its slow action in fighting the scourge. He had then drawn parallels between his deployment of soldiers to Odi and Zaki Biam in Bayelsa and Benue states respectively and the Boko Haram challenge arguing that the menace could have been nipped in the bud if the government had acted fast as he did in these two states.

    But Jonathan sharply rebuffed that assertion arguing that the deployment of troops in Odi was a colossal disaster as it did not solve the problem of militancy in the Niger Delta region. He said the invasion only succeeded in the killing of innocent children, old men and women without hurting a single militant.

    Apparently sensing the dangers in his recommendation, Obasanjo through his former spokesman Femi Fani-Kayode attempted to reverse himself arguing that he never recommended the Odi approach to be applied to the Boko Haram menace. He said what he meant was that a solution ought to have been found or some sort of action ought to have been taken rather than allow the matter to fester overtime like a bad wound and get worse. Not many believed in this revisionism then.

    If Obasanjo had no intention of recommending the Odi strategy to the Boko Haram menace why compare the two? Why talk of quick action and the nipping of the matter in the bud if those references are not to the quick use of force? Was it possible to nip the Boko Haram insurgency in the bud then through negotiations whose duration Obasanjo himself could not predict?

    Thus, despite Obasanjo’s attempt to clarify his position on the matter, he left no one in doubt on his preference of brute force in handling Boko Haram.

    It is therefore very astonishing for the same character to now pontificate on the so-called carrot and stick approach as the best solution to the menace. If he was aware of such a strategy, why the copious references to the brute show of military force in Odi and Zaki Biam? Again, why did he not apply the carrot in those instances only for his predecessor Yar’Adua to give meaning to it?

    Today, the relative peace in the Niger Delta region owes its success to the late president. Yet Obasanjo was there for eight years and only found the stick the most appropriate option to militancy. May be then, he had not been sufficiently schooled in the carrot dimension to problem solving and can be excused on that ground.

    But this later day convert of the carrot approach has so contradicted himself that it is now difficult to understand where he stands on the matter. In one breadth he accuses Jonathan of being tepid and not acting fast and decisive. In another, he carpets him for solely relying on force rather than reaching out to the insurgents. These are contradictory positions with little value for our understanding of his real stand on the matter.

    In the face of this double speak, one is left with the inevitable impression that Obasanjo is being less than honest in the matter and should not be taken seriously. It seems his anecdotal positions are designed more to get even with Jonathan for whatever reasons.

    More fundamentally, the allegation that the carrot is not being applied in the instant case, contradicts the more. It was the same Obasanjo who sometime ago, reached out to the loyalists of the late leader of the original Boko Haram Mohammed Yusuf in a peace effort brokered by Mallam Shehu Sani in Maiduguri. Was the man who hosted him at that event not killed shortly after for daring to receive him? There was also the peace effort brokered by Dr. Datti Ahmed which failed mid-way due to mistrust among the parties. There have been other offers that failed to take off the ground due to suspicion on the quarters from which they were emanating. Even then, the federal government has said time without number that it is not averse to a peaceful end to the crises.

    All these go to underscore the point that Obasanjo’s carrot approach has been part of the calculations in ending the menace. He may quarrel with the progress in this direction. But he must admit that at no time was that possibility foreclosed.

    The point of divergence has been the insistence of the federal government that it cannot negotiate with ghosts. It wants the leaders of the group to come out, table their grievances and commence the negotiations. But because of the atrocities committed by the group, nobody would dare come out to be identified as their leader for fear of reprisals. That has been the main issue even as there is a welter of public opinion against negotiating with such a criminal and murderous group.

    Obasanjo cannot claim ignorance of the fact that Boko Haram in its present form is nothing but political grievances masquerading under a religious garb. It has its root in the way the last presidential primaries of the PDP were conducted and he was a prime actor in the events that brought about that pass. That party should hold itself accountable for the orgy of violence unleashed on this country by Boko Haram. The simmering bad blood between Obasanjo and Jonathan is an admission of failure by the PDP led government. At the root of it all, is the touted ambition of Jonathan in 2015. Maybe Obasanjo wants to recompense for his sins in the mortal mistake of scuttling the zoning arrangement of his party. That could be the potent handle to Boko Haram insurgency.

  • ‘It took a while for me  to forgive my mother’

    ‘It took a while for me to forgive my mother’

    Abiola Laseinde has had a productive career life having worked with some of the major corporate organisations in Africa. At present, the young mother of two boys serves as the legal manager for Cadbury West Africa. Inspite of her victories, it has not been a rosy ride for this lawyer. Raised by a single parent, she was forced to pay her way through school and fought to preserve her dignity while at it. Speaking with Rita Ohai, she shared some of her challenges and how she overcame them.

     

    Being a lady at the level of your career, what are some of the things you did to rise at such a fast pace?

    It starts with God in the sense that I had a pretty rough childhood. At a point in my life, I was left all alone. I had to look for a way to get sponsored through school because I wanted to go to school but my background was filled with challenges.

    My getting an education was funded partly by the community and the church. So very early in life I learnt that I had to be determined. Immediately I was able to get some succour for my education, I was ready to give it my best shot. I was qualified as a lawyer 13 years ago and since then it has been a climb for me because I did not lose my focus and determination to succeed.

    I also had this thing for excellence; wherever I had worked, I always wanted to do things to the best of my abilities. I do not believe in eye-service. I can be very impatient with lazy people because I am not one. I believe that your work should speak for you. I am a lover of helping people develop their capacity and that has helped me. I enter a team and quickly align with the objectives and priorities and I run with it.

    You said you were left alone at a young age, explain what that means?

    My parents were separated just before my 10th birthday and we had to leave with my mum. It was not easy for my mother to bring us up.

    At a point in time, while I was in the University, my mother told me that I would have to drop out of school to help her work as a caterer because she could not pay for the law school fees which was very expensive. I refused and that caused a lot of bad blood between both of us.

    At that time, she felt that maybe if I had taken a break to help her as a caterer, I may have saved enough money to continue with school later but I just felt that would be the same thing as terminating my destiny. So I had to work with my hands a lot to survive because I realised as a very young Christian at the time that any other means of getting money was not an option for me.

    I had a lot of temptations because by God’s grace, I am beautiful and I had offers of all sorts. I went to one of the most notorious schools in this country, Edo State University, which is right on the road to Abuja. So we always had all sorts of stop-over’s from Abuja which was rocking at the time. For me, that lifestyle was a no-go area.

    Could you share some of the things you did as a young woman to make money?

    Very early, I started trading. I could sell anything. I could sell ice to an Eskimo by the grace of God. I think my hands were just blessed. I would get the okirikas of this world, take them back to school and sell them at almost one thousand percent profit. Those were the clothes I was wearing back then. When I went home on holidays, I was always looking for some part-time job to work at. Whether it was as a receptionist, housemaid or anything, I did not mind the fact that I was an undergraduate because I wanted to go to school the clean way.

