Category: Columnists

  • The life and times of Omo Ekun

    The life and times of Omo Ekun

    Snooper this morning mourns the death late last week of our older friend, elderly sparring partner and progressive provocateur par excellence, Chief Wumi Adegbonmire, a.k.a Omo Ekun, the Asiwaju of Akureland and immaculate disciple of Obafemi Awolowo. He did not suffer political fools lightly, and neither was he interested in the Geneva Convention of political warfare. He took no hostages or political prisoners. In his younger days, when all else failed, he reached for the fistic sledgehammer in rousing encounters which reminded one of Chinua Achebe’s famous Amalinze the cat.

    The cat this time was of the tiger sub-species in all its feline ferocity. Truly enough, this cat did not proclaim its tigritude. It pounced. An unwavering apostle of the Awolowo school of politics and a fanatical foot soldier of the Action Group modernization project, the late chief had no time for political shenanigans or sanctimonious equivocation. He talked straight and shot straight and with him you knew where you stood. This illustrious descendant of illustrious Oyemekun warriors loved the joyous din of political commotion and volcanic affrays. He was a happy warrior.

    With the passing of Chief Wumi Adegbonmire, the progressive camp has lost three illustrious avatars in quick succession towards the end of last year. They are: Adegbonmire, Lam Adesina and Professor Stephen Oladipo Arifalo who came to late and deserving prominence with an outstanding and meticulous history of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa. While Adegbonmire and Lam Adesina came to prominence through their political journalism, Arifalo, also from Akure, remained the quiet scholar supplying intellectual ammunition to the cause. The big, burly, amiable and eternally unflappable Arifalo was in many respects a perfect foil to Omo Ekun, his childhood friend and political soul mate.

    My generation owes a lot to both Lam Adesina and Omo Ekun for helping to define and refine the progressive cause, and for arriving at the political barricades against the feudal establishment very early in the day. Like their illustrious colonial era forbears who gave Lord Lugard and the Whitehall the roasting of their life, the duo were among those who turned journalism into a weapon of political combat against the Nigerian post-colonial state. Their popular columns in the old Nigerian Tribune speak volumes for their courage, tenacity of purpose and unflinching loyalty to a cause.

    No two individual temperaments could be more dissimilar. While Lam was calm and imperturbable, often masking his inner strengths with an inscrutable visage, Adegbonmire was as defiant and daring as they came. Like a supremely confident prizefighter, he often arrived in the ring ahead of the referee, that is if he could abide any. Like the famed Mississippi Mauler, he was not afraid of being hurt as long as he was able to deliver his own explosive packages. It was a classic instance of a dialectical synthesis of opposites. But in the subsequent political sweepstakes, it was the inscrutable Lam who leveraged his gnome-like reticence into a devastating weapon of mob mastery.

    It can be said that out of nobility or sheer indifference, Omo Ekun was more interested in policy formulation and the enunciation of general principles than in the politics of self-advancement so rampart these days. The typical Omo Ekun column was not a stuff for the faint-hearted or the lily-livered. It was brimming with venom and vitriol. But the masses loved this John Wayne journalism. Some unforgettable samplers are “Softly, Softly Gani” which virtually put an end to the iconic lawyer’s early romance with the UPN and “Rimi is a Snake” which tore into the late Kano maverick.

    The most unforgettable memory of Omo Ekun etched forever in snooper’s consciousness was at the eighty six posthumous memorial service for Chief Obafemi Awolowo held at Ikenne 1995. A bemused Chief Abraham Adesanya had accosted him with a beguiling smile. “Omo Ekun, o ma ye ki ire na ti di ekun bayi?” the late Afenifere leader quipped. (The cub of the tiger isn’t it time for you have become a tiger yourself?) Everybody within earshot laughed.

    The jovial atmosphere masked more serious matters. Anybody familiar with the deep and often ambiguous nuances of the Yoruba language and Chief Adesanya’s great mastery of these would know that this statement is both an expression of admiration and a subtle admonition in equal parts. A master of political hostilities himself, the great Afenifere leader would have noticed that a fretting and prancing Omo Ekun was stalking a big game in the political jungle. In this case, it was the arrival of a leading Yoruba traditional ruler at the occasion that had drawn the implacable ire of Omo Ekun. The great tiger got his leader’s gnomic message and all became quiet on the western front.

    But if Chief Adesanya was right in one respect, he was merely quibbling in another. There is as yet no genetic accident apart from early death that could prevent a tiger cub from transforming into a full-blown tiger. These things are set with iron certitude. At that point in time, Omo Ekun had become a full blown tiger who was not afraid of any beast in the political jungle. Yet as a tiger grows into full manhood, it is not its prowess that is in question but its wisdom and judgement.

    The transformation had been steady and relentless and they must form part of the Yoruba contemporary political folklore. In 1965 when the then government of Western Region of Nigeria banned and proscribed The Nigerian Tribune, a bearded and bearish Omo ekun, then an undergraduate of the University of Ibadan, could be seen on the streets of Ibadan openly hawking the banned newspaper with his right hand firmly gripping a glistening machete. It was a daring thing to do, but such was the heroic stuff of which Adegbonmire was made.

    But despite all the heroic exertions and the termination of that inglorious reign of terror, the more things have changed in Nigeria, the more they have remained the same. Every battle has to be painfully fought all over again and at prohibitive human cost. Every ground has to be reclaimed and every advance in national consciousness is swiftly pushed back by agents of retrogression and the uneven keel of national development.

    In early February, 1997, at Ife, snooper met an aging, sixty two year old Omo Ekun in perhaps the deepest trough of despair and despondency . It was a bleak moment. The entire country was reeling from Abacha’s despotic tyranny. And the man was obviously scheming to succeed himself. An underground man in his own fatherland, snooper had slipped from exile into the country to bid his dying mother a final goodbye.

    Snooper had met the great Awoist in drastically diminished circumstances, in a rusty dilapidated book store with its meagre and miserable stock of dog-eared titles. In the intervening thirty two years since his celebrated appearance as a celebrity newspaper vendor, Omo Ekun had graduated, had risen to become an iconic and successful university bookstore manager and a revered member of Awolowo’s inner circle. He had also taken active part in the 1983 uprising against electoral perfidy in his native Ondo state and had been rewarded with a firebombed country house. But this was as close to hell as it could get.

    In the badly ventilated bookshop, the old warrior’eyes lit up with warmth and enthusiasm after he had overcome the initial shock of my dramatic appearance. His defiant body language told me to forget any thought of commiserating with him over the equally dramatic reversal of fortune.

    “I told my children that I would take the bullet in the chest and not at the back, like a coward,” he thundered, the appetite and aptitude for political hostilities apparently undiminished.

    “Chief, kini yi ma rough ooo”, snooper sang, recalling our usual refrain in happier times.

    “Don’t worry. This too will pass. The fool will soon be history. How did you manage to evade the dragnet?” he inquired.

    “That is a story for another day,” snooper intoned.

    “You are a brave boy. Let’s go and eat pounded yam at Ipetumodu,” the great man ordered but snooper politely and firmly declined. A few minutes after, it was time to leave, after snooper had explained his mission in the country, and after the conversation had drifted to a young “progressive” senator who had suddenly decamped to the other side.

    “You see,” Omo Ekun began with a mixture of contempt and bemusement. “I am always suspicious of these young politicians who go about in three piece designer agbada. How can anybody be wearing agbada? What if it comes to immediate battle? Wont they be wrapped up with the nonsense?”

    As usual, the happy warrior was harking back to the sartorial ethos of the Action Group where the tight fitting buba and sokoto assumed the status of a universal uniform and Omo Ekun himself was a great exemplar of the civilian fatigues. With its superior organization and military-like discipline, the Action Group was a classic instance of vertical intellectual integration and horizontal mass-mobilization. The battle cry was permanent vigilance and no one did the “E stand by” war dance better than the late Ganiyu Olawale Dawodu. Watching the sprightly old Gregorian cantering back and forth was pure delight.

    Sadly towards the end, the old cohesion had disappeared and omo Ekun was no longer on the same page with most of his old comrade in arms. The falcon could no longer hear the falconer. The old Afenifere umbrella could no longer hide the deep divisions and schisms within Awolowo’s political household. All that was solid has melted into thin air.

