Category: Columnists

  • Plane crash, poor state hospital; Jonathan’s 3rd peaceful election’; ‘Nigeria’s Corruption Carpet’

    Plane crash, poor state hospital; Jonathan’s 3rd peaceful election’; ‘Nigeria’s Corruption Carpet’

    News: Plane crash in Yola. Sorry, but whose money? Is Yola General Hospital well equipped enough to receive plane crash victims? Governors must think about people, not personal profits. Congrats to President Jonathan for maintaining the election peace in the Presidential, Edo and Ondo elections–a hat trick. No violence- a true legacy.

    While malignant corruption festers, a dying Nigeria teaches in schools that the theft of a goat is seven years in jail while a multibillion theft will fetch you a choice hospital holiday and ‘plea bargaining’ by returning 1/10th of the stolen money – punishment inversely proportional to the crime. Political righteous indignation at oil baron thieves is misplaced. They are all the same –thieves of votes or money! The judiciary has failed us. Imagine the judiciary ‘awarding’ a child molester only two years in jail with option of N80,000 fine. A fine for such a crime against your daughter, Mr What Justice?

    The true guardians of people’s right to a better life–NLC, ASUU, NMA, NANS, NUT, PENGASSAN – deserve GCFR for their guarding of the republic, their sacrifices and foresight. When they protest on behalf of the downtrodden, the downtrodden and the politicians shower curses on them for ‘not being patriotic’. The real thieving culprits are ‘dividends of democracy’ politicians, contractors, conmen and especially civil servants drawing up ‘no work-no pay’ agreements. They have all stolen us blind leaving the citizens to ‘manage’ crumbs and still expected to be grateful as the politicians award each other more and more PPPs-Prizes, Profits and Plaques and ‘Best Governorships’.

    Ribadu’s NNPC revelations amount to N86.6b or N577 /Fellow Nigerian, the $5b waste from gas flaring or N5,000/Nigerian, the megabillion pension scams, the N44billion UBE unaccessed funds or N600/ Fellow Nigerian Youth, the 30-70% contract percentage kickbacks for contracts, the electricity multimegabillion scam, Ladi Kwali Hall conferences, juicy NASS oversight allowances and customs ‘customers’ make massive needless suffering and death for the citizens. Scams amount to more than N10,000/Fellow Nigerian/per annum in losses. We have allocated enough contractor funds to build a road around the world and still we meekly accept to risk our lives and die on potholed death-trap and gridlocked Lagos-Ibadan, Ore-Benin and the East-West roads. Enough of billionaire contractors!

    A serious government would have ‘A National Road Emergency Strategy’ and divide roads into 10-20km blocks and award them to hundreds of hungry qualified contractors for rapid completion. As in primary school the favourite example was: If one contractor can build a road in 36 months, 10 contractors can build it in 3.6 months. Or one big billionaire contractor should employ 10 times the staff working at 10 points to finish the work in one tenth the time – 3.6 months. It is criminal to give one billionaire political contractor a 300km road to build in 36 or 48 months. Nations in a hurry know better. And Nigeria needs to hurry into the 21st Century.

    These revelations have lifted one tiny corner of ‘The Corruption Carpet’ covering Nigeria. We are horrified by the huge stealing while the same officials ‘lament’ about ‘poor allocations’ and ‘government cannot do it alone’. But ‘government can steal alone’!

    The protests by Nigeria’s unions are at the serial abuse and poor treatment by politicians and absence of ‘civilisation indices’ in spite of great wealth hidden from the public scrutiny. In education these ‘civilisation indices’ are a friendly learning environment. In health these ‘civilisation indices’ are modern medical equipment and 16,400 Primary Health Centres –one per Ward, 21st Century equipment as used by brilliant medical Nigerians abroad. But in our medical ‘counterfeit centres of excellence’ only the signboard says ‘excellence’.

    Nigerians, not just those who fly to hospitals abroad at our expense, deserve modern equipment as a birthright from our wealth. For the physically challenged, ‘civilisation indices’ include modern movement aids, braille, wheelchair access and computerised prosthetic limbs. For roads ‘civilisation indices’ include the thousands of side roads which must be ‘guttered’ and tarred. In transport we lack thousands of kilometres of railway tracks and modern human mass transit bus and monorail. On youth issues ‘civilisation indices’ include 16,400 non-political ‘Ward Youth Centres’. In addition we require serious entrepreneurial training, a broader job market, sponsored computerised sports databases, mini stadia and holiday coaching camps. On sanitation, ‘civilisation indices’ dictate that communities has rights to water and toilets. ‘Civilisation indices’ require we are malaria, polio and pothole free and also corruption free. With this money Nigeria can afford free quality health and education.

    When will politicians learn to leave professionals alone to do their job? Nigerians have been ‘managing’ or coping with nonsense government and running ‘on empty’ since the military era. Stop corruption and fill Nigeria’s tank with the unstolen money. Government distribution of Sallah ram and Xmas rice to the few will not solve our corruption problems.

    Nigerians do not want ‘dividends of democracy’ but return of the stolen ‘dividends of being Nigerians’. There is a lot to spend that stolen money on. Why do we allow theft when so many are deprived?

    PS: How do Nigeria’s $billions ‘disappear’ untraced? Poor systems without computerisation, dishonest supervision and corrupt policing! Who own the colluding banks? Will the colluding managers, accountants, auditors and drivers escape unpunished? A bold leadership, non-political, must clean Nigeria’s stinking Augean Stable before Nigeria dies. Work and pray-with both eyes open or they will steal you too!

  • No sacred cow, please

    No sacred cow, please

    Violence, killings and terrorism are fast becoming the norm in Nigeria today such that the society is no longer shocked each time Boko Haram strikes. As if here is Iraq, Pakistan or Afghanistan, Nigerians are beginning to react with less concern to the unnecessary bloodletting in the country by these terrorists.

    There seems to be a sense of déjà vu each time there is another attack on Christians/churches and other innocent Nigerians in the north by Boko Haram leading to loss of lives and properties. Save for those affected in one way or the other, the rest of us seem to have lost count of the number of terrorist attacks and associated deaths/killings since we were pushed on this path by some forces of darkness and are going about our businesses as usual as if nothing is amiss.

    Hope is a tool Nigerians have been using since the existence of time to tackle their helplessness especially in the face of seemingly overwhelming adversities. Hope of a better tomorrow seems to make them live longer even when that tomorrow may never come. Little wonder then that we have been ranked the happiest people on earth even in the face of one of world’s most excruciating poverty.

    With our security forces seemingly incapable of protecting us against the onslaught of Boko Haram, Nigerians have resorted to hope, prayer and in some cases self help to free themselves from the grasp of these terrorists. But instead of the security situation as regards Boko Haram getting better, we are sinking deeper into this bottomless pit with seemingly no end in sight. Instead of our witch abandoning her witchcraft she kept on giving birth to daughters, so the matter continues.

    But since we are told that God is always behind the patient, the patience and hope of majority of Nigerians in this Boko Haram matter seems to be paying off as it does appear that we are getting closer to unraveling those behind this terror against the rest of us.