    What do you think are some of the challenges children from broken homes face?

    When parents are taking decisions to separate or divorce, they never ever think deeply about what the effect will be on the kids. All of a sudden, two people’s luggage becomes one person’s load. It’s as good as one of the parents just dying and it is not easy.

    For some reason, our parents are selfish in the sense that it took a while for me to really forgive my mother. I did not understand why she would tell a young child who was making straight A’s in school to drop out and come and work. I believed that she should have done everything humanly possible to keep me in school instead of throwing it back at me.

    Separation should not be an option if it is possibly to keep the family together. If it is possibly for the two fighting parties to just keep themselves alive, they should stay in the marriage for their children’s interest.

    The few times I had to tell my dad that he was not being responsible and that if only he knew that my life and my brother’s life were fertile grounds for them to sow on so that they could reap in future. But he just said I was talking nonsense because I was less than 10 years old then, but like my mum used to say, big words used to come out of my mouth.

    You talked about being able to blend in any team, how have you been able to handle the ‘office politics’ that comes with it?

    Initially, with my kind of heart, I was a bit naive to ‘office politics’ and I used to think that everybody had my kind of heart that always assumes positive intentions, but with time I got to learn that office politics is as real as the air we breathe.

    I tend to balance things out. If I am in an environment that has a lot of those issues, I try to just maintain a focus on objectives. I did a lot of study on emotional intelligence and how to manage people and their emotions.

    By the grace of God, I have gained some experience and I can handle any situation. Also, my childhood and all the struggles I have been through helped a lot. When I was back in school, many of my classmates used to think I was older than my age due to my dressing and carriage.

    As for dealing with the politics, you need to realise that it is always there. You do not go looking for it but you need to have a laid down strategy when it bounces in your face. You have to blend and learn how to carry people along and manage emotions. Some people have their own hidden agenda and you have to anticipate it positively.

    There’s widespread concern about the strength of character of the average youth. For you who chose not to compromise, what do you think is the problem with many of them?

    It would be difficult for me to imagine what my life would have turned out to be if I had a Blackberry or other kinds of phones. I did not even have the opportunity to own a social media platform or an e-mail address. Right now, they have so many things contending for their attention. There is so much decay in our society. If you ask a child what they want to become in future, they will say they want to become politicians because it is the easiest way to become rich. Whether they are boys or girls, that is all they want to be.

    Parents need to be more involved in their children’s lives now more than ever because of all the things competing for their attention. It starts with inculcating the right values form the home. I had church values which are the same thing as saying I had moral values. My family members would also tell me to make sure I did not go and get myself pregnant and all those things stuck.

    Knowing that you handle a huge amount of responsibilities at work, how do you pacify your husband so that he gives you time for your job?

    My husband is my mentor and friend. He believes in my development. If I am in the boardroom and I have a problem to solve, before I pick up a law book, I call him first and he will have something to say. He is a very wise man and I pick his brain a lot.

    I do a lot of travelling and he supports me tremendously. Anytime I go a trip, once I know my husband is at home, my heart is at peace. We have a very tight relationship and he is always proud of my achievements and I can rely on him one hundred percent.

     

     

  • When time is not a woman’s best friend

    When time is not a woman’s best friend

    Rita Ohai writes on the challenges women face managing time.

     

    TIME is usually not a woman’s best friend.

    It is common place to find men seething in frustration as they wait endlessly for a lady to put on her make-up, get dressed before she saunters graciously out of the house leaving a trail of excuses in her wake.

    For the average woman, wasting time is a normal occurrence and sometimes a necessity. Adeline Chiejine, an insurance broker who says she spends about an hour getting ready for work, corroborates this hypothesis.

    “I am not a morning person, so when I get out of bed, it could take me a while to move into the flow of things. That is not to say that I always reach the office late but because of all the things that I need to do before leaving the house, coupled with Lagos traffic, sometimes I do not have a choice.”

    In contrast, Imoh Egba, an architect and mother of two, believes that the only way to satisfy her family and achieve her personal daily targets without going insane from the pressure is to live by the clock.

    She says, “Using my time wisely is something that has become a part of me. In the earlier part of my life as a young woman, I may not have seen it as important due to the fact that I did not have so many responsibilities. But I have a lot on my hands now and the only way I can make all the loose ends meet is by paying attention to the nitty-gritty, such as doing things in a timely fashion so I can do everything that needs to be done.”

    Like Imoh, many successful people understand the value of judiciously utilizing their time for peace of mind.

    According to management experts, time is like money. If you control how you use it, you can create a productive and profitable working environment. If you don’t, you can spend your working life always being busy, but not getting the important things done.

    In our days, people spent most of their time working. There are times that they feel that they will never manage to escape from the four walls of the office and are lost in the various projects and tasks they have to finish. The solution to this vicious circle is to get organised and start managing your time! Here’s how;

    1. Make a list of what should be done

    Make a list of what to do and try to constantly renew the list and keep it up to date. Include in this list both urgent and non-urgent things so as never to forget or ignore something again. Keep the list all the time with you, in your briefcase or in your daily agenda.

    2. Allocate your time correctly

    Include an estimated time frame for each action and the date by which each task must be completed. If the order that each task must be completed does not matter it may be possible to complete something during an unexpected free time. For example, you can look for information on the Internet while you wait in your office to start a meeting.

    3. Set your own deadlines and meet them

    Be realistic about the deadlines you set and try to meet them. It is true that any work gets exactly the time allocated for it. Have you ever noticed how quickly you can finish something you have to write, give assignments and take decisions on the last day before your vacation? Although we tend to complete many things when we are under pressure, it’s less stressful and much more professional to establish and follow an action plan.

    4. Use your time intelligently

    Consider the case to check your e-mail only certain times of the day and let the answering machine respond to your calls so as not to interrupt your work for a couple of hours. If possible, avoid dealing with the same job or the same e-mail again. Never open e-mail address if you do not have time to read and edit, that is, to answer it, send, or delete it.

    Do not spend all your time chatting with people who do not add any value to your life. If you have to, try and avoid them and only meet with them in your spare time and if you absolutely have no choice.

    5. Be constantly busy

    Keep your skills in shape by having at least one project to be involved. Two or more (projects) would be even better because you are given the opportunity to change speed and to focus on something else for variety. To deal simultaneously with different projects assures that you will always have something on which to work. Also, it keeps your mind alert and renews your prospects.

    6. Choose carefully your projects

    Make sure that your work has some value for the company and that it raises your skills. There are many good reasons why you cannot accept to take part in a meeting and refuse to take an additional project. Successful people know how to say no. Ask yourself, ‘will this promote my career?’