    Their human failings notwithstanding, all these great men speak to the power of sterling leadership and the power of apostolic followership. But more importantly, they speak to the dynamic capacity of visionary ideas to move people and mountain. In the modern society, a person who has not intellectually transformed himself cannot be expected to transform others. This is the tragedy of post-colonial leadership in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular.

    As the crowd of these noble and illustrious men and women begin to rapidly thin out, this column salutes the few remaining titans. But as we yearn for another country, let us be clear in our mind that what Nigeria needs is a new intellectual master class such as was thrown up by the anti-colonial struggle who will furnish the nation with a new master plan. Let us end by quoting Louis Althusser. Only the production of new heroes keeps old heroes alive. May the noble souls of the departed rest in peace.

  • Anti-subsidy suit: Another ABN show?

    Anti-subsidy suit: Another ABN show?

    Chief Stanley Okeke’s suit urging a federal high court to compel President Goodluck Jonathan to stop fuel subsidy payment immediately reminds one of the June 12 suit filed by the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), financed by maverick politician, Arthur Nzeribe. The suit sought the cancellation of the June 12, 1993 election. The association alleged in the suit that the primaries were riddled with corruption. Then, a few hours to the election, the court ruled that the presidential election should not commence. But the National Electoral Commission (NEC) led by Prof Humphrey Nwosu, went ahead with the election on June 12, 1993, relying on the ouster clause in the transition decree that had barred the courts from inquiring into any aspect of the electoral process.

    The question on the lips of many Nigerians then was what exactly did Nzeribe and his ABN want to achieve by that suit? This became the more pertinent as Nzeribe denied receiving any money from the then self-styled president, General Ibrahim Babangida, to scuttle the transition programme that General Babangida designed with booby traps. Nigerians had earnestly looked forward to the day they would bid military rule good bye and were happy when things were going as planned concerning the election, in spite of all the landmines, until Nzeribe sprang a surprise via his suit. The rest is history.

    The question now is: how does fuel subsidy payment by the government constitute a problem to Chief Okeke, a Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chieftain, or anyone for that matter? He is not a government official. Those who are strongly against fuel subsidy are the government people who want more money, many of them for their private pockets. If there is anything called fuel subsidy, it is because the government wants it so. It bears restating that Nigeria, a major exporter of crude oil, has no business importing fuel. And, if the government cannot put in place a system that ensures we refine enough petrol within; that is its business. I would have thought that if any patriotic Nigerian is going to have any issue to sue the government over, it should be to compel it to fight corruption and ensure that we stop this curse of a butcher eating bones.

    But the PDP chief is rather asking the court to determine the following questions:

    *Whether in view of the official corruption and abuse of office inherent in the fuel subsidy regime as evidenced by the on-going trial of certain individuals in the Federal High Court, Lagos, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is validly competent to order the removal and or abolish the fuel subsidy scheme;

    *Whether consequent upon the perennial fuel shortages and the attendant long queues on our roads, it would be proper and lawful for the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to completely remove and abolish the fuel subsidy regime;

    *Whether having regards to the near infrastructural collapse in our country, it would be proper to re-channel funds meant for fuel subsidy scheme into the building of infrastructural facilities, and;

    *Whether the 2nd and 3rd defendants, being appointees of the President, by not ensuring a corrupt- free subsidy regime have not failed in their principal duty to Nigerians. He did not even stop there; he also wants President Goodluck Jonathan to return to the federation account “such money earlier appropriated and or approved for the payment of fuel subsidy.”

    What Chief Okeke has done is to tell Nigerians that his party, the PDP, is incapable of leading the country; that it cannot fight corruption. Of course, he would have said nothing new because we all know that the PDP is corruption’s bedmate. If people have ripped off the country through subsidy fraud, what is the duty of the government? At any rate, haven’t many Nigerians said that the government is a major beneficiary of the subsidy fraud, giving that the amount usually paid as subsidy suddenly tripled in a crucial election year (2011)?

    I have said it before that we would never be able to rest the subsidy ghost because of the various interests involved. We haven’t seen anything yet. But you can trust our president; as the usual ‘see no evil, hear no evil person that he is, does not know anything about this suit. The same way he does not know anything about his reported posters flooding Abuja. The only problem is that not even all the angels in heaven swearing that this is true can convince Nigerians that it is so.

    We have come a long way with leaders in this country that we can always guess where they are going even if, like the late General Sani Abacha, they are not saying anything; we know they have said everything. What I am saying is that they are predictable and this is so because even if they do not find the same people playing the same diabolical role under different administrations, those they are recruiting have lost the capacity for creativity. It is always from the kind of ABN suit to the campaign posters that the person being promoted knows next-to-nothing about but would not complain because the people pasting them are exercising their rights; only to start showing concerns after realising the political implications. Suppose the posters had been anti-Jonathan, would those pasting them too be allowed to exercise such rights? I guess the anti-Jonathan posters too are likely to be in the offing now that those who are earnestly asking for Jonathan are having a field day exercising their right. Forget the reported manhunt for the promoters. We will never know them.

    This subsidy removal suit, to me, seems the voice of Jacob but the hand of Esau; just like the ABN suit. It is a suit President Jonathan would be dreaming to have won because he seemed to have hinged the success of his administration on fuel subsidy removal. But, pray, what is the business of a chieftain of any political party, to complain about fuel subsidy? How does a clear policy matter become a subject of litigation? How does that affect his life? And, how is that an issue to warrant going to court to ask that subsidy be stopped by the government? Chief Okeke has named two people that, in his view, did not handle the issue of fuel subsidy well. These are the finance minister and coordinating minister of the economy, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and petroleum minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke. If Chief Okeke feels so strongly, why can he not, as a PDP chieftain, sue the government to drop the ministers and prosecute them? If fuel subsidy is corruption-ridden, is that not what should be fought? Why should that be a burden Nigerians must carry?

    It is baffling that Chief Okeke is not taking the government to court over a N14billion mansion for the vice president; it is surprising that he has all these years not deemed it fit to sue the government over the jumbo allowances we have been paying our National Assembly members, which some have estimated in the region of N1.3 trillion annually, and for less than 500 people? There are over 1,000 and one things that the Federal Government can be sued for, other than fuel subsidy, and that would make more sense. Even in spite of the massive fraud in the subsidy regime, it cost us only about N800billion last year. That is not much for 150 million Nigerians to enjoy. I wonder then why Chief Okeke is behaving like an outsider who is weeping louder than the bereaved in this matter. What is his own?

  • The Fiscal Cliff Follies

    The Fiscal Cliff Follies

    •Like a wheel that has lost its roundness, such is the leader who lacks wisdom.

    This piece returns to one of this column’s perennial victims: the American political economy. Two factors drive the frequent analyses of American events. First, America’s contretemps affect Africa given America’s perch atop the global political economy. Second, Africa generally is enamored by things American. The continent hungers for success and America is success’s paragon. Thus, too many people mindlessly believe that every American practice is the right way. They do so without evaluating if the thing they copy actually benefits America let alone if the benefit will transfer to this continent. To copy seems to be the first, middle and last commandment of those who would rather America do their thinking for them.

    This would not be so tragic if the mimickers were better versed in American history. Then they would hopefully steal examples from an era when America was economically robust, moving toward congenial employment and income equality. Not knowing enough about America’s complex history, the mimickers summarily conclude America is as it has always been. After all, why would a nation deviate from a winning formula? Yet such destructive deviation this is the way of man and empires. An empire is founded by the sweat of the great but lost by the folly of those who think they are great. Past empires have collapsed into the dust because they suffered chronic streaks of undistinguished leadership. While poor leadership keeps many African nations down, a similar want of leadership slowly fractures the mighty nation to the west. This must be the worst group of leaders America has experienced in roughly 130 years when the nation suffered the economic quakes and injustice of the Gilded Age.

    For such a motley group to govern a great nation is tragic. How such a petty, unenlightened ensemble came to govern the world’s strongest nation will be recorded as one of this era’s pivotal events. Instead of begetting humility and gratitude, inherited wealth and power seem to encourage a prickly arrogance that believes it knows everything worth knowing. As it is with heirs to a family estate, so it is with the leadership of powerful states. Everything hard won can be easily squandered. Sadly, wisdom is a respecter of seisin. Wisdom is always too wise to encroach into space upon which arrogance has staked its claim. Thus, the American bald eagle slowly becomes a blind one and a blind eagle is a dangerous instrumentality unto itself and all things within its range of flight.