    Remember President Goodluck Jonathan alleged some time ago that our judicial, legislative and even the executive arms of government have been infiltrated by either Boko Haram operatives or sympathizers. Though he failed to name names, most of us believed him but were and still disappointed that he’s not been able to bring them to book. That seems to be about to change and the National Assembly has been his first port of call.

    Can you still recall one Senator Alli Ndume representing Borno North senatorial district in the National Assembly? The lawmaker accused some time ago of being in bed with Boko Haram? Yes, the same person who is currently battling prosecution in court to clear his name on this terrorism matter. Well, another Borno senator is being fingered again for allegedly aiding and abetting Boko Haram. His name? Senator Ahmed Khalifa Zanna representing Borno central.

    Both ‘distinguished’ Senators of the Federal Republic of Nigeria have vehemently denied either backing for Boko Haram or support for terrorism. This is not a court of law, so I would rather leave the prosecution to prove its case if any against them and allow the court to judge.

    My concern here is not about their guilt or innocence but the fact that prominent people are being linked to this terror organization confirms my stand that there was no way Boko Haram or any such organization can survive without the support, tacit or full of the leaders and elders of the area concerned. At the risk of abuse and name calling by some elements in the north, especially the northeast axis, I’ve shouted myself hoarse calling for security searchlight to be beamed on the elders, leaders and even traditional rulers of areas where Boko Haram is firmly rooted, Borno and Yobe states in particular.

    The story filtering from Borno and environs shortly after the terrorists began their killings was that former Borno State Governor Senator Alli Modu Sheriff was behind Boko Haram and that he created the group as the militant arm of his campaign organization and indeed his administration, not only to win elections, but also to suppress his opponents. If this was true, he indeed succeeded in his mission as he not only won the elections (not all though) for his All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) but also ruthlessly dealt with the opposition, especially the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Since all bad intentioned things cannot last forever, we were told SAS, as Sheriff is better known, fell apart with his boys who, with the type of training, ammunition and orientation they have been taken through opted for terrorism instead of a quiet and peaceful reintegration into the society. Welcome to Boko Haram. That was the story we were told.

    Now after years of silence, SAS is fighting back and has pointedly accused the PDP in his State of not only being behind Boko Haram and terrorism in Borno, but also fingered Senator Ahmed Khalifa Zanna as being their godfather. Uhuuuum!

    Following the arrest of an alleged Boko Haram operative recently in a Maiduguri house said to belong to Senator Zanna, by security agents, the lawmaker even though admitting the suspect is a relation denied having anything to do with him and said the house in question does not belong to him but Sheriff. SAS, he said should be held responsible. Uhuuuum.

    This is getting interesting. It appears both have something useful to say or know something useful about Boko Haram that could lead us to the solution to this problem and I think it won’t be a bad idea if both are taken into custody by security agents for thorough investigation. Coming out now and throwing this accusation and counter accusation could mean that the heat was getting closer to them and they felt it’s better to open the Pandora box now than keep quiet and suffer alone.

    When JTF began its campaign against the terrorists in Borno, a certain group of elders and leaders of thoughts accused the military of high handedness and called for troops’ withdrawal. Why? May be not unconnected to their desire and determination to protect their personal interests as events have now proven. Do we still need any further evidence to convince us that these so called elders and leaders are part of the problem?

    There are so many of them out there masquerading as leaders and elders, hobnobbing with government in the day but having dinner with Boko Haram at night. Security agents should painstakingly make effort in seeking them, taking them and using them to get to the root of Boko Haram and stamp out terrorism in our land. Nobody involved should be spared, no sacred cow, but at the same time, no innocent soul should be punished.

  • How we court disasters

    How we court disasters

    The national flood disaster highlights a basic deficiency in our approach to unpleasant situations and that is the idea of waiting until disaster strikes before taking action.

    Faced with imminent danger, successive administrations in Nigeria invariably adopt a wait and see policy rather than coming up with an initiative to avert the crisis. In effect, this nation has witnessed several avoidable disasters resulting in a cyclical pattern of development that rejects progression. In many ways, our attempt at nation-building replicates Albert Camus’s Sisyphean myth as whatever gains we record are usually cancelled out by incessant disasters and then we find ourselves always rebuilding.

    The waiting game in itself is a product of the conflict between personal interests and the interests of the larger society. Those entrusted with leadership positions in Nigeria over the years tend to sacrifice common good for selfish ends. Societal problems are attended to only in emergency situations. So long as a problem has not deteriorated to that level, it can wait.

    The reaction to disasters is also predictable. First, an enquiry is launched into the cause or impact of a problem that has been waiting to happen. Then again, resources that should have been utilized to keep the problem in check will be invested in disaster management. Sometimes fatalistic principles are invoked to justify disasters. In the Bauchi State post-election killings for instance, those that should have offered protection to the slain corps members declared that they were destined to die during their service year.

    We must, therefore, go beyond blaming nature for the calamity witnessed in most parts of the country recently as the real source of the havoc is the failure of those in authority to respond to the threats posed by the global climate change. Although there were predictions of torrential rainfall and early flood warnings, no efforts whatsoever were made by the federal or any state government to assess the impact of the climate change on the nation or to devise the means of checking it.

    The fact that all the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory are flood-prone should have propelled the two levels of government into action. Besides, in July last year, Lagos State and some communities in Ogun State were completely submerged after a torrential rainfall. That incident left a trail of destructions which should have served as a wake-up call for the government. Yet, no lessons were learnt.

    But, as soon as the phenomenon assumed an alarming proportion, affecting 30 of the 36 states of the federation, the Federal Government countered with a mitigation package. A Technical Committee on Floods Impact Assessment was immediately raised and mandated to tour the disaster areas. From its interim report, N13.3 billion was dispatched to all the states to combat flood.

    Some ministries and agencies of the Federal Government among them, the Ministry of Works, the Ministry of Environment, National Emergency Management Agency and National Commission on Refugees, received N4.3billion to join the states in providing succour to the victims. The government is now shopping for more funds through another committee, the National Committee on Flood Rehabilitation, to further mitigate the impact of the disaster and ensure a post-impact rehabilitation of the victims.

    In addition to these short-term measures, belated medium and long term measures to check future flood disasters are in the offing. Practically all the states of the federation now have committees on flooding. Already, governors of the affected states are saddled with the responsibility of providing flood victims with accommodation, relief materials and medical facilities.

    If these measures had come at the appropriate time, this tragic situation could have been turned into an advantage. Other nations overcome such problems through massive construction of artificial outlets to absorb water from torrential rainfall since floods occur when rivers, the soil and vegetation cannot absorb water. In the dry season, the water so collected is released for irrigation purposes. Evidently, the Federal and state governments were under the illusion that the global phenomenon of flooding will never get to us and the nation has paid dearly for their inaction.