    7. Do not waste your minutes

    It is an integral part of human nature to postpone unpleasant tasks. Plan some of the more pleasant tasks of the project to be made after any unpleasant tasks. If you do not like to work with numbers, plan to do the accounts in the morning when you are still fresh and there are not so many things to distract your attention.

    You must give greater attention to how you spend your time. Watch how successful businessmen allocate their time and emulate some of their time management practices. Success comes to those who know how to manage their time well!

  • More of the same toward Africa and the black world

    More of the same toward Africa and the black world

    •An empire is its greatest enemy.

    An empire’s demise comes in unscripted, nonlinear steps. Unforeseen events and competitor nations arise to challenge the imperial seat. When guided by figures touched with the spirit that gave it greatness, the empire casts aside adverse events and rivals with singular purpose. At the empire’s most fecund stages, a political consensus exist that all other interests are subservient to the imperatives of collective greatness. No deed, from the noblest to the tawdriest, is outside the ken of the empire’s architects so long as the deed serves the empire. Every empire is built on equal parts heroism and crime because no empire comes without the taking of another’s possessions or life. A saint cannot erect a worldly empire; for he will love his foes not crush them. Nor can the abject madman because his endless folly will turn to defeat any victories gained. Building an empire requires a statesman capable of being saint or sinner depending on the situation. By creating an empire, the leader bequeaths more than wealth and power to his successors. It is for them to launder history by bleaching pristine his scarlet deeds; he also gives them the comfort of power and wealth whereby they can afford to act more humanely in maintaining the rare thing they have inherited than he did in building it.

    Paradoxically, things never work as planned. The dynamics of imperial institutions eventually places the empire in the hands of those incapable of maintaining it. Success turns the political culture into a lathe of arrogance. Greed and ambition become high morality. Virtue and honesty are banished from secular practice. Money comes to count for everything because it can buy anything, including the souls and minds of society’s great men. Nothing that can be done without money is worth doing. A few great men and women still exist but none participate in governance. Those who govern are neither great nor evil. They are not sufficiently profound or possessed of an unshakable vision to be either. They are more interested in position and title than in achievement. The deeds that interest them are the ones that gain entrance into valued realty not the ones that gain entrance into history’s ledger. They would rather cut a bad compromise than stand for right.

    These leaders preside over the slow leveling of a great edifice. The reduction happens so gradually and in such minute increments that no one involved realizes the descent. They believe things shall be as they always were. They see no great problems, so they take no warnings. They are sober, unimaginative figures who do not rock the boat because they never realize they are at sea. Impervious to the debt they owe history, they believe they own history. As such, they study nothing and understand even less. Their wisdom consists of their prejudices and ignorant notions of other nations and peoples.

    Success has giddied them. A fatal turn of perspective is had. No longer do the empire’s leaders satisfy their personal ambitions within the context of the empire’s progress. The mindset shifts to exploring how the empire can satisfy the leaders’ selfish aims. They confuse being powerful with being all powerful. Thus, the treasury is squandered on wars in distant places of little consequence. The state becomes highly militarized. The people become inured to war. It becomes a national pastime much like organized sports. The more militarized the state, the less real its democracy and more imbalanced its economy. Yet, no true threat really exists.

    Living without a genuine mortal threat, internal unity weakens. Competing elites see each other as enemies. They spend more time bickering than in sanitizing the body politic of the rot that may ultimately lay them low. A glittery decay sets in. Termites busy themselves at the woodwork. The mirror becomes a sword. The vast empire ceases being an extraordinary singularity. It fissures into a multiplicity of haggling constituencies led by lackluster personages. Inertia sustains the empire for a time but grandeur eventually fades. Because the leaders are below par builders and visionaries, they can’t save the empire by reviving the spirit upon which it was built. Instead, they summon real and imagined enemies to fight; they seek to lead through fear instead of inspiration. The military is called the save the empire where no danger exists.

    Those in charge see themselves as different and superior to other people. They can no longer listen or learn. They believe what they want has the force of right and of law. But all it has is the force of force. They have inserted themselves into an unwinnable paradox. A durable empire is based on a balancing of interests between the center and the periphery. Thus, an empire that despises the diverse people under its umbrella is an empire in search of its own undoing.

    Against this backdrop, President Obama’s new foreign policy team must be weighed. While disavowing imperial proclivities, American politicians’ frequent references to America as the “lone superpower” and the “indispensable nation” has but one meaning. America expends more on its military than all other nations combined. America has a military installation in most nations. If this is not imperial, than nothing is.

    Senator John Kerry is the nominee to replace Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Clinton’s popularity surpassed her effectiveness. She travelled much but accomplished little. The world is no better than when she took office. The thrust of foreign policy remains in the talons of the military and intelligence combine mainly populated by hawkish conservatives who would rather destroy than dialogue with an adversary. Clinton was just the application of a liberal face to Prussian foreign policy. She was a glorified public relations officer. The oft dour Kerry will make the same pitch but with significantly less charm. Above all, he is an establishment man who will not ask even small questions about big matters. He’d rather excite himself by asking big questions about small matters.

    Former Senator Chuck Hagel is the Defense Secretary nominee. Like his predecessor, Hagel is a moderate Republican. He is more cautious on Iran and more willing to see defense budget cuts than any known Republican since Abraham Lincoln. This moderation will estrange him to the uniforms in the Pentagon. These bureaucratically canny generals will make Hagel an outcast in the very department he is to run. The generals and the immense martial infrastructure atop which they sit will have their way. Hagel will make a decision but the generals will bury it then do as they please. Hagel will be powerless to stop them. They will salute him yet detest him all the while.

    These underwhelming appointments signify that policy toward Africa will remain at low ebb. During his first term, President Obama kept Africa at arm’s length. He treated it like the ambitious man does the bumptious country cousin who pops up unexpectedly at the boss’s cocktail party. Afraid of being criticized as a radical, Obama did everything he to run away from things black, short of jumping out of his skin. Most observers state President Bush was more engaged and humanitarian on Africa than Obama. For once, conventional wisdom is right. Since the tact proved successful there is no reason why Obama would shift.

    The contours of Obama’s approach toward sub-Saharan Africa are seen even in the western hemisphere. Beyond the bland indifference toward Black America, just look at Haiti. That nation is an African microcosm that was cargoed to the Antilles. Although it sits at America’s doorstep, the welfare of its people is that of the Congo. Haiti’s leadership is a motley collection of factotums to American interests but that avails nothing. So long after the devastating earthquake, the displaced still live in the same conditions that existed the week after the tribulation. Although former President Clinton is the UN’s coordinator for Haitian relief, he attracts no criticism for this dismal condition. In truth, Clinton struts about more like the American pro-consul than like a humanitarian. He has registered more progress in turning north Haiti into a resort of the rich and an industrial camp where American textile companies can open factories exploiting desperate Haitians at indecent wages.