    Even more tragic is the addict’s yearning of African leaders to copy America’s current mediocrity in hopes of repeating successes a bygone American era. It is like entering a dark room holding the candle at your back. Not only does this render the candle useless to your vision, getting singed will be the likely result of this irresolute meandering.

    Yet, we continue to mimic with a steadfastness that would be laudable if directed at copying something other than America’s benighted present. Much like vapid fads in American popular culture, the imbalanced, hyper-capitalist policies of the American government are bound to come to a country near you in the not-too-distant future. Consequently, I analyze American events to explain what is happening as well as to warn of what is likely to come. Now to the main event.

    During the waning days of last year, the international media was replete with reportage about the impending fiscal cliff toward which the United States was stumbling. The cliff was a combination of tax hikes and budget cuts estimated to reduce the U.S. government’s deficit by roughly 560 billion dollars this year. The sum is significant given that federal government spending is a few notches below 4 trillion dollars and total American GDP is roughly 16 trillion dollars. These projected reductions flowed from a 2011 bipartisan deal whereby Democrats and Republicans agreed to deep cuts to serve as a Damoclean sword hovering overhead, spurring them to make less drastic cuts prior to the January 1 deadline for the sword to fall. The obtuse logic behind this agreement reveals the bankruptcy of America’s leadership. They must be a deranged lot to first pass legislation imposing budgetary limitations no one wanted yet collectively being incapable of fashioning a legislative compromise around cuts most of them could tolerate. In others words, they found it easier to agree to an obviously harmful measure rather than pass a more agreeable law. In the hands of these illogical operatives, rests the fate of a major nation and the global economy. This should trouble your sleep and the dreams that sleep brings.

    The strident fear was the fiscal cliff measures would return American to recession, dragging along the global economy in the process. To avert this self-imposed calamity, both Democrats and Republicans espoused cures as minatory as the cliff itself. Watching these political hacks was reminiscent of the duck-headed doctor’s solution to stopping a crazed patient from severing his left arm. The doctor was amazed by the intelligence of his solution to prevent the man from cutting off his sinistral limb: he simply would amputate the man’s right hand. The doctor was the only soul amazed by his acuity. All others were mortified by the implicit evil and glaring incompetence of his resolution.

    Likewise, President Obama called for a “Grand Bargain,” a ten-year plan slicing 400 billion dollars from the deficit annually. This may have been grand in scope; it was the opposite of a bargain for the average person. If enacted, this would have cost the common man in the long-run. President Obama tried to honey-coat the arsenic by pledging continued tax breaks for the poor and middle class while advocating a mild tax increase on the wealthy. This was subterfuge to portray him as the champion of the man on the street. Yet, his tax breaks paled in comparison to the per capita reductions in social services and programs the deal promoted. What he offered the people on the front end, he would require in double payment on the back.

    As bad as President Obama’s solution was, Republicans were much better at being worse. The budget cuts they wanted were more severe. Unlike Obama, Republicans bucked against tax increases for the wealthy. They were so arrogant that they refused to even bother with a gesture to the public. They unabashedly swam in the palms of the wealthy. Apparently, their answer to poverty is to let the poor waste away until there are no poor left.

    In the end, the fiscal cliff was averted by a stop-gap “small deal” whereby tax hikes were avoided and decisions on budget cuts delayed for months. Sadly, this deal will prove injurious to the economy. The fiscal cliff generated false drama where none actually existed. With the false drama gone, media attention will divert elsewhere. The attention will divert when the more critical decisions on budget reduction are taken. The tax issues received great scrutiny but were always of secondary importance. Important budget cuts will be done in the legislative shadows. Anything done in the shadows will be an inferior product weighed toward those moneyed interests who created the shadows in the first place.

    More importantly, the elite’s orchestration of the discussion of the fiscal cliff obscured a fundamental point. Both Democrats and Republicans espoused measures steeped in archaic economics. Watching the leaders of both parties spout their arcane explanations was like witnessing the commanders of medieval navies give detailed instructions to captains and midshipmen alike on how to avoid falling off the end of the earth. No matter how intricately presented, their ideas were flummery.

    At no time during the discussion of the fiscal cliff did anyone question why a government with authority to print money must borrow its own currency. In the past decade, there was one congressman courageous enough to raise this question. The powerful conspired to segment and reconfigure his district so that he could not even regain his party nomination in 2010. Since then, the topic has been taboo.

    Yet, this matter has deep significance if America is to regain its economic vitality. For those emerging nations copying the Anglo-American financial system, understanding this may well determine if they truly develops or whether their systems forever ossify into plutocracies. Contrary to the general public’s understanding, the American government prints relatively little money. By act of Congress, the government long ago transferred the authority to print currency to the private banking system. The vast majority of money in America is “printed” by private banks. However, private banks can only print new money based on making new loans. When a bank finds creditworthy loan applicant, the bank simply creates money to lend the person. The person gets money but at the cost of having to repay it with future interest. When government revenues are insufficient to meet expenses, government borrows money as well.

    In this system, money creation also creates new debt. This is a banker’s paradise. Private banks create money out of thin air then derive interest on the money invented. This benefit should be enough. However, big banks are further secured by government borrowing. Government can never go insolvent. By law and due to their own self interests, certain large banks must fund government bond sales. Because of this, government can never run out of money. In an emergency, as during the recent banking crisis, government can resort to printing its money on its own. Thus, government always pays its debts. Government borrowing constitutes a vast welfare payment to the banking industry. The largest welfare payment in the history of mankind is being paid to the richest people in the history of mankind. This venal symmetry is being paid for by the poor and humble who don’t even realize the game being played. This system ensures that banks prosper and grow. By cosseting the banks, the system places the rest of the economy in debt peonage.

    What this means is that anonymous bank loan committees, in aggregate, control the trajectory of the economy more than government fiscal or monetary policy. This is not the ideal way to develop an economy. The objectives of these loan officers and committees are selfish and narrow. They care only for their institutions and personal salaries. It is a fallacy of classical economics that a nation’s political economy is optimized by this mad dash of oft colliding selfish interests. What may profit an individual bank will just as likely injure the overall economy as help it. This is true because, to an extent orthodox economics seek to obscure, one man’s profit is another man’s loss. To keep the economic game from becoming too skewed to the detriment of most people, a regulator is needed. That regulator should be government. The American government has abdicated the role of a neutral arbiter, justly allocating economic profits and burdens across the various sectors of the economy. Instead, government is the servitor of financialist Money Power. For this reason, wages have stagnated, poverty increased and overall consumer debt mushroomed during the past thirty years, beginning with the Reagan era.

    Taking a longer historic perspective, a tragedy of the Industrial Revolution was that it coincided with the evolution of this system of privately created debt money. Most economists assert this private money system positively contributed to the global prosperity associated with the Industrial Revolution. The correlation may not be as ironclad as mainstream economists think. That two events coincide does not denote a causal relationship. A small child always sees a newspaper on the front porch at sunrise. The child concludes the sun brought the newspaper. Only as he gets older and wiser does he realize how wrong he was.

    The debt money system did not promote the Industrial Revolution. The sadder truth is the debt money system made the Revolution and capitalism in general more inhumane than they would have been. The debt money system took capitalism further down the Dickensian road of sweatshop labor and impoverishment of the working class. Had this system been supplanted by one where more money was actually debt free money created by government in direct payment for labor, services and good rendered, there would have been a more equitable allocation of money instead of the great hoarding done by the financialists.

    The chronic economic stagnation the world now faces signals that centuries of this debt money system have run their course. There is too much private and governmental debt worldwide. The overall global economy buckles under the weight of this oppression. The debt money system is now a brake on future hope and prosperity. It is a parasite grown larger than its host.

    We have a choice. Either this system is reformed or we are consigned to debt slavery. The average person and debt money system can no longer prosper at the same time. One has to give way so the other may get his way.

    In the end, American and all nations that deploy this debt money system need to evaluate its continued use. The system’s custodians will cry that reform is impractical and that we must continue with things as they are because that is what responsible people do. The response is that this system has been too responsible for poverty, income inequality and the burgeoning strength of Money Power for it to be allowed to continue as is. They will fight back that the private sector is more efficient than government at all things economic and financial. The facts speak differently. More private sector ventures fail than succeed. This is the empirical truth and it hardly speaks of efficiency. When General Motors went underwater, government salvaged it, turning it into a profitable venture. When the banking system cannibalized itself into near extinction in 2009, government rescued it with trillions of dollars of aid. The private sector operates differently than the public sector but in reality is it no more efficient. Government is imperfect and flawed. But it remains a better regulator of the private sector, especially the financial industry, than the private sector can be for itself. After all, every financial crisis for over 100 years has been started by private sector folly not government mistake.