    Today, Nigeria presents the sorry picture of a nation at war with nature as the antagonist. Several lives have been lost. Hundreds of thousands of people have abandoned their homes and belongings to run for their lives. The displaced are now crammed in refugee camps and surviving on relief materials as obtains in a typical war situation. As many people have observed, the crowded rehabilitation camps are another recipe for disaster. What will follow is an outbreak of epidemics and as usual innocent children will bear the brunt.

    Highways have also been taken over by water leaving scores of passengers stranded and food scarcity looms as farmlands have been destroyed. Floods are also known to cause soil erosion, induce structural damages to buildings and endanger the lives of other species. Losses from flood in monetary terms usually run into trillions of naira. According to media reports, the nation loses about N6.75 billion oil revenue daily to flood.

    There is no doubt that the impact of the flood disaster will remain with us for a long time to come. About 32 years ago, the first civilian governor of the old Imo State, the late Chief Sam Mbakwe, had called the attention of the nation to the devastating effect of floods but no one took him seriously. He was rather branded a ‘weeping governor’ for weeping for victims of a flood ravaged community.

    It is unfortunate that some of us have become accustomed to reactive measures. The encomiums being lavished on the Federal Government since the release of the flood intervention funds point to this. The governors are also being praised to the skies for offering salvation to victims of the flood disaster.

    Viewed correctly, there is nothing to cheer about. Whatever the Presidency and the governors have done is to assuage the pains inflicted on the victims in particular and the nation in general by their failure to carry out their constitutional duties. There is no reason why Nigerians should not have been insulated from a disaster of such magnitude after metrological warnings and given the consequences of floods to individuals and the economy. This is more so as we have scientists at the helm of affairs who should know the implications of forecasts based on empirical evidence.

    We must begin to demand that those in authority do things the right way so as to save the populace unnecessary mental and psychological agonies. If nations that experience flooding from different sources such as failure of dams, tsunamis and high tides have found ways of containing the situation why should Nigeria where the only source of flooding is torrential rainfall find itself in such a mess?

    Just like fire, water has two contradictory qualities. It is both life-giving and destructive. Any nation that ignores the dark side of water does so at its own peril.

    • Dr Nnadi, writes from Lagos.

  • Ave Iohannes, Cardinal (designate) Onaiyekan

    Ave Iohannes, Cardinal (designate) Onaiyekan

    Among those who know him or have followed his career with interest, the only surprise in the translation to Cardinal of Dr John Onaiyekan, Archbishop of the Catholic Diocese of Abuja, is that it did not come much earlier.

    I belong in both categories.

    Onaiyekan and I were born the same year but six months apart in Kabba, Kogi State, and had our primary education there, he at St Mary’s Catholic School, and I at St Andrew’s Anglican School.

    Our paths rarely crossed, since we lived in different parts of town, and even when we staged the obligatory Empire Day march every year to the Divisional Office, each school maintained its own formation.

    That changed in 1956 when both of us were among a group of primary school pupils specially selected – so we were told — to travel to Kaduna to join our counterparts from other parts of Northern Nigeria to greet Queen Elizabeth and her husband Prince Phillip on their maiden visit to Nigeria. It was during the trip, and our four-week encampment in Kaduna, that I got to know the boy behind the legend.

    His brilliance had long been the talk of the town. Among his peers, he was deemed the person most likely to succeed, not just on account of that brilliance, but also because of his dutifulness, and his impeccable good manners. He had everything going for him, including a handsome, athletic gait that would grow even more winsome in the years ahead.

    His given name Olorunfemi (God loves me) could not have been more prescient: He was prodigally gifted.

    Back then, the best pupils headed to Government College, Keffi, or the Provincial Secondary School, Okene, via the Northern Common Entrance Exam. Onaiyekan had already decided, it would seem, that those prestigious secular institutions would do little to prepare him for the life of the cloister.

    He could have headed to St John’s College, Kaduna, easily the best-known Catholic secondary school for boys in Northern Nigeria and one of the best in the nation. Instead, Onaiyekan chose to go to the little-known Mt St Michael Secondary School run by the Catholic Mission in bucolic Aliade, near Otukpo, in today’s Benue State. There his brilliance and humility instantly endeared him to the authorities and to fellow students.

    A schoolmate two years ahead of Onaiyekan once told me how he would call Onaiyekan to some quiet corner, far from the embarrassing gaze of colleagues, to seek his help with knotty problems in geometry or the proper use of the ablative absolute in Latin.

    In his final year at Aliade, Onaiyekan’s brilliance thrust him – and his school – into the national limelight. He came first in the entire Northern Nigeria in the entrance examination into the two-year Higher School Certificate (HSC) programme to prepare students for university matriculation.

    His prize was the Isa Kaita trophy, donated by Alhaji Isa Kaita, the much-respected Northern Nigeria Minister of Education. This achievement so impressed the premier himself, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, that he journeyed all the way to Aliade to present the trophy to Onaiyekan.

    With that feat, and a performance of the same vintage in the West African School Certificate examination, Onaiyekan stood to receive a government scholarship to study anywhere he pleased. By the time the WASC results were released, he had already enrolled at the SS Peter and Paul Major Seminary, Bodija, in Ibadan, to prepare himself for the priesthood.

    He could have elected to study mathematics or physics or biology or literature or chemistry or indeed any subject at the most renowned institutions in the world, for such was his prodigious talent. He could have become a doctor, a lawyer, an engineer, or an architect. With proper coaching, he could have earned a decent living in professional soccer as a goalkeeper outside these shores.

    In the academy, he would no doubt have changed more than a few footnotes. He might even have played a leading part in changing a paradigm. But his commitment to the priesthood was unshakeable.

    That commitment took him to Rome for further studies, culminating in a doctorate and versatility in Italian, French, and German and Spanish, took him back to Bodija as a professor of Sacred Theology, and saw him shuttling between wherever he happened to be based and Rome to participate in some of the most important deliberations at The Vatican.

    Thus, his translation to the College of Cardinals was a forgone conclusion. The only surprise, as I was saying, is that it did not come much earlier. Something tells me that he has arrived only at a station, not the terminus.

    In Nigeria, Onaiyekan has been a font of inspiration, always appealing to the moral law within us as Immanuel Kant called it, always speaking truth to power in measured terms but without equivocation, always seeking to promote acceptance and deepen understanding, always exhorting those who have taken the destiny of Nigeria in their hands to make it the country that Providence has endowed it most bounteously to be.

    Not for him, however, the shrillness and sanctimony of a great many of the evangelicals and Pentecostals who are forever invoking “holy ghost fire” on those who don’t share their faith or fervour.

    Sometime in 1968, Onaiyekan, then principal of St Kizito’s Secondary School, Isanlu, in Kwara State, came on assignment to Oro, also in Kwara State, where I was teaching at the Grammar School. During the visit, he said Mass at the local Catholic Church.

    Not being a Catholic, I did not attend the mass. But it clings in my memory. A friend who was in attendance told me how young women literally swooned that a man so handsome could have chosen to be a priest of all things, and the older women wondered and wondered how his parents could have allowed him to make such a wrong-headed choice. It must be that he was orphaned in childhood and had no one to give him proper guidance, some of them speculated.