    Haiti sits atop significant but dormant oil and gas reserves because the United States has determined exploration is not in condign for the time being. Haiti seems accursed. This is not so. It merely suffers the consequences of the sentence imposed on it for having the temerity to declare itself an independent black republic some two centuries ago. What Haiti now eats Africa will soon taste.

    The cornerstone of America’s African policy is AFRICOM. While AFRICOM started under his predecessor, the Obama’s indifference to the black world has allowed the military to give AFRICOM greater push. AFRICOM attempts to establish a large, permanent American military presence on African soil. Its purported reason — to help Africa build democracy — is laughable. A tumescent military is an internal threat to American democracy. Under the war on terror, the military and intelligence communities pressured the civilian establishment into legislation giving both the military and intelligence agencies unprecedented power to surveil, detain and kill citizens without recourse to judicial protection. It makes little sense that these institutions threatening democracy at home would nourish it abroad.

    America’s Africa policy has two cynical objectives. First, the flow of natural resources to western economies must be safeguarded. This has adverse ramifications. African industrialization conflicts with American interests and thus American will do what it can to discourage this approach to economic development.

    Second, America wants to ensure that terrorists groups don’t attain the capacity to harm the American homeland. The objective is to contain terrorism not end it. The American people want terrorism ended but the vast, lucrative condominium of military power sees things differently. In perpetual war, there are perpetual profits. Victory ends the funding banquet. Victory over terrorism would bring two defeats. The first one would be that of the terrorists. The second would be that to the expansion of the military. Thus, the military wants the threat tamed but also alive to keep afraid the America’s civilian leadership. This way, military funding remains at high velocity; the military’s influence in government grows like weeds in the untended garden.

    Consequently, American never resolves nor retreats from chronic troubled spots. Somalia is as it has been. Congo is as it has been. Sudan has been split in two and now both sides are ready to lunge at the other’s throat in a moment’s notice. The insecurity attendant to the partition has put the Chinese on their heels. America now encroaches where China thought it had economic suzerainty. Oil is discovered in Uganda. America increases military aid and deploys Special Forces to find Joseph Kony’s Lord Resistance Army. Yet, they can’t find the jungle prophet because they are not looking for him. They would rather he exist because he brightens the halo of danger. The true reason for this and similar missions are to keep danger at the right level so that rival mining interests are deterred and pro-American one feel secure enough to work.

    The American military now rehashes in Africa its escapades in Latin America decades ago. That experiment ended badly. Latin American militaries grew too mean and overconfident because of their American benefactors. Democracy was either beaten or blackmailed in the process.

    The permanent deployment of a superior foreign military on African soil means trouble and less independence. For the foreign military to benefit Africa, it would have to place Africa’s interests above those of its home nation. This is impossible, particularly given that the American military already exalts its special interests above those of the nation it is meant to serve. The more African governments rely on foreign militaries for their stability is the more they forfeit independence. A nation’s domestic and foreign policies becomes dictated from abroad. Leaders of such nations are in danger of becoming glorified stenographers copying what others have told them.

    This is particularly true given the nature of the current American government and military. America is a strong but uneasy empire seeking to reassert itself with a strong hand. American democracy has ossified to the point where only moneyed elites influence matters. The two richest and most powerful elites are Money Power and the military complex. Both are highly conservative and both disdain for representative democracy. Money Power constitutes the government behind the government. The military complex constitutes the government within the government. Neither is government by the people. Both are governments that bypass the people.

    Nominally, President Obama sits atop the perch. However, he did not rise to the top as the head of a reformist movement. He got there by making a pact with the status quo. Being perceived as pro-black would break the pact he signed. In the end, he is a constrained, moderate leader of an imperial power working toward preserving its interests which are basically to return to the power relationships with Africa that existed two-three decades ago. Thus, Africa should expect no great succor from him by way of policies that would promote equitable economic development. In turn, Africa should not let the imperialists exploit Obama’s heritage as a device to outmaneuver Africa on its own soil. Africa must stand and think for itself for it does not have a brother in the White House. It might not even have a reliable friend there. All you can be sure of is that the empire will continue to grind away to get what it wants until such time that the empire has ground itself to dust or some miracle takes place allowing America to recover its better through governance by its more democratic, statesmanlike elements. In the dangerous neighborhood, one should pray for a miracle but prayer should be made with one eye open and the door locked.

     

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  • Victor Dolores

    Victor Dolores

    (How the Sad Tropics reclaimed their own)

    It was bound to come. The ultimate rebuff had a ring of inevitability about it. The first claim lacked scientific validity or empirical validation. It was a spoof, designed perhaps to absolve contemporary western consciousness of the blame for the monumental fiasco that Africa in general and Nigeria in particular had turned out to be.

    We are of course talking about the report a few years back which placed Nigerians as the happiest people on earth. Surely, something did not add up. This was probably a new phase of globalisation and its neo-colonial siege against the rest of humanity.

    And yet amidst all the doubts and disbelief, there was the nagging suspicion that there was some core truth to the claim. When you meet a truly happy and contented Nigerian, despite the historic debris of collapsed hopes and expectations around him, it was the happiness and heartfelt contentment based on sound philosophical conviction rather than the naïve imbecility traditionally associated with innocent humans just emerging from the Stone Age.

    Are these people perpetual gluttons for sadistic punishment? Are we simply incapable of the prodigious exertions of citizenship that is the hallmark of the truly modern society? Or are we products of a lost civilisation marked by innocence and sweet natured compliance with horrendous adversities? And yet, stories abound in the past of stirring and heroic revolts against emperors, tyrants and sundry tormentors of their people. Were those old folks truly our ancestors or some lost tribes of the Ark?

    We can now report that the claim about happy Nigerians has suffered a remarkable double sucker combination. Their swiftness and devastating import suggest that the bankrupt political elite that have ruled Nigeria since independence may be running short of mystical voodoo statistics to shore up their inglorious hegemony. Additionally, it may suggest a coming re-colonisation in some form and the fact that our ruling elite may no longer have some metropolitan shelters to run to after blitzing their own countries.

    While this may not totally absolve the west of its historic complicity in the African tragedy, it may go a long way in setting a template for the resolution of the crisis. If you do not bury a dead man because of his family, you will have to bury him for the health hazards his corpse constitute. Some nations are becoming a menace to global health. Unfortunately, most of them are in Africa and Asia.

    The first sign that the myth of the happy Nigerian was about to be clinically and scientifically exploded came a few weeks back. Using globally verifiable indices, the report of The Economist Intelligence Unit indicated that of eighty sampled societies, Nigeria was about the worst place to be born in the year of our lord 2013. Coming swiftly on its heels is the latest Forbes’ ranking which indicated that among global nation-states, Nigeria is the 20th saddest nation on earth.