    Those developed nations that want to revive their economies and not merely slink from crisis to crisis must recalibrate their financial systems to encourage greater creation of government (public) debt free money and the reduction in private bank debt money. For developing nations this rebalancing is even more imperative. To mimic what has contributed to the Western world’s financial stagnation is to immure developing nations in destitution. The nations of Africa need not worry so much about the sanctity of their borders or changing geographically. Yet they need to make new lands of themselves for the good of the people. The only way an old place can become a new land is through new ideas.

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  • 2013: Beyond promises of deliverance

    2013: Beyond promises of deliverance

    There’s something about a new year that gets everyone giddy with excitement and hope. Whereas the Bible speaks about a hope that never disappoints, for several decades Nigerians have had to go through the gut-wrenching annual ritual of the evaporation of their dreams when our national peculiarities and weaknesses kick in as the months roll along.

    One of the great mysteries about this country is that in virtually every area of human endeavour you find the best minds – world beaters who excel when they are in a different environment. This is not an original thought or observation, yet it remains relevant as we begin the excursion into 2013.

    We need to crack the riddle as to why a nation of energetic, hardworking, creative people living in a land blessed with endowments many nations only dream about, have contrived to make their homeland one of the most wretched on earth.

    For a while the thinking was all we needed to get the country moving was to assemble our brightest and best in a federal cabinet. In 2011, fresh from a comprehensive victory at the general elections, President Goodluck Jonathan set about one of the most long-drawn cabinet construction exercises in recent history.

    Excoriated by impatient critics for his undue deliberation, he explained that he was putting together a first class team. In the end, even he would have agreed that what he finally assembled could in no way be accused of being Nigeria’s finest.

    A little over a week ago, an exasperated president who has been at the wars since that distant victory in 2011, offered a new explanation why this country continues to fail in delivering on her immense promise. Speaking at the funeral of his erstwhile National Security Adviser, General Andrew Azazi, in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, he suggested that attitude and not corruption was Nigeria’s problem.

    He said: “If Nigerians would change their attitude, you will realise that most of these issues being attributed to corruption are not caused by corruption.

    “Recently, I met with officials of the Federal Road Safety Corps who told me that they had discovered that majority of the road accidents are recorded on good roads. So you can see it is not a matter of corruption, it is an issue of the people’s attitude. If we change our attitude to life, if all Nigerians do what is right, Nigeria will change.”

    For daring to suggest that corruption was not the problem, Jonathan received a fusillade of flak. Beyond caring, he would weigh in a few days later with another philosophical observation that national transformation was a job for all – not just the president.

    Let me say that, as the name suggests, leaders have a responsibility to lead. So ultimately a president or governor will take responsibility for progress or failings in his area of authority – even when those success stories are the products of chance, or some other X-factor. That is life.

    Still, I find myself agreeing with some of the positions of the president. Long before his Yenagoa speech, some other Nigerian leaders had come to the conclusion that the basic problem of this country was lawlessness. The then Major-General Muhammadu Buhari and his sidekick, Tunde Idiagbon, ran their short-lived regime prosecuting a War Against Indiscipline (WAI).

    Of course, they went over the top in trampling people’s rights. But truth be told: if you give a pig a bath in a Sheraton bathroom it would soon find its way into the nearest gutter. Nigerians, unused to orderliness strained at the leash, and were only too glad to return to their old ways when General Ibrahim Babangida offered them a shiny object that looked like freedom.

    No government will work in this country, no president can succeed in this land, for as long as Nigerians, retain their contempt for order or the rule of law. Those nations we all love to escape to only work because the people have accepted that order is paramount.

    To understand this country you need to observe how we conduct ourselves on the roads. No one wants to obey any sign; traffic lights are just flashing objects to be ignored. Only fools drive on designated lanes; wise men drive against traffic. No one wants to be regulated; commercial bike riders want to be free to break every rule in the book. The upshot is that the Nigerian road is a jungle where only the craziest and most cunning survive; the larger society is its mirror image.

    Nigeria’s problem is not just one of legislation, or amending constitutions to produce the perfect document. In the end a people whose mission in life seems to be the subversion of all things lawful, would be expected to implement these same laws.

    It is not just a problem of building infrastructure. It is also a question of a gang of people banding together to disrupt the national electricity supply network by stripping off miles of transmission cables with a view to selling same for personal gain. It is about vandals who will rip aluminum railings meant to safeguard motorists off bridges for the sole reason of profit making.

    It is hard to explain away this sort of deranged behavior by crying poverty. Even in the United States, United Kingdom and other parts of Europe with very high standards of living you still find the poor and homeless. Their poverty has not caused them to descend on public infrastructure like a plague of locusts.

    Yes, corruption is a problem, but it doesn’t explain everything about where we are. It is the old chicken and egg debate. Is it corruption that causes our bad attitude, or our indiscipline that manifests as corruption?

    Even if Jonathan and his team deliver on their promises on power, the larger economy and insecurity, Nigeria will still not work if we carry on the way we are doing. Nigerians know what is good and right – that is why we are a nation of vociferous critics. But you will find that some of the loudest noisemakers are the first ones to do something disruptive to order when things get inconvenient.

    Deliverance will not come from Jonathan in 2013; it will only come when a majority of us determine to do the right thing in our little corners. It is a commitment very few are willing to make; it is the reason Nigeria is the way it is.

  • Jonathan’s marginalisation of theYoruba?

    Jonathan’s marginalisation of theYoruba?

    President Jonathan should have nothing but gratitude for Yoruba people

    A startling revelation came from Afenifere Renewal Group a few days ago. It is to the effect that the Jonathan administration is marginalising Yoruba people in recruitment into the public service. According to Afenifere Renewal, 45 cadets were recruited from the Southwest (a region with about 25% of registered voters in the country) for training at the Customs Training College in Kano. On the contrary, the Southsouth, the region that has the incumbent president got 91 recruits while Southeast had 68 and the Northcentral had 157. The only region whose share is not revealed is the Northwest, the region with the biggest block vote, according to the last INEC registration report.

    If the information about Yoruba marginalisation has come from several other organisations, this column would not have bothered. But with such information coming from Afenifere Renewal Group, a traditionally fast thinking but slow talking organisation, lovers of diversity in unity in Nigeria have reasons to be startled, as some of the readers of this column have demonstrated in several telephone texts to me. The good part of the saddening statistics about recruitment to Customs Service and retrenchment of Yoruba workers from the ministry of aviation is that the word marginalisation is not new in the country.

    The Igbo people have consistently accused the rest of Nigeria of marginalisation since the end of the Nigeria-Biafra war. Some of their best minds have even claimed that the war was prosecuted to achieve marginalisation ‘of the aggressive and dominant Igbo people.’ Even after an Igbo had become vice president to ShehuShagai in 1979, Igbos still claimed to be experiencing peripheral status in the scheme of things. And when the Igbo constituted the team that drove Nigeria’s economy under General OlusegunObasanjo: the Okonjo-Iweala, Soludo, Ekwesili operators of Nigeria’s fiscal machine, Igbos continued to cry marginalisation.Leaders from the North first started to worry about marginalisation only after the end of zoning and the coming of Jonathan as president in 2011. Such allegation by the North was more atmospheric than specific. While the claim by the Igbos was perceived as a device to shoot for the presidency, the complaint by northern leaders is viewed as another way for the North to complain about the loss of federal power to Jonathan, after the death or killing of zoning.

    What is startling about Afenifere’s revelation is that a nationality known to be proud, self-reliant, and taciturn about marginalisation has been pushed far enough to hang its toga of pride and self-reliance and competitiveness. Under the pressure of Yoruba youths, their elders have been forced to come out to cry foul about being disempowered. Readers must also be reminded that this is not the first time that the Yoruba would cry about marginalisation. In the days of SaniAbacha, hard facts were revealed aboutAbacha’s policy of disempowering Yoruba people via retrenchment and refusal to hire them into the public service. People perceived by Abacha henchmen to be NADECO soldiers, police, and public servants were purged or prevented from coming into federal institutions. At a time that the Yoruba should say that the rest of such policy is history (especially under a post-military government that the Yoruba lost more blood than any other Nigerian nationality to make possible), the Yoruba are, according to data at the disposal of Afenifere,victims of marginalisation under a regime that should have no reason to punish the Yoruba.