    No, he was not orphaned. His father was warden of the Catholic Church in Kabba, and even if Onaiyekan was his only child, his father would still not have objected to his entering the priesthood. He is not an only child, however. His older sister was one of the first set of students to graduate from Ahmadu Bello University, where she took a degree in chemistry. Nor is she his only sibling.

    While in Oro, Onaiyekan came to my residence on the Grammar School compound. What seemed to engage him the most in my bachelor home was my bookshelf, chockfull of an eclectic collection of which I was really proud. He picked out one volume from the collection and asked whether I had read it.

    It was “The Phenomenon of Man”, by the French Jesuit theologian and paleontologist, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, and I told him rather tentatively that I had read it.

    “Did you understand it?” he asked in the manner of a solicitous family doctor.

    In the book, with an elegant and engaging preface by the evolutionary biologist Sir Julian Huxley, de Chardin combined insights from his study of fossils with insights from sacred scripture to explain the universe and Man’s place in it.

    I told him I found large sections of it tough going.

    “Do you have French?” he asked, again in the manner of the solicitous family doctor.

    No, I told him.

    “No wonder you found it so hard.” He said. “The French original is far easier to understand.”

    That is the image of Dr Onaiyekan that has remained with me ever since: the image of the solicitous family doctor, which translates in clerical terms into the good shepherd, tending his flock ever so solicitously.

    The other image is that of a rather reticent savant, more concerned to guide and to make people better and wiser than to appear clever.

    Ave Iohannes, Cardinal Onaiyekan.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • A war Lagos must win

    A war Lagos must win

    It seems unlikely that the protest by angry Okada riders last week took Lagosians by surprise. The resort to jungle tactics supposedly to protest the Lagos Traffic Law as it affected the activities of the group was largely expected. At the end of their rage, 10 Bus Rapid Transit buses were reportedly destroyed just as their anger was sufficient to guarantee hell for innocent Lagosians caught in the middle.

    Much as the rights of citizens in a democracy to protest laws considered injurious to their group interest is conceded, the problem begins when such protests extend beyond the boundaries set by the law – in terms of its wanton violation of the rights of other citizens and brazen disregard for the demands of public order and safety. Such niceties were obviously lost on the hoodlums who vandalised the BRT buses and blocked the highways in the course of protest.

    Even now, it must have dawned on the rioters that the battle with the state government on the restriction on Okada to designated routes is one they are unlikely to win. Surely, it cannot be that the mob desires a return to the ancien regime when they held court handing summary judgments to their hapless motorists’ victims on the highways.

    Of all the factors said to have spurred the state government into taking the drastic steps to curb the menace represented by the Okada riders, the least articulated is the frightening counter-culture spawned by the rise of the business of ferrying human cargoes with motorcycles. To me, if the nation has enough reason to worry about the public safety and environment issues involved in the operation of Okadas, they have even far more to worry in that destructive culture of self-help and instant gratification that it spawned.

    I am aware of the arguments that have served as self-justification for the business; that it emerged as self-help in the context of the suffocating economic environment of the 80s, something of a functional, creative response to the unprecedented unemployment and constricting opportunities faced by youths. Today, it has since become a way of life and sadly for many, an escape from the rigours and disciplines of learning a trade, and for some no hopers, a cover for criminal activities.

    Like any law, the Lagos Traffic Law is far from perfect. I believe however that the law has carefully balanced the concerns for security, public safety, infrastructural and the environment with the needs of the operators. Beyond question, the law did not even pretend to be anything but a disincentive to the trade. However, it serves one important purpose of pushing the frontiers of the debate on public policy, forcing the nation to rethink the anomalous surge in a business that continues to put many innocent lives and limbs at risk.

    Traditional explanations about the staying power of the business being linked to poverty and unemployment are probably as true today as they were in the 80s when they first emerged. However, it seems to me that the surge in recent years and their staying power would have to be located outside of this traditional explanation to embrace what is clearly the penchant by those involved in instant gratification. Of course, majority of those in the business are neither sufficiently educated to take advantage of the limited opportunities in the labour market, nor do they possess sellable skills to be gainfully employed by self or anyone. It has also been argued that the low capital threshold and the fact that there are very minimal barriers to entry make it doubly alluring.

    There is however question that the business thrives because many involved would not even consider the option of either learning a trade or trying their hands on other worthwhile economic activities. The latter is something to worry about not only because it explains the dearth of critical skills, it is also the source of raw aggression and the accompanying group action often associated with the business.

    The question of the extent of accommodation that could be allowed the operators in the rapidly transforming megacity would certainly remain “live” just as the larger issues of public policy involved would remain open to debate for some time to come. It is, I guess, a derivative of the let-live argument which attempted to rationalise the sprawling squalor of Makoko or its jungle variant in Ajegunle both of which the government in Lagos has had to confront at different time in the past. Even then, it seems that the Lagos State government is far-sighted than many would rather give it credit for at this point in time. One can only hope, at least for the sake of the future of this country that the state government, as indeed other state governments that have restricted the operators will stay the course.

     

  • Triumph of spite?

    Triumph of spite?

    No one can accuse any electorate of spite.

    As John Milton argued in Paradise Lost, God has given Man the free will to choose; when queried on why God “allowed” Satan to steal into Man’s paradise. But a caveat: good or evil, Man reaps the consequences of his choice.

    And so, it is with every electorate – not the least the Ondo electorate that just returned Olusegun Mimiko as governor. They would greatly rejoice at their choice, if the governor delivers the el-Dorado he promised. But they would gnash their teeth and lament to no end if they found they had sold themselves a pig in a poke. It is nothing spiteful. It is just desert for wise or foolish voting.

    But if the electorate is quite blameless on the question of spite, the various gatekeepers that drove the dynamics; and helped shape the outcome of that election were not.

    In “Ondo and the limit of spite” (September 25), Ripples x-rayed the Ondo gubernatorial election as no more than a proxy battle against Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) national leader, by a coterie of embittered interest groups: failed ACN gubernatorial aspirants, the Afenifere grandees who sought with gusto a last ditch chance to unhorse their perceived nemesis and, of course, Governor Mimiko himself, who was fighting the political battle of his life.

    A sub-set of the Ondo “battle plan” was elite hostility and conspiracy, as hallmarked by political irritants like Pastor Tunde Bakare and co; and by how the media aligned themselves in the fray (“Ondo: now the crunch”, October 16).

    Also, fatal to the ACN cause was its politicisation of South West economic integration, as distinct from making it a clinical electoral issue. If it had demonstrated it was the most committed and, given its governments’ record of performance, was best placed to swing South West integration, perhaps the outcome could have been different.

    Instead, its insistence that all South West states must belong to one party (hardly a partisan crime, but costly electoral gaffe) before integration could succeed fired the brainless but devastating primordial counter-emotion that propelled Mimiko back to office, despite a hugely suspect first term performance, considering the N600 billion trove at the governor’s disposal.