    Despite its stupendous oil wealth, or perhaps because of it, Nigeria is roiling among other tropical laggards with the preponderance coming from what is known as sub-Saharan Africa. Nigeria is in excellent company among such hell-holes as Central African Republic which clinched the pride of place and the Republic of Congo (2nd), Afghanistan (3rd), Chad (4th), Burundi (6th) followed by Togo, Zimbabwe, Liberia, Angola, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Sudan, and Mozambique..

    Nigeria’s citation among these stricken human habitués is as compelling as it is riveting.” The best and worst, Nigeria ranks 123rd overall on the Legatum Prosperity Index. Decades of corruption have squandered great oil and gas wealth, while new concerns involve sectarian violence.”

    It can be seen from this dire survey that corruption and the Boko Haram scourge leveraged by social cannibalism in other parts of the nation have hobbled Nigeria and turned the nation into a living Hades on earth. The dreams of our founding fathers have turned into a catastrophic nightmare. Yet our rulers are busy squabbling over a dying nation, preoccupied with sham elections which bring neither solace or succour to the distraught and disoriented citizenry. If we deceive ourselves, the international community does not.

    It was said of Mohammed Ali that he used to romanticise and rhapsodize about Africa as the idyllic land of his abducted ancestors. But the infantile illusion fell apart during Ali’s epic slugfest with George Foreman in the old Zaire in 1974. As soon as the great man saw the chaotic zoo that was downtown Kinshasa with its feral denizens, he was said to have knelt down and thanked his maker that his ancestors did not miss the slave galleon.

    Let us get this clear. As we have noted once in this column, appropriating Leo Tolstoy, all happy nations are the same, every unhappy nation is unhappy in its own way. There is a confounding conformity about all happy modern societies. You expect electricity, you expect the transportation system to run smoothly, you expect justice and fair play, you expect your votes to count in periodic elections in which sovereignty returns to the people, you expect security of life and property, you expect adequate health care, decent shelter and good schools for your children. Above all, you expect the machinery of governance to function smoothly and transparently without the clog of corruption and graft.

    It is a wry understatement to assert that post-independence Nigeria has failed its citizens in every material particular. But let us not slander ourselves. There is some architecture in the ruins, as Shakespeare would say. In the old West, Obafemi Awolowo came very came close to the gold benchmark in modern governance, and in the current Republic, there have been some heroic and remarkable stirrings, particularly in the attempt to transform Lagos into a modern megalopolis and the construction boom we are witnessing in a few states.

    But despite these token twitches and in the face of the overwhelming structural failure of the nation which is accelerating into a comprehensive state failure, Nigeria remains a uniquely unhappy nation which must be uniquely tackled by concerned Nigerians. The fundamental problem is that having had Nigeria created for us by colonial interlocutors, the Nigerian political elite have failed to create true Nigerians. Rampart ethnic nationalism is the default product of this failure of visionary imagination and of our inability to forge an organic community from the contending and often mutually contradictory yearnings of pre-colonial nationalities.

    This is why since independence, every ascendant group at the federal level, whether military or civilian, soon degenerates into a tribal caucus or a berserk personality cult with sit-tight rulers who can only be removed after momentous national uprising. But unless Nigeria witnesses this fundamental reinvention which will turn it into a genuine nation rather than a post-colonial plantation for extractive predation, we may have to say a final goodbye to Lord Lugard’s iron cage very soon. It is going to be a messy and chaotic finale indeed.

  • On the nation’s unity or uniformity (1)

    On the nation’s unity or uniformity (1)

    Those in position of authority should know that injustice in one part of the country will affect others

    There is a trend in our country’s political discourse that is not receiving adequate attention. Northern leaders and sociocultural organiSations are leading a debate that is dangerous for the country’s unity but to which other segments of the country are paying too little attention. Spokesmen for the north are parading themselves as the sole protector of our federation’s unity.

    Since the exit of military dictatorship and the advent of civilian rule, northern political and cultural spokesmen have occupied themselves with strange definitions of unity in a federal system. For example, Arewa Consultative Forum has been clear in its opposition to calls for a sovereign national conference to write a new constitution that reflect the wishes and desires of the peoples of our federal republic. Since the beginning of post-military rule and imposition of the 1999 Constitution by the last military dictator, ACF has affirmed that there is no problem with the current constitution that other regions have asked to be replaced with a people’s constitution.

    On calls for devolution of power to states, ACF has been unmistakable in its objection to decentralisation of the country’s police system. It has argued pontifically that states (including those that are not northern) are not ready for state police or community police. ACF has even affirmed that allowing states to own police is dangerous to the country’s unity, arguing that existence of state police is capable of destroying the country’s unity.

    Nowhere is the pontification of northern leaders on what it means for Nigeria to be united more evident than in the ongoing opposition of northern states to the Petroleum Industry Bill. Several organisations and political leaders in the north have been unequivocal about the danger inherent in making companies engaged in upstream petroleum operations allocate 10% of profit to petroleum producing communities. One such example is the statement of Senator DanladiSankara of Jigawa: ‘It is clear the way it (PIB) was crafted that only one section of the country is being favoured to benefit. While no one is saying the oil producing states/communities should not benefit, such benefits should not be to the detriment of other sections. We will not allow it. This country belongs to us all.’

    Sankara further pontificates: ‘I don’t know how you are going to have peace where allocation of resources are so skewed in favour of one region to the detriment of other geo-political zones. The position of northern senators is in the best interest of the nation because what they stand for is equity and justice. The problem in the north is security challenges attributed to social and economic factors…. Our perception of PIB in the north is that the Bill is aimed at gradual disempowerment and impoverishment of other parts of the country. Those in position of authority should know that injustice in one part of the country will affect others.’

    It is not only Sankara that has spoken against any effort to give more funds to oil-producing communities in the Niger Delta, to rectify decades of damage and neglect suffered by that region under series of military regimes that robbed the region of the 50% allocation to derivation that was provided for up to the republican constitution of 1963, the last constitution in the country without the imprimatur of military governments. Chairman of the Northern Governors Forum has been reported to have hinted of plans by governors in the north to reject the PIB for not taking the special interests of the north into account.

    An unidentified northern politician has been reported in the media to have said in respect of the provision for special allocation of funds to petroleum producing communities: ‘This section will make several billions of naira for the development of the Niger Delta, in addition to the funds provided to the Niger Delta Development Commission and the Ministry of Niger Delta. You can see that the country is finished. That bill is meant to take care of the people of Niger Delta alone. We won’t support it.’