    There is a Yoruba proverb that says Oro to bakojaekun erinlaarin (there are some serious problems that are better mitigated by laughter). It is proper for Afenifere to take the matter up with the Federal Character Commission. That is one of the objectives of the commission. But Afenifere also needs to assuage the feelings of the youths that are putting pressure on it to learn how to laugh some of the pain off. It is better for the Yoruba region and for the country to prevent Yoruba youths from acquiring the kind of anger and alienation that motivated formation of Boko Haram. Afenifere Renewal needs to assist Yoruba youths in identifying some talking and counselling points.

    Have the Yoruba destroyed their NADECO spirit? Shouldn’t the Yoruba know that marginalisation is a possible response in a winner-takes-all system midwifed by some measure of election? Is it not proper to assume that President Jonathan should be too grateful to his benefactors to want to condone marginalisation of the Yoruba? The best way to illustrate this quality of the president is his recent open display of gratitude at the Redeemed Camp in Shagamu, where he knelt down in the glare of international cameras to thank the General Overseer of the country’s leading Pentecostal movement for assisting him to win the 2011 presidential election.

    President Jonathan should have nothing but gratitude for Yoruba people, not only for being a protégé of General OlusegunObasanjo before the 2007 presidential election. Most of the leaders of SNG that protested in Lagos and Abuja (including this writer) to ensure that Vice President Jonathan was given his entitlements after the passing of President UmaruYar’Adua were Yoruba. There is no way that President Jonathan would readily forget the struggle that gave birth to the Doctrine of Necessity. It was the intervention of the same SNG that made it possible for President Jonathan to know that several of those who pretended to be helping him to import petroleum for use by the masses were in fact economic saboteurs who were too glad to reap where they did not sow. It was the exposure of such saboteurs of the nation’s economy that led to attempts to prosecute some of the subsidy fraudsters.Afenifere should not for one minute believe that the president would forget this act of patriotism on the part of SNG, more so that the attempt to prosecute subsidy thieves has become a poster child in the attempt to fight corruption in the country.

    Even if the president believes the claim of its image makers that opposition political parties in the Yoruba region are critical of his presidency because he belongs to a minority group, he is not likely to believe that the generality of Yoruba people did not make it possible for him to become Nigeria’s first transformation President in 2011. Thousands of Yoruba voters who should normally have voted for a progressive party in the 2011 presidential election abandoned their party’s candidate to vote for Jonathan who they know is from Otuoke, a minority group, even in the context of theSouthsouth. The President is not likely to forget this part of the history of his election so soon. There are reasons to believe this: two of his image makers, hired at different times, are Yoruba; Abati and Okupe.

    Afenifere Renewal should seek a dialogue with President Jonathan, in addition to writing a petition to the Federal Character Commission. In the face-to-face dialogue, Afenifere should impress on Jonathan that Yoruba traditional‘concern for equity, fairness, and justice for all’ provides the only credible philosophical framework for transformation, rather than an excuse for marginalisation.

  • 2013: A year of infinite possibilities

    2013: A year of infinite possibilities

    Cleaning the nation’s Augean stables is a million times more rewarding than being a 2-term president

    Welcome to 2013. It shall be well with us all. Amen

    In a recent article he captioned ‘The Year That ‘Was’ 2013″, the author, Victor Oladokun, indicated that he is neither a prognosticator nor a prophet; rather that he is only an observer of future trends, and do believe that ‘beyond the realm of ‘impossibility’ is infinite possibility and that it is possible to create the future by working backwards’.

    From here he proceeded to itemise 20 things he believed ‘happen’ in the country in 2013; which ‘happenings’ some have described as either quixotic or utopian, but which I personally found inspirational enough to lead me to comment on the article as follows on a web portal:

    ‘I must say am humbled by the gentle man’s thought process. That it is inspirational is not a surprise as Victor Oladokun had more than paid his dues, producing/presenting Turning Point, a programme devoted to life-changing experiences, especially, the spiritual. In sane societies, while individuals will read this and use it to moderate their own life style and see it as a PUSH for great things that can happen, especially amongst the youth, but more particularly, in the group of the upwardly mobile and the middle class which do create businesses, the government could use it to inspire totally unforeseen, yet very impactful, set of actions that can change peoples’ perception of it as being a laggard. The amount of importance we give the document could also enable us accord ideas its rightful place in development. The federal government can find the document useful beyond our wildest imagination given that it is at that level that a country’s macro-economic plans and programmes are incubated’

    A word then about the author and some of his prognosis as, given our space constraint, we would have to deal with those affecting the entire country first and, in the concluding part, touch on those that can significantly reduce unemployment in Nigeria by facilitating the emergence of IT as a driver of business. A graduate of the Great University of Ife, Ile-Ife, Dr Victor Oladokun, the versatile, long-running, erstwhile producer/presenter of TURNING POINT is a broadcaster, writer, media & leadership consultant, and a public speaker, all rolled into one. It is the totality of his expertise in these various callings he puts together as his New Year message to Nigerians. See http://www.ynaija.com/victor-oladokun-the-year-that-was-2013.

    What then are the basic ingredient of his message?

    OLADOKUN: ‘THE YEAR of ME:

    ‘2013 was the year when millions of Nigerians engaged in Meaningful life and work. It was a year when we all owned, dealt with, and cleaned up our Meanness and our MEsses. In our families, at work, in our communities, and as a nation, we set aside the incessant negativity that comes from pointing the finger, blaming and shaming others. Instead, we let change begin with ‘ME’.

    COMMENT: At the burial of the late National Security Adviser, the President said: “If Nigerians would change their attitude, you will realise that most of these issues being attributed to corruption are not caused by corruption,” I agree with him but rather than his example of most accidents happening on good roads, I would merely say that in my childhood, growing up in Ekiti, a passerby would not as much as touch the banana laid by the roadside without paying for it. Today, put a battalion of soldiers, Nigerians would still try to cheat the owner. The earlier is an example of our peoples’ attitude then before the contamination brought about by today’s penchant for fast living.

    Therefore, like the President said, an attitudinal change is key to getting us out of our national morass.

    OLADOKUN: THE END OF PROFLIGATE GOVERNMENT SPENDING:

    ‘Positioning himself for 2015, … the President banned lavish banquets and luxurious cars; showed that he is irreversibly committed to stamping out wanton waste by thieving politicians and civil servants’.

    COMMENT: Again, this is attitudinal and the president must lead the way by personal example. No multi- billion banquet halls and asinine Vice-Presidential lodges are jettisoned just as he no longer appoints tainted politicians to important public offices or be their cheer leader to acquire higher national or political party posts, all with an eye on 2015.

    OLADOKUN: THERE WAS ‘LIGHT

    ‘In 2013, we found the magic switch and exclaimed in unison “we have seen the light!” Refurbished thermal generating plants in Egbin; hydroelectric power stations in Kainji, Shiroro, and Jebba; Gas turbines in Afam and Sapele in the Niger Delta; and solar power farms scattered across Nigeria’s northern belt, together churned out 15,000 uninterrupted mega watts of power that more than met domestic, commercial, and export needs. As we go into 2014, millions of Nigerians are saying their stress levels have gone down; business boomed, industrial output quadrupled, electronic media consumption broke all records, and street lighting on all major roads increased overall security.

    COMMENT: This is self-evident. The President should, rather than the next election, concentrate his mind on bringing these about. He does this, the Nigerian leadership cabal will no longer turn to Obasanjo but will merely ask him to ‘carry go’. But can he; does he dream those dreams a leader, to be successful, must?

    OLADOKUN:TRANSPARENT ACCOUNTABILITY:

    ‘Instead of being branded the 35th most corrupt nation in the world, and placing 139th out of 176 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2012 global Anti-Corruption Index, in 2013 Nigeria jumped 39 notches to place 100 on the Index, ushering in a new era of accountability and transparency at all levels of Federal and State Governance in budgeting, spending, audits, project performance, and the activities of the military, judiciary, the House and Senate, NNPC, EFCC, NPF, Customs, Immigration, institutions of higher learning, and a host of public institutions; as well as a more aggressive prosecution of those engaged in fraud and corrupt practices’.