    Victory, therefore, went to the most ruthless blackmailer and the most cynical manipulator of emotions. That is hardly salutary. But the good thing is that in Mimiko’s victory have come seeds of his self-destruction; just as in ACN’s defeat has come seeds of its self-redemption. To learn the right lesson, therefore, is crucial.

    That takes the discourse to the gloating that has greeted the result. The Afenifere grandees’ holy bile and Pastor Bakare’s holy spite have morphed into reckless triumphalism, leading to a lot of gibberish, hasty attributions and crazy projections, as to be expected of a camp that got a rare victory over a perceived perpetual nemesis.

    It is all so reminiscent of Leo Tolstoy’s classic, War and Peace. After the Russo-Austrian alliance inflicted a rare defeat on Napoleon Bonaparte, in a minor battle at Schon Grabern, the Austrian part of the alliance and the cocky Russians thought of galloping from victory to victory over a now subdued French Emperor Napoleon. It took the alliance’s comprehensive defeat at Austerlitz to smash that illusion!

    Still, in the midst of all these grandstanding, clear moves are there for the politically discerning.

    Goodluck Jonathan, the man that won the 2011 presidential election by good luck, has started dropping political IOUs for 2015. After Adams Oshiomhole won re-election, the Edo governor went first to Aso Rock, praising the president to high heavens, for “allowing” his re-election – was Jonathan supposed to do otherwise?

    Then after Mimiko’s win, his first port of call, with his wife Kemi in tow, was the same Aso Villa, the Jonathans’ special guests to celebrate with First Lady and birthday dame, Patience. Of course, wily Jona and his media managers ensured the photo of that celebration hugged the choicest pages of newspapers the next day!

    In due course, en route to 2015, the pair of Oshiomhole and Mimiko, no matter their respective parties’ stand, would pay back Jona’s IOU!

    As Jonathan manoeuvres to secure a future political fortune, the Afenifere grandees swoon to secure a past (and lost) glory, putting their titanic fate in the hands of Mimiko, their new champion. “To be thus is nothing,” the evil Lady Macbeth told her regicide husband in Shakespeare’s play, Macbeth, “but to be safely thus …” As Lady Macbeth goaded her husband to inevitable doom, so would the Afenifere titans goad their new charge to over-reach himself.

    But even without the titans’ prompting, Mimiko probably harbours enough hubris to go after Governors Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti) and Rauf Aregbesola (Osun), when their own elections are due in 2014 – and why not? Didn’t this twain align against him in his own re-election? In doing this, however, Mimiko would be part of such improbable alliances, which would only expose his empty ideological core, outside a survivalist instinct; and manifest seeds of his inevitable self-destruction.

    The ACN governors therefore have their jobs cut out for them. Fayemi and Aregbesola may be beginning to stamp their developmental vision on their two states, much more penetrating than what Mimiko has done in his oil-rich state in four years. But they must do much more, and present a score card that shows a clear and marked difference. Only such clear-cut quality and excellence can withstand the three-pronged conspiracy to come: from Jonathan, fighting for 2015, from Mimiko, seeking his pound of flesh and from the Afenifere rump, on a quixotic quest for lost glory.

    Ogun and Oyo states, though not due for election until 2015, must press hard their party’s record of solid performance in government – and bond with their people as they do so. And so must Lagos which, after the Tinubu and Fashola years, would be transiting into a new government.

    But beyond partisan gains and losses, the greatest casualty of the Ondo election is clearly South West integration, ironically the most crucial agenda for Yoruba welfare and development in a neither-nor federal Nigeria. For the umpteenth time, awry politicking has put the Yoruba at a crossroads, with Nigeria itself at a fearful juncture.

    In the First Republic, from the Action Group (AG) schism sprouted the Ladoke Akintola centrist forces, which slowed down the old West’s pre-independence developmental head start. Now, 52 years after independence, with the national question still potently unresolved, the Trojan horse is wily Mimiko and his LP, backed by a medley of embittered elite, many of them close to the grave, but who hate and spite have blinded to the future of their offspring.

    The ACN must therefore rouse itself. It must consolidate its governments’ development charter, fix its vexatious candidate nomination dynamics, and kick-start the economic integration process, if only as a model of what to expect. On this score, a progressively insular-looking Lagos must take the lead.

    If ACN does all these and does them well, it may yet win the big war, after losing the battle with the Ondo debacle.

  • Beneath and above water

    Beneath and above water

    We read it in the newspapers and magazines. We saw the spectacles of nightmare on television. We followed the ominous buzz on the internet. We knew a tragedy was upon us. It was not the sort that humans made, but humans had to save.

    We could not live down the horrors of the story. Floods came in savage majesty, water levels levitated with the arrogance of height, lapping highways, humbling roofs, topping and toppling trees. Villages succumbed, towns shrank to the size of puny hamlets. Lush vistas ruined by rush of water. People fled, but not always fast enough. Nature is no friend of surrenders, not partial to escapes. Many died in the swash of its cruel journeys. It invaded homes, swept out privacies, pulverised memories.

    Memorabilia of ancient remembrances were gone, hostages to the pitiless appetites of watery graves. Water, water everywhere but not a home to save.

    Suddenly boundaries shattered. Water did not keep its contracts. River and land collapsed into each other. Where cars glided, canoes tumbled. Where children frolicked, fishes flourished. Where humans slept and sat at dinner, crocodiles and hippos swaggered with jaws. It was the definition of chaos, and an omen for the end of life. Homes of high and low fell. No bodyguard or military hardware could guarantee the integrity of the first private home in Otuoke, nor that of the subaltern farmer in Anambra State. It was a democracy of plunder, the equality of tragedy, the impotence of hierarchy.

    Who would not have contemplated apocalypse, when all of a sudden water rushed from its appointed place and came, sheets after sheets, roars after roars, threatening, shattering in endless arrays of conquests. Within 24 hours, we had refugees. This was not the aftermath of the Jos bloodsheds nor the Boko Haram rampages. It was nature, in its unthinking might, coming in incarnations of human disarray. It came not with guns or bombs, not with nozzle to aim or eyes to gloat, but with a malice of its own.

    When all of these happened, in as many as 24 states, I had a feeling of surrender. Much has been written about President Goodluck Jonathan’s late response, how he was in New York selling investment to Nigerians who followed him from home.

    But the story of flood is that of a failure of Nigerians as a people. We lamented privately, but on the whole we have done too little. As I write, many people cannot go home. Even when the water dries or returns to its natural course, home will not be the old home. Existentialist philosopher Heidegger wrote about home as the ultimate sum of all human effort. These people were dislocated. When they return, they will begin a new search. But this is not the time for philosophy, for abstract sympathy.

    African society is noted for its sense of communal empathy. But we have little of that now. Where are the rich among us? Other than Aliko Dangote who rolled out a huge sum of money, I have not seen much from private citizens. This is the time for corporations to show their responsibility to society. In spite of the huge profits of the banks, oil firms, and telecom giants, we see tokenism. They are quick to spend money on Nollywood impresarios, social conceits and concerts of vanity.