    All the foregoing references to opposition of northern leaders to calls for policies that can sustain federalism are not intended to question the right of leaders of and from the north to express their views on national issues. What is worrisome is the manner in which they confuse their sectional interests with the interest of the nation or federation as a whole, particularly the tendency to present the North as the sole custodian of the nation’s unity.

    Anything that is perceived not to be in the interest of northern leaders is viewed as dangerous to the country’s unity. Just as decentralising the central police is viewed as capable of destroying the unity of the country, so is allocating funds to communities in the Niger Delta to compensate for environmental degradation considered by spokesmen for the North as capable of finishing or destroying the country.

    Leaders from the North, the region which produced most of the country’s military dictators that destroyed its federal system and ended provision for 50% of revenue to regions of derivation give the impression that they are mandated to protect and promote the vision of military dictators in a post-military democracy. The policy of even development,which served as the guiding philosophy for military dictators to end the regime of 50% allocation on the basis of derivation, is not an inherent aspect of federalism. It is the same policy that led to the creation of 36 states and 774 local governments and the policy of distributing revenue from petroleum and gas to these units with little or no consideration for the damage that exploitation of petroleum has caused and continues to cause for the communities concerned.

    Northern political leaders need to familiarise themselves with policies and development in other federations around the world. In most federations, each federating unit is encouraged to develop on the basis of comparative advantage, not on the basis of even development that is fueled by sharing of revenue, as it has been done in Nigeria since the end of the civil war. Any section of the country that suffers because of exploitation of natural resources deserves to be given special consideration. The principle of equity and justice supports this. It does not support giving what should be used to protect such communities to all other regions, simply because such regions also belong to the same country with communities degraded by exploitation of natural resources.

  • PDP civil war and Boko Haram

    PDP civil war and Boko Haram

    The latest skirmishes in what is shaping up to be a full-blown civil war in the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) ahead the 2015 general elections was headline news all through last week. There was former President Olusegun Obasanjo on CNN pontificating about the Nigerian condition and offering remedies for our many maladies.

    Consumed by patriotic zeal, he offered his most hard-hitting critique yet of President Goodluck Jonathan’s management of the Boko Haram insurgency, dismissing it as all stick with nary a carrot in sight. This was the signal for a presidential retort that it needed no “lectures” on how to resolve the conflict. Not the chummiest of exchanges between leading lights of the ruling party!

    Baba, as his fans call him, had forgotten that at Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) President, Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor’s, 40th anniversary ministry celebrations in Warri, Delta State, he had bragged about how his muscular intervention in Odi, Bayelsa State, broke the backs of pesky Niger Delta militants once and for all.

    Those comments were widely, and correctly, interpreted as an endorsement of the firm hand treatment for terrorists, as opposed to Jonathan’s vacillation between force and talk.

    To now turn around a couple of weeks later to denounce the president for not trying enough to understand why the Boko Haram killers are so bestial is mischievous – to say the least. It is a pointer that in the looming war ahead in the ruling party truth will not only be an early casualty; logic will also be turned on its head.

    Anyone investigating the short history of failed dialogue between the government and the insurgents will find that Jonathan and his administration have been anything but hawkish over the matter. Even in the face of the worst outrages the president was always advocating talks – much to the chagrin of many.

    His recent tough talk is not the result of any sort of Damascus Road conversion; it is rather the cul-de-sac into which the government has been pushed by harsh reality.

    The fact is nothing has happened in the battle against Boko Haram to make dialogue any more reasonable or plausible at this point. Of course, it is politically correct to back talks, and the advocates of dialogue have tried their best to paint those who take a different view as intemperate, sectional and partisan. Nothing can be farther from the truth.

    Dialogue doesn’t just happen: humans are not that reasonable. Combatants only come to the table when they realise that their cause cannot be achieved by force of arms. Sometimes they come to that realisation before the shooting starts; at other times it takes the sight of blood and devastation to bring them back to their senses.

    I should also point out that no legitimate government – no matter how peace-loving – will just scurry into talks with every outlaw or pseudo-freedom fighter the minute its authority is challenged. They will only do so when they come to the conclusion that they can no longer impose their will and authority over the territory they control.

    Talks with Boko Haram is further complicated by the fact that sect has since fragmented into several factions. Which do you begin to negotiate with? If you cut a deal with one band of goons, will the other faction uphold such an agreement?

    In these sorts of matters dialogue can only be a reward for reason, or the consequence of the insurgents proving themselves militarily. They have not done so, and have suffered so many reverses in recent times they have been reduced to carrying out their inhuman killings in isolated villages along the Nigeria-Cameroun border.

    They have not done anything that can be vaguely described as reasonable. They could for instance declare a short ceasefire as a window for negotiations. They could also say they will no longer target innocent, unarmed civilians. But they have done nothing of this sort but continue with what Pope Benedict not too long ago referred to as “savage acts of terror” whenever they get a chance.

    For me, all talk of dialogue is especially repugnant when the group we are supposed to be talking with has devoted itself to setting the country on fire using sectarian triggers.

    Some mischievous commentators have excoriated CAN President, Oritsejafor, in recent times for taking a tough stance against the so-called dialogue. In their desperate bid to appear politically-correct, they miss the point. If they would take off the blinkers from their eyes they may appreciate how a man in his position can take such a stance.

    Where else in Nigeria are adherents of any religion being set upon in a deliberate and systematic manner as is happening in the North-East today? Who has heard or been given anything that approaches a rationale for slitting a pastor’s throat before his congregants?

    After a series of deadly attacks in June last year, Boko Haram spokesman, Abul Qaqa, in claiming responsibility said: “We are responsible for the suicide attack on a church in Jos and also another attack on another church in Biu. The Nigerian state and Christians are our enemies and we will be launching attacks on the Nigerian state and its security apparatus as well as churches until we achieve our goal of establishing an Islamic state in place of the secular state.”

    If the sect is angry with the government over the killing of its erstwhile leader, Mohammed Yusuf, how do Christians come in? The president at that point was Umaru Yar’Adua – a Muslim.

    Some advocates of dialogue at all cost, and by all means, have even reduced the matter to the parochial level of arguing that even more Muslims than Christians have been killed by the sect.

    It is easy to play a morbid game of statistics, but silly arguments about which side has more body bags to show will not get us very far. The fact of the matter is this conflict is taking place in northern Nigeria where there are more Muslims than Christians.

    When these killers sow their bombs in Kano city, for example, anyone caught in the wrong place at the wrong time would be blown to bits. It wouldn’t matter whether they were carrying a tesbiu or rosary. Those killed become collateral damage in the process of Boko Haram terrorising the community. They didn’t die because the sect launched a war against Muslims.

    But there is evidence of deliberate, coordinated murder of Christians in their homes and churches from Borno to Kano to Adamawa. What is happening in the North is sinister; it is evil. It should be stamped out – not coddled. No one suggested dialogue with the Nazis who were exterminating people because of their race and beliefs; no one should suggest that with this sect.