    COMMENT: At first, looks like a chimera but certainly not impossible. We once saw Saakashvili sack 16000 Georgian police men for corruption in one day and the heavens did not fall. If Jonathan’s hands are not clean, let him make restitution, but if they are, let him go after all the known thieves in the land. Cleaning the nation’s Augean stable is a million times more rewarding than being a 2-term president.

    OLADOKUN: TRANSFORM NIGERIA

    ‘became a popular slogan in 2013 as Government leaders and proven private sector stakeholders had a meeting of the minds. The tremendous value of a maintenance culture finally dawned on our collective consciousness. Following the public outcry that came on the heels of the scandalous amounts of Naira mentioned in the construction of an Aso Rock Banquet Hall and a new Vice Presidential Mansion in 2012, a nation-wide list of strategic projects in roads, schools, hospitals, stadiums, airports and buildings were identified, evaluated, and contracted out for complete overhauls. The end result was that hundreds of thousands of Nigerians became gainfully employed; monumental eyesores became shimmering landmarks of excellence; community-wide pride of ownership became the norm; and since like tends to beget like, the rehabilitation and maintenance culture had a domino effect throughout Nigeria’

    COMMENT: Again, Nigeria can be transformed. It depends upon you and I and it is attitudinal and therefore less depending on President Jonathan though his personal life of sacrifice will facilitate and enhance the process.

    TO BE CONCLUDED

  • A Happy new year to you, too!

    A Happy new year to you, too!

    Have a Merry year; I intend to

    A Happy New Year to you too, dear reader.

    It is the beginning of another year, and I want to thank you for keeping faith with us all this time. Believe me, I cannot even begin to guess what it must have cost you to buy this paper and then sit down to read through the verbiage in this column. Some of it you said you understood, and some you said you did not. I say well done for the former and to the latter, I say, bless those words for making themselves inaccessible! Anyhow, in our trips down our nation’s history, progress, problems, culture, life … and prospects, I hope you have had as good a time as I did. But we are not done yet I hope, not by a long arm; for, you see, when all is said and done, there is still a lot more to be said and done. You get that I hope, ‘cause I’m still scratching my head on it.

    You know, I have always thought of the relationship between an old year and a new one as one between two boxers. When two boxers get into a ring, they look beautiful and have the air of bounding health as they skip up and down, making boasts and threats like kangaroos about to give birth. In a little time, though, one of them is slumped on the ring floor like a worm that has lost its wriggle power, waiting for the referee’s whistle. That’s the old year.

    The winning boxer is, however, not much better looking for wear. He appears to swagger out of the ring but don’t be fooled; he is leaning ever so slightly on his trainer. And the doctor is waiting for him in the dressing room. Now, that’s the New Year. The doctor is always hovering around it, knowing full well that the things that the old year is blamed for – the many air crashes due to the careless acts of men, the many incredibly heartless actions of men, all kinds of natural and unnatural events caused, you guessed it, by men’s thoughtlessness, and so on – will sooner or later be attributed to the ‘curse’ of the New Year. So, before we go on, let us take a look at what you and I have been through in this nation, and the conclusions we reached about them in this last year, to decide what kind of doctor this new year is going to need:

    ‘The people also want a government that can save the weak from the strong, keep the strong from destroying himself and the state, and stop pushing the people’s button. For, when the people’s button is pushed, they will react again and again and again. Their reaction, however, is not what takes the country to the precipice. No sir; it is when the country is handed over to cronies and friends and party members that the country will be pulled into certain anarchy. It is government liberality to a few that has led to the corruption that has taken us to where we are now; it is this government liberality that the people are fighting. “That government is best which governs the least”, says an adage.’

    ‘To be sure, agricultural development ensures food security which also in turn ensures national security. To ensure that development, some serious thinking that will hopefully lead to some serious action needs to be done. There are too many of us hungry ones, who cannot go beyond potted tomato-farming, who need to be rescued.’

    ‘The problem with this country is that we the citizens have developed the nasty habit of shamelessly bending the law for relatives, friends and escorts, and everyone has an endless list of those. This has led to a standing joke that Nigerians have found a shortcut to getting to heaven: it’s a matter of knowing one or two powerful people. In Nigeria, we have relegated fear to the backburner. Listen, without a healthy fear of the law, people will continue to embezzle, destroy and kill. Until we develop that healthy fear, we shall continue to roll the country involuntarily towards extinction.’

    ‘In normal climes, education is the surest means of reversing a horrendous culture such as we are talking about; in Nigeria however, this factor seems to be failing us. This means we have to look elsewhere. Each one of us has to look inside him/herself to find out what really matters: money, connections or working towards evolving a system of values which will benefit us all, children and all, centuries from now. The change that will revolutionise a state must begin with each person.’

    ‘For the government’s reformation programme to succeed, it must be people-directed. If the last Subsidy Removal protests have taught us anything, it is that the people, literate and illiterate, are ready now to hold their governments to account. Since a literate person can be more easily talked to, it is better to aim at making the entire country literate. Believe me, sir, illiteracy is a time bomb looking for when to happen.’

    ‘Look at the air travel industry. For reasons best known to the federal government, the national air carrier, Nigeria Airways, was allowed to die by a combination of strangulation, lethal injection, outright murder and lack of funds for maintenance. Yet, no one has been bold enough to look the nation in the eye and say this is the cause of its death. In the place of the carrier, with its long culture of standards and practiced legitimacy, a fleet of private carriers with a famed impatience for huge profits and sharp appetites for sharp practices has been substituted. So, here we are, sans carrier, sans standards, and at the mercy of the men in suits or … err … big, flowing agbadas. For that, the nation continues to pay incalculably huge costs.’

    ‘The moral of this story is that men ought always to go more in search of madness than money. Just listen. When you have madness, you will be pushed beyond the point of endurance to go chasing your dream that leaves humanity a little better than before and men will remember you always for your efforts. Today, we credit and remember Priestly and Davy for what they did for mankind, not for how rich they managed to get by having access to government coffers. No one remembers such. Because of inventors like those, you and I can now have our appendix removed while watching our favourite shows on TV.’

    ‘Mystery has even sustained homes. The reason why many wives have not left their husbands is because they do not know exactly how much those husbands earn, so they prefer to stay on and keep guessing. It is right now even sustaining the nation. Now, who on earth can predict the president’s next step, or even his wife’s? I tell you, Nigeria is the home of the mysterious because there is just no making out the people’s mind. Since I can never know what they are going to do next so, I have decided I’d better go find out really why the tortoise wears a hard shell. It may turn out he needs the shell to help protect him against unforeseen injuries. For the same reason, some of us had better borrow a shell or two from him so that something else can shatter other than one’s back.’

    ‘The mental health of this country is in your hands. Stop screaming at others; stop driving recklessly; stop embezzling recklessly; stop killing in the name of lust or God; and begin now to take care of yourself and others in this giant mental institution. Who knows, if we begin to behave ourselves we might be let off, and be allowed to join the comity of sane nations soon, real soon.’ Have a merry year; I intend to.

  • Oga mi no dey run

    As presidential posters swamp strategic corners of Abuja, it is all but certain, despite feeble official denials, that come 2015, Goodluck Jonathan is set to enter the presidential ring once again. The tribe of hidden and not so hidden persuaders is multiplying and mushrooming all over the place. Deploying the awesome logistics of authoritarian but not so authoritative incumbency, the Jonathan juggernaut is set to roll over the Nigerian landscape once again like a road crunching Soviet Saladin and with prohibitive collateral damage. Like the Tupolev aircraft, the Soviet tank is a no-frills, no-nonsense equal opportunity machine.

    Everything is now in place to ensure that Jonathan steamrolls his way through a supine country. The old fixer has been returned to familiar haunts at the Lagos Port, hunting down political contrabands, while facing down all known refuseniks, particularly the Owu-born general. Some known acolytes and favourites of Baba are being processed for the Ribadu Rigor Mortis. If Sule Lamido still believes that a presidential struggle is a Kano inner city Baghdad tea sortie or a Talakawa assembly, let him continue to fool himself. The money laundering dragnet is an equal opportunity manger which has no respect for gubernatorial immunity.

    But in the unfolding scenario of presidential disincentives, the most serious and pathetic case is that of the courtly and affable Rotimi Amaechi who has been shouting from the rooftop that he has no intention whatsoever of contesting the presidential election either as a candidate or a running mate. At the rate things are going, the poor chap may have to take a disclaimer in all the leading dailies with his picture prominently displayed. In the alternative, he may have to hire a chopper to write the disclaimer in the skies. Such are the perils of presidential power-play.