    Where is all that money politicians pay to help their ambitions and acolytes? It is time to turn the loot to charity. Where are the churches? I observed that they reacted to the refugees from Boko Haram torments with great mobilised materials and money. Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) worked up the brotherly love of members. But the flood had no sectarian friend. The foe was humanity. The churches have done little. They can expend billions in expensive schools built with the poor’s tithes, but they have not risen to the needs of neighbours in various camps and schools in Delta, Anambra, Rivers, Bayelsa, Kogi, etc. A few churches have given some help in the affected areas. But what did their mega pastors in Lagos do, in spite of the massive resources at their command? The Muslim brothers too have not shown any better love.

    When hurricane sacked Louisiana in the United States less than a decade ago, America rose up in a flush of cooperative help. Churches, nonprofits, individuals poured into the area. They bore materials and haloes of hope. Our state governments not affected by the tragedies have acted as though grateful for the beneficence of nature for not enlisting them for these apparitions of torture.

    The Red Cross and a few other groups have helped. In my conversation with the head of publicity, Nwakpa O. Nwakpa, I learned of the limitations of the body. Of the over 130,000 Nigerians displaced, they have resources to help a small percentage in 10 of the 24 states. The Red Cross needs to be commended for their work of love. Of states affected, two governors have stood out in the work. They include Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan of Delta State and Peter Obi of Anambra State. They have been mobilising people to bring relief to the displaced. If for its symbolic value, Gov. Uduaghan paddled a canoe. I thought it was quite an amount of risk. In the ambience of crocodiles, I wonder what the presence of guards around him could have mustered if the scaly beast lurked. They operate with stealth and could have surprised from under a canoe. So Uduaghan’s effort was not only symbolic but an exercise in understated gallantry.

    When the Bible tells us the story of the first great flood, God provided the ark for Noah. We don’t need a physical ark today. The ark is the love we can give. Why are people not flooding the places with the little they have, a widow’s mite mentality? We don’t have to be wealthy to give, we only need to empathise. Why can’t our musicians mobilise and do concerts in affected camps for free? Americans did the We Are The World concert for the starving children in the Horn of Africa. As Chinua Achebe records in his controversial There was A Country, a concert kindled sympathy for the starving children in Biafra. It is not that we don’t have it. Good leadership can light the quiet candles in our souls.

    In a recent visit to Ekiti State, I witnessed the efforts of first lady Bisi Fayemi who extends the Governor Fayemi’s social security programme with a food bank project. You want to see the joy in the faces of the poor as they took possessions of their bags containing food items. I wondered how the trickster would not replace the needy. Mrs. Fayemi assured me that a system of supervision guaranteed its integrity. Fountain of Life Church provides free lunch in a part of Lagos.

    Cash nexus and the individual ethos of the city have robbed us of the Noah’s Ark. We need to return to the compassionate society, to revive the village ethic and cooperative élan of our forefathers. We don’t need a flood to remind us. If we are faithful in little things, the national reflex will rise up to big occasions like the present disaster.

  • Libya one year after

    Throughout history, to a large extent, revolutionaries are mercurial, fringe, self-opinionated people, who believe that they are avatars, with a mission to destroy the existing order and usher in a new dawn. Among these individuals, some were genuine and knowledgeable, for example, Abraham Lincoln, Lenin, Karl Marx, Mao, Fidel Castro, Ho Chi Minh, Ernesto Che Guevara, Patrice Lumumba, Gamel Abdul Nasser, Sekou Toure, Dedan Kemati, Jomo Kenyatta, Augustino Neto, Nelson Mandela and others.

    Revolutions come about when massive discontent, social dislocation and agonizing social conditions become intolerable. This type of revolution occurred in France, America, Russia, China and in some African nations.

    In the course of human history, ideological differences led to export of terrorism and revolution. Some states decided to impose their systems of governance on other states, without a serious consideration as to their suitability, in terms of their cultural, religious and state philosophical beliefs. Such ideological impositions have had serious consequences in the last fifty years, world-wide. It led to the Vietnam War, the Korean war, the war in Afghanistan, to mention a few.

    Contrary to the strict provisions of the United Nations Charter, prohibiting intervention in the internal affairs of other states, a new phenomenon of aiding and abetting rebellion became common-place in world geo-politics.

    Revolutions directed at age-long oppression, human degradation, powerful, autocratic and dynastic strongholds, were called “THE Arab Spring”, a misnomer and debatable assertion, which romanticized the reality of the regional upheaval of historic proportions in the Middle East.

    When one reviews the terrible events that happened in the Middle East and North Africa, in  the last two years, it is obvious that revolutions have been overtaken by new revolutionary movements.

    In Libya, things are not quite advancing. In Yemen, Egypt and Tunisia, new revolutionary tendencies, which defy analysis, have emerged. It is not quite clear what has changed after the revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa. Perhaps, we are yet to wait for results. Imposition of Western democratic systems may be based on good intentions, but without preparing the nations to accept or reject the alien contraption precipitates a culture of resistance.

     Very often, the West tries to support leaders they think they can do business with, without reckoning with other dissident factions in the state. As a result, even where there is a semblance of “victory”, a backlash often follows, as we have witnessed in the case of Libya, Iraq and when the Americans pull out of Afghanistan, new revolutionary forces may contend with the Taliban. Revolutions do overtake revolutions. In Russia, Lenin was assassinated by the new revolutionary movement that opposed the Bolshevik Party. In Georgia, new revolutionary forces have overthrown the organized movement of Shakasvili. In the Ukraine, the Timoshenko revolution has been overpowered.

    Why Hugo Chavez revolution has succeeded is because there is an ideological dimension and the changes were populist. The revolution in North Korea is also grounded in the Kim il Sung world-view. IN ORDER TO SUCCEED, A REVOLUTION MUST COME FROM WITHIN AND NOT FROM BENEVOLENT INTERLOPERS.

    When the Bath Socialist Party proposed Marxist, socialist strategies to effect changes in the Middle East, the Movement was opposed by royalist, who feared that they would lose power and privileges. After a very long spell, disaffection, oppression and frustration led to revolt against the ruling monarchies in the Middle East. In Eygpt, that which was not expected by the West happened in that the Muslim Brotherhood is now in power.

    In Iraq, what was not intended happened .Iraq moved closer to Iran. When the Bhutto movement caused the General to flee, revolutionaries caused her death. Ho Chi Ming used revolutionary hard measures to unite

    Vietnam and because that was what the propel wanted, United Vietnam has been stable.

    To impose a foreign way of life on ancient regimes is like pouring water on the back of a duck. As Libya is discovering, it is easier to revolt that to build. Exactly a year ago, Murmar Kaddafi, was killed in circumstances of utmost brutality by an unholy alliance of rebels, political malcontents and foreign powers.

    A year later, Libya is disorganized, destroyed, buried in ruins, with little hope of recovery. In spite of the declarations by foreign interests, which permitted hopes that Libya would become a stable democracy, Libya is neither stable nor democratic. The ruins of Carthage can be seen in Libya. During the Libyan crisis, there was a stampede to recognize the “new government “of Libya. One year later, we have had all sorts of Leaders, none of which is acceptable to the revolutionaries. In an article entitled, “A Hurried Diplomatic Eagerness or A Flawed Diplomatic Response”, I had argued that , his governance  style and arrogance notwithstanding, the destruction of Libya, went too far.