  • Mike Adenuga coughs up N8b? No!

    NATIONAL Mirror of January 10 showed its characteristic language indiscipline: “Two arrested over (for) murder of 50-year-old woman”

    “Traffic law: Driver bags three months (months’) imprisonment”

    “…he told the nation the unemployment problem was grave.” My own view: he told the nation unemployment was grave. ‘Unemployment’ is clearly a problem! Avoid pleonasm.

    Now to National Mirror Editorial of the above edition: “Worrisome reports about rampant fire outbreaks nationwide….” All the Facts, All the Sides: rampant fires nationwide

    “…and there was a minor fire outbreak (fire) at the Murtala Mohammed International Airport, Ikeja, Lagos (another comma) few (a few) days to the last Christmas

    “Which will help explain why General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) (retd)….”

    “This seems imperative, given the fact that the country is currently witnessing the harmattan season….” What is ‘currently’ doing here?

    “…they are found at (on) the scene of fire incidents.”

    “…the arrival of fire fighting (fire-fighting) agencies….”

    The next two blunders are from the Back Page of NATIONAL MIRROR under review: “Traditionally, the expensive past time (pastime) of our rulers has always been how to perpetuate themselves in power by hook or by crook.”

    THE GUARDIAN of January 8 laboured in vain five times: “Ogun councillors seek payment of salaries arrears” Conscience, Nurtured by Truth: salary arrears.

    “There was review (a review) of our salaries after we had been sworn-in (sworn in)….”

    “The report said the country lacks (lacked) Aircraft Hanger Maintenance facilities, to take charge of the maintenance of aircrafts.” First: ‘aircraft’ is non-count. Second: The Guardian thinks that its readers are daft by the unnecessary inclusion of the phrase ‘to take charge of the maintenance of aircrafts’! What else would the facilities be doing? The sentence should have ended at ‘facilities’!

    THE NATION ON SUNDAY of January 6 entertained readers with errors: “When a white woman is displeased with her marriage, she calls it quit (quits).”

    “Mike Adenuga coughs out (up) N8b for new office building” Beyond coughing up (not out!), the expression is contextually wrong because the billionaire Grand Commander of the Order of The Niger is doing it willingly! Going by the principles of sociolinguistics, this medium should apologise to The Bull because he has superfluous fiscal capacity to dole out billions of local currency for his fantasies. In the circumstance, ‘coughing up’ diminishes Uncle ‘Niyi immeasurably. The only time the idiomatic expression will be right is if the government or any of its agencies compels the entrepreneurial quintessential icon to pay a fine. Social Circuit: Adenuga spends/splashes N8b on….

    “As the year draws to a close….” The year that has just started? Obviously last year’s copy sloppily carried into the New Year without an update by this medium!

    “…a process that would required (require) the go-ahead of at least two non-regional member (members).”

    “…but it is also important to ensure that these workers are not unduely exposed to temptations.” Get it right: unduly.

    “Nevertheless, since the world at large now gravitates towards the engaging concept of a global village, Africa as part of the human race, can just not be obliterated or be immune against this gale….” A re-awakening desire for Africa: immune to (or from); not against.

    “As at press time, several aspirants have (had) emerged, and more are being expected to join in the race….”

    “…those who were nurtured on cassava and its allied products, children from the grassroot (grassroots).”

    “This is the reason we see the oil industry as the life wire of the Nigerian nation.” Limits of capital investment: livewire.

    “This was at the launching (launch) of the N20 million education appeal fund of the Federal Girls’ College in Yola.”

    “When we noticed this oversight, we quickly mobilized ourselves (one another) and drew attention of the local and the state governments.”

    “The starting point of new outlook is to jettison our selfish individualism and foster voluntary groups and ethic upon which the vitality of nationhood rest (rests.)”

    “A stage was reached in 1975/76 when excessive importation created severe port congestion due to proliferation of items arriving at (on) our shores.”

    “Indeed, the death of Alhaja Kudirat Abiola was that of a great democrat whose political activism in life brought her at loggerhead (loggerheads) with the might of gun trotters (gun-totters).”

    FEEDBACK

    “Please, tell me what you intend to do to your colleagues at The Nation, considering what they do to the English language? See The Nation, Saturday, December 29, 2012, Page 5 on Adamawa, First Paragraph, Fourth Column: “Assassins forcibly forced their way….” (Ony Nwabufo/Abuja/080366487027) This is sheer Pidgin English! On behalf of the reporter, I apologise for the collateral damage to your purity.

    “TUC is the abbreviation for Trades Union Congress, not ‘Trade Union Congress’ as it is called by civil servants and the media. This is because it is a union of people in different trades. See the Oxford English Dictionary.” (Stanley Nduagu/Aba/08092925996)

    “A kindergartner (not a kindergarten) cannot write like this! To write ‘brethren’ instead of ‘brothers’ is either illiterate or delinquent!” (Baba Bayo Oguntunase/Ikorodu/08029442508)

    “YOU are indeed doing a great job here. I buy a copy of The Nation every Sunday just to learn and ‘drink from’ your wealth of linguistic knowledge. You are truly a language purist. Keep up the good work comrade. It takes only few experienced and outstanding minds to do such a critical analysis.” (Nwachukwu Collinsdivine/FGC Odogbolu/08039584379)

    More constructive observations are welcome.

  • Encounter with  Kumuyi

    Encounter with Kumuyi

    Pastor Williams Kumuyi, the General Superintendent of the Deeper Life Bible Church, is a man of God in a class of his own. The former university don remains one of the few old time preachers of the gospel and an apostle of holiness whose call to ministry is not in doubt in these days when Church leadership has become an all comers’ affair.

    Not for him is the craze for titles, flamboyant lifestyle and other misdemeanour now associated with many who claim to be Church leaders.

    While some pastors will go to ridiculous extent to seek cheap publicity, like the current wave of churning out all manners of prophesies to draw attention to themselves, Pastor Kumuyi prefers to keep a low profile and focuses more on the teaching ministry which he believes is his major assignment.

    When I met him along with some colleagues on January 5 at the premises of the church headquarters in Ipaja, Lagos, he was his usual very reserved self. Dressed simply in shirt and trousers, Pastor Kumuyi did not jump at the opportunity to make any controversial statement for the sake of it.

    He did his best to respond to our questions on various national issues, choosing his words carefully, apparently not because he was afraid of offending anyone but to put the issues in proper perspectives from his own point of view.

    I was very interested in his response to why he doesn’t issue yearly prophesies or call to order some pastors who seem to be causing some scare through their sometimes contradictory prophesies. While not dismissing the prophesies since, according to him, God gave Christians various gifts including that of prophesy, Pastor Kumuyi thinks those who engage in this practice should avoid giving ‘situational’ prophesies which are informed by things happening in the country.