    In confusion and utter disbelief, Okon had walked up to Baba Lekki for clarification.

    “Baba, why dis Amaechi man dey deny sotey say him no wan be president?” Okon demanded.

    “Ah Okon, you are a fool. Se you want the poor boy to enter presidential dekumagolo?” the old man sneered with lunatic relish.

    “Baba you don come with dem Yoruba magomago again? “ Okon scoffed.

    “Ah yeye Calabar boy. Agolo na Yoruba word for tin. Dekumagolo na rat trap made from tin. As the rat come enter dem tin come shut gbam, and dem rat come kaput. Odigbere ni yen” Baba jeered.

    “Kai, kai, na god go punish dem wicked Yoruba people. But baba how about dem fire for Baba dem house?” Okon demanded.

    “Na the same thing, Okon. If you wan catch dem big rodent, you put fire for him hole. Baba himself don say if say na for night, him go kaput. Jonathan no be fisherman. Na rodent catcher. You know say him do him youth Service for dem Yoruba town dem call Iresi? Make una siddon look. Overtake don overtake Overtake be dat”, the crazy old man croaked.

    “Kai dis thing no be joke. Baba wetin dem poor Amaechi boy go do now?” Okon inquired.

    “Ah make him do oga mi no wan run” the old man sniggered.

    “Baba wetin be dat again?” Okon demanded.

    “Ah you see, when dem catch dem soldier who come shoot Ibrahim Taiwo na the cry him dey cry be dat”, the crazy old man whined. It was at this point that snooper drove the lunatics out of his house.

  • Leaders and the challenges of key decisions

    In fact without a crisis or a challenge no leader can claim to have been tested or to have paid his dues or earned the title of leader . Whether natural , fabricated or contrived , a crisis puts a leader on his toes to provide leadership , restore order or control and assure his followers that they are well covered by the insurance of his leadership

    Crises create leaders and leadership styles of various hues , shapes and sizes. In fact without a crisis or a challenge no leader can claim to havave been tested or to have paid his dues or earned the title of leader. Whether natural, fabricated or contrived, a crisis puts a leader on his toes to provide leadership, restore order or control and assure his followers that they are well covered by the insurance of his leadership. That is the mark of leadership in the modern world today . Yet it is becoming a rare gift amongst our leaders in the real world or if you like, a tall act to follow for most global leaders of our age and time.

    In Italy the make shift government of outgoing PM Mario Monti recently collapsed after former PM Silvio Berlusconi withdrew his support for him in Parliament .Mario Monti a professor of Economics had been brought in to fix Italy’s wobbly economy, run aground by Silvio Berlusconi with his varied, sordid and polemical sex scandals while in office as PM. Yet, Berlusconi supported the Professor until recently when the media mogul decided that Italy is now worse off under Mario Monti’s spending cuts and tax hikes and his government should be allowed to fall or go , to pave the way for new elections which Berlusconi wants to contest in . The problem really is that Berlusconi is troubled by Monti’s rising Mr Fix It profile in Italy and the fear in Berlusconi of a Monti candidature against him for the PM position is rising daily .So , the natural thing for Berlusconi to do first is to denounce the Mario Monti economic performance record as inadequate and unprogressive so as to create a problem for a future opponent about to enter the political foray to lead Italy as PM in the very near future.

    How that clash unfolds will be clearer in the next few weeks. But the scenario provides a very good illustration of the type of decisions that leaders must make and indeed have made in the past and which have great impact on their immediate environment and society. Must Mario Monti run because he has been taunted by Berlusconi or because he feels he has an unfinished business in fixing Italy economically and fiscally? Either way he faces a formidable opponent in Berlusconi who is free to contest elections pending his appeal against court decisions on sundry charges ranging from tax evasion, to underage sex, prostitution and others. According to Berlusconi he is a victim of persecution by the Italian judicial system. Just last week Berlusconi agreed to pay $50m to his divorced wife a fact which made Mario Monti to taunt him on his family values opening a debate for the PM contest in Italy which by the way is the only nation in Europe that can still have someone like Silvio Berlusconi still actively involved in party politics.

    Silvio Berlusconi has been PM of Italy on three previous occasions — 1994-1995; 2001-2006; and 2008 -2011. How Silvio Berlusconi still believes the Italians love him so much and can still elect him as PM of Italy in spite of his scandal prone political track record must be a source of worry for the Italian people who, while they may love him for owning the famous AC Milan Football club which has been several times UEFA Champions league winners, are enlightened enough to separate soccer ownership from governance and looking after the polity and the economy in a civilized and beneficial manner. Anyway I have no doubt in my mind that the Italian electorate is ready to teach Berlusconi some hard lessons at the polls over his latest decision to seek their support again for his election as PM.

    Actually this topic came to my mind on learning last week of the death at the age of 78 of the US 1991 Gulf War Commander General Norman Schwarzkopf in the US. The late General had led a Coalition of Nations to chase Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait after the Iraqi leader woke up one day and said that some history had it that Kuwait was part of Iraq and invaded his neighbor’s territory. President Barak Obama has paid tribute to the late General as one of the best generals the US ever had . So have his Commander in Chief then former President George W Bush the 41st President of the US whose son George Bush the 43rd US President finally nailed Saddam in the Second World War of 2003 predicated and driven on the excuse that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction.

    My contention here is that the Second Gulf War and the invasion of Iraq by the US and Britain in March 2003, would have been unnecessary if General Norman Schwarzkopf had done his job differently in 1991 when he chased the Iraqi Army out of Kuwait. According to reports the road to Baghdad was clear for the Coalition Forces under the late General to finish off the loud mouthed Iraqi leader but General Schwarzkopf stuck to his gun that his orders were to liberate Kuwait and he stopped at the border with Iraq. The opportunity cost of that decision is not only the Second Gulf War after 9/11 but the slaughter of thousands of Kurds who were jubilating that the fall of Saddam was imminent as they thought the Coalition forces were on the way to Baghdad to destroy their sworn enemy. As it later turned out it was Saddam who had a field day destroying the Kurds in a murderous rage of frenzy and retaliation later because of Schwarzkopf’s decision to stop at the Kuwaiti border with Iraq.

    Similarly, the news last week that the vegetative former PM of Israel Ariel Sharon was still responsive and not dead, 7 years after he suffered a stroke in 2006 also bestirred some memories on momentous decisions he made before his stroke. Ariel Sharon was a war hero in Israel’s several wars with the Arabs since 1948 when the state of Israel was created and the Palestinians displaced setting up a violent ripple of hatred in the Middle East till today. Sharon was a hero in the Six Days War of 1967 as well as the Yom Kippur War of 1973. Indeed his picture with a bloodily bandaged head adorns some Encyclopaedia on his biography. Notably he disobeyed his commanders not to cross the Sinai Desert but his disobedience brought victory and according to fables the surrounding of the famed Egypt’s Third Army and a famous victory for Israel. But as a Minister in Israel after the wars, Ariel Sharon was a hawk who as Minister of Works accelerated building on the occupied territories that should be returned to the Palestinians according to UN resolutions. Later Sharon had a change of mind on this and formed his own party and won election on the platform of peace with the Palestinians but then he had stroke a year later and has been incapacitated ever since. It is on record however that before his stroke he ejected Jews living in the occupied territory by force which was an unbelievable sight at that time. Nowadays, however, the government of Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel is trampling on the policy for which Sharon won election before his stroke, by building on the occupied territories from which Ariel Sharon, war hero, former war hawk and later peace advocate , drove away Jewish settlers. Which really shows the cruel irony of life especially with the difficult decisions of global leaders both past, present, and sadly too while even vegetating.

    Leaving morbid thoughts aside, let us look at some challenging or potentially challenging decisions in France of recent . In France President Francois Hollande Hollande stuck to his gun to tax the wealthy even though the Constitutional Court in France ruled recently that the policy was unconstitutional because it targeted individuals and not households. The French president accepted the challenge and said he would rephrase the policy because those who have more in the French Society must sacrifice the most to get France out of its economic doldrums and reduce its debts and deficits.The Hollande Tax Plan had taxed 75% of earnings of French people earning 1m euros which had led to some gifted entrepreneurs fleeing France. Francois Hollande is unfazed by the Constitutional Court set back. Instead, in a speech to the French people in the new year, he declared his commitment to his declared election objectives of more jobs, competitiveness and growth as the ultimate economic bail out, rescue plan for France. Hollande to me has shown leadership grit and commitment to the overall good of France and has assured the French electorate that he would deliver on his election promise that he would tax the rich massively because the French have a tradition of reducing income inequalities right from the time of the French revolution of 1789.