     With the benefit of hind-sight, the premature recognition was both hurried and flawed. Since Kaddafi was killed, the Tuaregs, who depended on Kaddafi’s pan-African disposition invaded Mali and caused a coup to take place in Mali. Now, ECOWAS states that cannot govern effectively as a result of lack of funds are being told to go on a wild goose chase after Tuaregs in the harsh desert region!!! Who will pay, for what and for how long? It is African blood that will be spilled again in the arid desert.

     The pro-Kaddafi faction is making Libya ungovernable. The Benghazi Libyans are not co-operating with the Tripoli government.

    The Russians and the Chinese are using the violation of the “no fly zone” UN directive as a reason for their non-co-operation in discussions on Syria.

    There are both heavy and light weapons in wrong hands and passionate appeals for these weapons to be surrendered have not been listened to. Like Kosovo, Libyan bombed- out homes are hanging cliffs.

    If it were in the United States, the hurried, premature recognition of Libya and the attendant consequences would have been an electoral debate issue. It will be one day, because our Nigerian citizens are languishing in Libyan jails. I have not seen a hurried eagerness to advocate for their release. What a diplomatic faux pas?

    Revolutions do overtake revolutions. All man-made gods have severe limitations, both in their capacity to reason with Godly purity and with good conscience. They will remain Earth-bound, with soiled historical remembrances. Who wants to be President?

    To those Sons and Daughters of God who are given to understand the nothingness in political power,  do have more serious concerns. We are watching, we are waiting for the dawning of that glorious day, when our Saviour and his Saints, will come down in bright array.

    Culled from nigeriansinamerica.com

  • The Scots are voting, not revolting

    The Scots are voting, not revolting

    (New trends in nation formation)

    Almost five hundred years after the Treaty of Westphalia, the nation-state paradigm continues to fascinate as a major work in progress. No one is sure of how it will end, or which strange turn it will take in even the most developed centres of the globe. Like the novel genre which consecrated its arrival, its obituary has been announced several times only for it to arrive as a ghostly guest at its own funeral. So till date, the nation-state remains the dominant instrument for mapping territorial space.

    Like the famous owl of Minerva which often begins its journey after the events, the nation often begins its real journey after the pundits have exhausted themselves. Most times, it is better for people to vote than to revolt. Elections, when and where free and fair, remain the most potent weapon for arbitrating and modulating the destiny of the nation.

    Sometimes, a single election assumes the status of a national or regional referendum. As it has been noted, people fight and die for a cause only to discover that what they have fought for is not what they have achieved. Since human existence is luckily finite, it is then left for others to pick up the gauntlet. Elections often play a sick joke on humanity in the process of guiding their affairs.

    Last week as the good people of Ondo state in Nigeria marginally voted for a continuation of the status quo or a version of sub-regional self-determination, a more historic referendum loomed large in the near distance and became an almost inevitable reality rather than an elusive mirage. British Prime minister, David Cameron and Scotland’s pro-independence first minister, Alex Salmond, meeting in Edinburgh finally agreed to a referendum to determine the 400 year union between England and Scotland. It must take place by 2014. Is this end of the first truly modern nation-state, or the end of the beginning as Winston Churchill, the most famous Englishman of all time will put it?

    Within the context of what is known as la longue dure or the long arch of history, it is possible to view the Ondo election as a botched or bungled referendum which will return to haunt. It is also possible that what we are witnessing is the rise of sub-ethnic nationalism or the most dramatic instance of the segmentation of elite consciousness within the old region. If the issues raised are not immediately addressed, they will make regional integration a forlorn dream, a fatal dagger in the heart of the thematisation of national narrative in terms of regional aspiration.

    In its most depressing possibility, it may well be that by the time the Ondo conundrum is resolved, another political warlord would have struck from another direction in the old region, further politically dispersing the tribe. We may yet have military rule to thank for this Balkanisation of regional consciousness. With the benefit of hindsight, it may well be the military’s most enduring contribution to nation-building.

    But if on the other hand, a greater national emergency were to intervene in the nearest future, the old regional consciousness will reassert its superiority and supremacy in a new form irrespective of local opposition. It is hard to imagine a more impossible taskmaster than the nation-state paradigm and its tortuous and mind bending history.

    Be that as it may, the global import of the impending referendum in Britain whittles into utter insignificance a mere election in a remote state of a former British colony. You cannot give what you don’t have. The British model of nation-formation is put to severe test by developments in their own backyard. The sorcerer’s apprentice cannot be wiser than the sorcerer.

    As it was the case in their own nation, the manual is to forcibly weld the nation of different nationalities through the violent instrumentality of a master-nationality around which the new nation must congeal and coalesce by blood, sweat and tears. This model has come to grief in the old India, in Sudan, in Southern Africa and elsewhere after much strife and bloodshed. After being exported abroad, the virus has now returned to the original carrier. It is the turn of the English patient.

    But we must thank god for small mercies. The impending referendum explodes several myths of the nation which Nigerian authorities and Nigerians must do well to study and monitor closely. First, it is always better to allow the diverse people of a territorial space to determine the best and most creative form of cohabitation rather than hold them together and sometimes against their wish like inmates of a colonial garrison or a mental asylum.

    Second, no nation is ever divinely ordained or handed down from heaven. This is a stupid myth. Finally, the forcible union of disparate groups in a nation-space is not an irreversible or immutable arrangement like the Catholic marriage which is not subject to dissolution and/or annulment. Nations being human constructs are subject to human amendments when and if the form violates the contents. You cannot force a grown up man into the trousers of a toddler.

    Yet there are profound ironies and a play of signifiers across rigid binary divisions about the impending referendum which ought to be of interest to us in Nigeria. It is quite curious and intriguing that it has always been Conservative governments that are in the forefront of championing Devolution in Britain rather than the more radical and reform-oriented Labour Party. In 1993, John Major had declared that the nation would not decline were the majority of the people in Northern Island to vote to join the Republic of Ireland.

    The point is that with its roots in Fabian Socialism and its consciousness steeped and forged in an indivisible proletarian consciousness and pan-Britain confraternity of the socially aggrieved, Labour Party would always view separatist movements through the prism of suspicion and unease. Old statist Bolsheviks with their command economy and command politics are still very much alive. In any case, the separation of Scotland from England would rob Labour of substantial electoral fortunes. The socialist vision resonates more with the underdog..

    But it is also possible that after centuries of cohabitation, the Scots have come to love and appreciate the immense economic advantages and the political homogeneity that a bigger British identity confers over the shrivelled possibilities of separatist laagers. In the end, material wellbeing often trumps cultural and ethnic grandstanding.

    In a revealing survey, it was shown that if the referendum were to be conducted at this moment, the majority vote would go for the retention of the old union. When disparate entities are forced together over a long period, they tend to develop certain overarching commonalities. This should warm the heart of Nigeria’s old military nationalists and one-nation panjandrums.