    He noted that some of the ‘doomsday’ prophesies may not be fulfilled since God is open to supplication from those concerned if indeed the revelations the pastors claimed to have had are true. While there is nothing wrong in warning against any real looming dangers, Pastor Kumuyi would rather Church leaders engage in admonishing the people to abide by God’s word and praying to avert any negative situation.

    Contrary to the impression that he is not involved in the activities of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), which has been very vocal about the plight of Christians in the country, and other Christian groups, Pastor Kumuyi said he does this as quietly as he can without getting enmeshed in the politics of running the organisations.

    Expectedly, he is worried about the attacks on Christians in the country and wants the government to take necessary steps to protect all citizens irrespective of their religious beliefs. He admits that there is cause to be worried about the state of the general state of the country and urged political office holders to ensure good governance at all levels to improve the standard of living of Nigerians.

    Not every Church leader can be like Pastor Kumuyi and they don’t have to be. But if there is anything many of them need to learn from a man like him, it is being humble despite the grace of God on their lives and whatever worldly accomplishments they have to their credit, instead of seeking unnecessary public acclaim.

  • Thank you, Deacon Ositelu

    Thank you, Deacon Ositelu

    If only death gives notice, I would have loved to see Deacon Ayo Ositelu, veteran editor and versatile sports analyst and commentator before he passed on December 9, while watching television, at least to say thank you for his inspiration and contributions to whatever I am today in my chosen profession. He would have been 70 on April 6. I met Mr Ositelu in 1985, when I joined The PUNCH as a sub-editor. I was only a few months old in the system when he, (as editor of the Sunday PUNCH) called me after reading one of my write-ups in the paper and gave me space in his title for a regular column. Then, I was still bubbling with this fresh-from-school radicalism that some people believe is yet to depart from me; but which I feel has been greatly tempered by age and maturity.

    I seized the opportunity offered by Ositelu’s invitation with both hands; indeed, it was a dream come true. And I would explain why. Since my secondary school days when I had made up my mind to study Mass Communication (I must confess I initially did not know what the course was all about then; I was just fascinated by the name, but fell in love completely with the choice when I saw it offered an opportunity to be a journalist and write on what we now know as ‘burning national and international issues’). I was so emotionally attached to Mass Comm. that when I was finishing my Advance Level course at the Federal School of Arts and Science, Ondo, and had to fill the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) form for admission into the university, I entered Mass Communication as my first and second choice, meaning there was no choice, really; it was Mass Communication or nothing. My friends thought I was mad because it was more difficult to enter the Mass Communication department at the University of Lagos then than it was to read Law. The tradition then therefore was for people interested in a course like Mass Comm. to take a relatively simpler course as second choice. I understood their fears and entered for the November/December GCE ‘A’ Level just in case I could not meet the required points in the May/June examination. Mercifully however, I did not have any cause to sit for the November examination as I cleared my papers in the May/June examination.

    So you can imagine how happy and grateful I must have been when Mr Ositelu placed on my laps, on a platter of gold, a thing I thought I was going to sweat to get. It was a great privilege and the search for what to call the column began. I remember it was at 124, Herbert Macaulay Street in Ebute-Metta, Lagos, where one of my friends and former classmates in the university (Olu Awogbemila) that we incidentally started work at The PUNCH same day then lived with his parents, that the brainstorming was done. All manner of names were joggled before we finally settled for ‘The Cyclone’. In no time, the name soon overtook my biological names, and some people till this day would ask ‘who is Tunji Adegboyega’ but would be surprised when they discover that Tunji Adegboyega and ‘The Cyclone’ are one and the same person.

    Of course the name of the column reflected my personality and most of the write-ups under it were blunt, no holds-barred and downright unsparing of the military leaders of that era, particularly the Ibrahim Babangida regime. I remember a particular piece titled “Killing by installments” which was on the contentious fuel subsidy that the Babangida regime too had insisted must go because petrol is ‘cheaper thatn Coke’ over which I was told some people were after me in the Babangida years. I can also remember Mr Ositelu asking me then to watch my back in all I did. True, that column lived to its name. What I cannot tell for sure now is whether my write-ups now are as caustic as those of ‘The Cyclone’.

    I pay glowing tributes to Mr Ositelu for identifying the potential in me at that early stage and giving me an opportunity to do what I had always longed to do when I least expected it could ever have happened. Like all mortals, Ositelu had his own failings even as far back as the mid’80s that I met him, but he was one editor who did not believe you had to lord it over people or send young journalists scampering to safety all because an editor is coming. He was simple, perhaps to a fault; and any apparel he wore – English or native – was spot on. Then his baby face and physique were things the opposite sex could not ignore. Ositelu was naturally handsome but none of these entered his head. That he would have been 70 in March is difficult to believe because he never looked that age.

    One thing Ositelu knew how to write on best was sports, and he did it to the very end. His death at his residence on Wednesday night shortly after watching a Super Eagles friendly match probably attested to his love for sports. Just last November, he served as the compere during the exhibition match between the Williams sisters (Serena & Venus) at the Lagos Tennis Club, South-West, Nigeria. He was a respected columnist whose write-ups commanded respect both at home and beyond.

    Once again, I pay my homage due to Deacon Ayo Ositelu, ‘Arena’ for short, foremost international sports journalist and former Chairman of Ejigbo Local Council Development Area. May his soul rest in perfect peace.

    Well done, worthy cops

    Tribute to a senior colleague

    It is not all the time that I write to celebrate people who perform their tasks. But not when those involved are policemen who more often than not get criticised as if that is all there is to the organisation that policemen represent. Today, I have cause to write about two policemen who came to my rescue about eight hours to the New Year. It was at the popular Sule Street Junction on Agege Bye-pass, Lagos, where a truck driver bashed my car on December 31, last year. Rather than wait, the driver sped off and I followed suit but could not catch up with him as he rebuffed all attempts I made to overtake him. Somehow, the policemen were coming from the Ikeja end of the road shortly before we linked the Lagos-Abeokuta Expressway from Agege. Apparently, they were on an assignment or just on routine patrol.
    But they just came to time because they saw the way I was pursuing the truck driver and (as they later told me after the driver had been forced to stop at Ile Zik end of the expressway, it was a woman in a ‘Danfo’ bus who witnessed the accident that told them to pursue the truck). The driver denied running away but could not satisfactorily answer questions as to how it took him that far to be apprehended, and by police patrol men for that matter! Anyway, the police gave me the necessary assistance and ensured that the driver could not get away before they left the place. I am talking about Sergeant Okoh Hassan and Ikhide (I can’t remember the other name); to both I say well done.