    You can compare the French attitude with the American and Nigerian mind set to fiscal matters. In the US, the so called fiscal cliff is but an entrenchment of ideological stances by both democrats and republicans. The democrats believe in spending to bail out the economy while the republicans believe that governments role should be minimal and that those companies that cannot compete, cannot and must not survive. In addition republicans believe that the rich must not be taxed since they provide employment which they say is not the duty of government but the private sector .But a democrat Barak Obama won the election and was reelected in the US and his mandate must not be scuttled on an bitter and jealous ideological slaughter slab in the US legislature. Also in Nigeria, deficits don’t matter as long as the legislature hoodwinks the executive into accommodating the fringe benefits of legislators into the approved, expanded budget rather than a reduced budget that should be the product of proper legislative oversight, vetting and prudent management function.

    But then, in all nations in the world, posterity beckons for questioning, just as history watches and waits patiently to pass judgement on our global leaders’ and decision makers sense of justice , fairness and transparency. That may not seem much of a deterrence now in the frenzy to win immediate riches, honors and accolades .At the end of time however, the true leaders and decisions are those who and which survive the scrutiny of history and that really is what separates leadership chaff from wheat; and the men from the boys on the slippery paths of global leadership and decision making

  • Mko Abiola’s forgotten reparations crusade

    Mko Abiola’s forgotten reparations crusade

    Towards the end of 2012, an explosive new book by Africa’s first literature Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, titled: ‘Harmattan Haze on an African Spring’ was quietly released to the reading public. I guess this must have been about the same time that Professor Chinua Achebe’s highly controversial and contentious book, ‘There was A Country: A personal history of Biafra” also emerged on the country’s literary firmament. The focus of Achebe’s book is Nigeria and the civil war that rocked the country to its very foundations between 1969 and 1971. On its part, Soyinka’s latest literary offering takes an incisive look at the African condition exploring how her tragic and bitter past has shaped the present but may also contain those elements necessary for the redemption of a much abused continent.

    ‘Harmattan Haze on an African Spring’ is a characteristically ‘Soyinkaesque’ tour de force traversing diverse spheres of human knowledge including history, geography, political economy, literary and visual arts, philosophy and psychology among several others. Without exculpating Africans from responsibility for the present condition of the continent – its backwardness, ceaseless conflicts and deepening underdevelopment – Soyinka insists that a confrontation with the continent’s history and a refusal to sweep its lessons under the carpet is foundational to understanding Africa and charting a viable path to her socio-economic, moral and political rejuvenation.

    I am not very much concerned in this piece with Soyinka’s rather controversial advocacy of a return to pristine pre-colonial African spirituality as part of the necessary processes for the salvation of the continent. Like Achebe, Soyinka extols the tolerance, accommodation and liberal spirit of African traditional religions comparing this to the perceived totalising authoritarianism and hegemonic aspirations of Islam and Christianity on the continent. Traditional African spirituality, he believes, has a lot to teach contemporary Africa on the virtues of religious tolerance but also stemming the destructive tide of sectarian extremism in diverse parts of the continent. For me, the most moving parts of Soyinka’s rendering of our history are those in which he dwells at length on the slave trade and its’ terribly dehumanizing implications for the black race.

    Soyinka’s vivid imagery confirms Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s press statement on 28th June, 1961, that “From the beginning of recorded history, the black man has been the conspicuous butt of all manner of inhuman treatment. In the palaces of the Arabian potentates – both in the Middle East and in North Africa – he was degraded and enslaved. When the so-called ‘Dark Continent of Africa’ was discovered, the European marauders hunted him down like a common beast, captured him, and sold him into slavery in the Americas and West Indies.” Awolowo goes on to detail the negative consequences of colonialism and neo-colonialism for the African continent.

    Of course, we are aware of Walter Rodney’s seminal work, ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’, which proved incontrovertibly that the very same exploitative forces of slavery and colonialism responsible largely for the underdevelopment of Africa also played pivotal roles in the socio-economic and industrial ascendancy and triumphalism of the West. Yet, there are those who, despite these glaring facts of history, see in the position of scholars like Rodney only an attempt to push onto others the responsibility for Africa’s predicament while denying Africans of any culpability. This was certainly the view of President Barak Obama, when in his speech to Ghana’s parliament on Saturday, July 11, 2009 he said: “It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, but the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants.”

    This kind of superficial reading of history will surely benefit from the following insight from one of Africa’s foremost scholars, the late Professor Claude Ake: “The slave trade disorganized and devastated Africa on such scale that she was forever available for domination by virtually everyone. Not surprisingly the Europeans carved up Africa among themselves, colonized her and proceeded to complete the work of disorganization and debasement which had begun with the slave trade. A great deal of emphasis has been placed on the detrimental economic effects of colonization. But this was not necessarily its most damaging effect. In all probability, it contributed less to our problems than the political and cultural policies. Colonialism was premised on the inferiority of the colonised. That premise is the very content of the ‘civilising mission’”. Ruminating on these issues reminded me, once again, of the indelible role of the late Chief M.K.O. Abiola in the history both of Nigeria and Africa. Mention the name Abiola today, and what comes to mind are either his numerous philanthropic activities or his bid for the country’s presidency in the historic but cruelly aborted June 12, 1993, presidential election.

    But Abiola meant much more than these. He was easily the wealthiest black man in his life time. A key mission he adopted later in his life was the vigorous campaign for the payment of reparations to Africa for the depredations of slavery, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Abiola selflessly deployed his enormous resources towards the attainment of this end of correcting a historic injustice and monumental crime against humanity. Given a rationale for his crusade in a speech in London in 1992, Abiola declared “Our demand for reparations is based on the tripod of moral, historic and legal arguments. Who knows what path Africa’s social development would have taken if our great centres of civilisation had not been razed in search of human cargo? Who knows how our economies would have developed…?”. In December 1990, Abiola convened and sponsored the first world conference on reparations at the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, where he formally inaugurated the reparations campaign. The campaign moved to the continental level in June 1991 when the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity now the African Union as well as the 55th Council of Ministers of the Union passed a resolution recognizing the injustice of slavery in Africa and affirmed the continent’s right to reparations.

    The Eminent Persons Group set up to steer the reparations campaign convened the first Pan-African conference on Reparations in Abuja in April 1993 with participants drawn from Africa, Asia, America and Europe. The conference issued a communiqué reiterating the imperative of paying reparations to Africa for the physical and psychological brutality, socio-cultural dislocation and economic dysfunction caused by slavery, colonialism and imperialism in general; acts of injustice without parallel in human history. All of these efforts were personally funded by Chief MKO Abiola even though the Babangida regime later donated the sum of $500,000 to the cause. It was as the campaign was gaining momentum that Abiola ventured into politics to contest Nigeria’s presidency on the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) – a distraction that led to his eventual tragic fate.

    But why did MKO abandon the reparations crusade? Could he have seen that paying reparations to largely corrupt, decadent and oppressive African states would be like pouring water down a basket? Could he have noticed that most African leaders in their brazen contempt for and mistreatment of their own people are no better than the pre-colonial slave masters and their African collaborators? Could he have noticed that the majority of African leaders have slavishly and voluntarily sold their intellects to western International Financial Institutions like the IMF and World Bank and lack the capacity to pursue autonomous policies that can liberate the socio-economic potentials of an otherwise well endowed continent?

    Indeed, Professor Nworisara Nwolise of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan, recently noted that if a slave ship were to berth on the ports of African countries today, millions would voluntarily scramble to get aboard and be relieved of the agony of an existence no different from hell on earth. Surely, it cannot get worse than that. True, the case for reparations to Africa for the depredations of slavery and colonialism remains unassailable. If the Jews have been paid billions in reparations for the holocaust that lasted roughly twelve years, how much should Africa be recompensed for dehumanizing slavery and colonialism that lasted over 400 years, deprived the continent of the best of her human resource while also mercilessly exploiting her natural and mineral resources? But right now, African leaders simply lacks the moral integrity to make a case for reparations. Indeed, the way Africa is largely misgoverned today simply validates the case of those who argue that the slave raiders actually did the captured slaves a favour by liberating them from the ‘heart of darkness”. What a great pity.