    What should even intrigue concerned Nigerians the more is the fact that the prospective Scottish nation will have the Queen of England as its titular head just as it has been the case in Australia and Canada. It will remain in NATO and retain the pound sterling as an ancillary buffer to pressures from the Euro-zone. It is certainly going to be a strange new-type nation and one whose creative nuances should be of interest to those interested in a reinvention of the outmoded and superannuated model of colonial nationhood foisted on Nigerians..

    For the proud, thrifty and tough Scottish people, it may very well be the beginning of the end of a historical nightmare lasting several centuries. The conquest and suppression of the Scots was done with the savagery and brutality that befitted tribes slowly emerging from the Dark Age. There were epic cruelties on both sides. For several decades, the gore remained on the Scottish highlands for all to see.

    Deprived of their own empire, the doughty Scots turned inward, to their inner resilience, resources and to the inner empire. They emerged as great builders, statesmen, politicians, great writers, soldiers, scientists, philosophers and intellectuals without which the British Empire would have been impossible. To a large extent, they became model citizens.

    But the historic hurt and humiliation remain. Apart from their traditional single malt whiskey, nothing warms the Scottish heart more than when ventilating about the past heroes of the land, particularly Wallace the Braveheart, a man of spectacular bravery and heroism who was subjected to horrendous torture before being crudely dismembered. Yet a recent film about this iconic Scot was dismissed as ninety percent inaccuracies and ten percent lies.

    As a conquered race, the Scots could do with such cosmic self-inflation. There is enough evidence to suggest that the early Scots were cast as primitive and uncivilised people by the victorious English.. For example, the great English man of letters, Samuel Johnson, a.k.a the Dean, subjected his faithful Scottish companion, amanuensis and intellectual confidante to scathing racist taunts based on his country of origins. At some point, Johnson solemnly informed Boswell that wild oats which was the staple diet among the Scots was fed to animals in England.

    Yet it was not always a tale of woes. The Scots were allowed to pursue their own way of life and to pursue life in accordance with their culture, particularly in the areas of education, economy and religion. All that is solid often melts into thin air indeed. In a play of profound ironies, it is even rumoured that the famous Scottish kilt, the equivalent of a national attire, was actually the invention of an English nobleman. Snooper congratulates the good people of Britain on this impending referendum. We recommend the model to all nations in distress.

  • Nigeria: if constitutional amendment is for political and economic sustainability…

    If the  current effort at constitutional amendment achieves nothing more, it must, at least,  legislate for fiscal federalism

    First and foremost, it is a misnomer, a thoroughly unfortunate one at that, that for a country the size and strategic importance of Nigeria, it comes down to an assembly of some men and women with various shades of electoral legitimacy, and credibility, that will have to fashion out its grundnorm, one on which resides its very continued existence as an aspiring sovereign nation. For ease of reference, let me bring in , mutatis mutandis, the views of elder statesman, Ahmed Joda, in his STATE OF THE NIGERIAN NATION article. He wrote: ‘Both the Executive and the Legislative branches of our Government maintain that Nigeria is a Sovereign Nation governed by an elected President and bicameral legislature in whose hands all decisions lie and who, therefore are the bodies entrusted by the people to take all decisions including those affecting their existence and their fate. While that may be the legalistic position, there are issues of credibility, and therefore, moral recognition and acceptability, to contend with. What many Nigerians say is that the elections that brought these people into office were not credible? The court verdicts, that maintain them there are equally questionable’.

    Unfortunately, since members of the National Assembly never fight one another on issues that are mutually, financially beneficial, they have taken upon themselves a task which ideally should have gone to a Constituent Assembly, with a full mandate to comprehensively review the Nigerian Constitution. Too bad but that exactly is where we are today and it would appear that the Joint Committee of the two chambers has already commenced work and, as confirmed in a newspaper interview by Ike Ekweremadu, Chairman of the appropriate Senate Committee they already held a retreat in April, a public hearing in October with another slated for November.

    How Nigerians hope every business before the National Assembly will be held as expeditiously as this!

    Having then had the National Assembly inflict itself on Nigerians so egregiously, how does the country emerge a much better polity, constitutionally, politically and economically, post the exercise? To date, nothing suggests we will. And in this viewpoint , I have respectable, and highly knowledgeable voices in my support, one being that of my colleague-columnist on this newspaper, Professor Ropo Sekoni who, only on Sunday, 14 October, 2012, concluded a 4-part series on ‘Revisiting Our Unification Policies’.

    Sekoni’s well-argued thesis is that most of the policies handed down by military regimes, and which subsist till today like centralized police force, unity schools, National Youth Service Corps to mention a few, have become totally anachronistic with no evidence as to their usefulness or desirability except, as in cases like the National Youth Service, where some people are simply desirous of having annual cheap labour.

    He went further to demonstrate that given the expressed views of both the Presidency and the National Assembly, Nigerians have no basis to expect fundamental changes, amendment or not. For instance both entities have said it, loud and clear, that any attempt to change these military diktats will be tantamount to destroying Nigerian unity; a unity that at best remains a chimera and continues to validate Awo’s half a century old seminal conclusion that Nigeria is, at best, a geographical expression. We have also heard in this country, views to the effect that a call for a people’s constitution is nothing but a vote of no confidence in the country, as if hegemony is an antidote to a break up. The president, without a shred of empirical evidence, has told us all that State Police is an anathema even when he now routinely contracts out what essentially is police and naval duties to, hopefully successfully, redeemed militants like ‘General’ Tompolo. It is also on this basis that many have equated Regional Economic Integration to the junior brother of secession whereas those preaching and working hard at it have the very opposite objective in mind. Behind all these insinuations, however, is the desire to continue to live and loom large on the largesse from the Niger-Delta even when all areas of this country are richly blessed. This is why our oil boom has increasingly turned an oil doom with some individuals, among them children of the political high and mighty, fraudulently fleecing the country of billions of naira without batting an eyelid.

    What then should be the focus of the National Assembly if it truly intends to make the country a better place for its citizenry? Put differently what are the critical challenges facing Nigeria today and standing between it and the attainment of a genuine nationhood?

    I am engrossed with a good part of the admonitions of IFEANYI Udibe, PhD, on the subject under consideration. According to him, in today’s Nigeria, there is no responsible leadership able to purposefully manage its democratic processes or to effectively handle its continually disenchanted ethnic groupings. Nothing, in his view, propels Nigerians towards real patriotic actions, like being ready to die to defend a worthy national belief system and superstructure, or to redeem the man-made worthlessness or the all – pervading poverty in spite of the numerous poverty alleviation programmes funded with huge international funds and its equally stupendous internally budgeted counterpart. There is no leadership prepared to transcend posturing and ethnic bigotry to propel Nigeria towards practical realization of the 2020 – 20 Vision being driven largely by propagandists who end up receiving National Merit Awards for doing nothing. Office holders, he says, should understand that political catastrophe when unleashed, consumes both the helpless and the untouchable, even those who attempt to play God. Nigeria, he says, has come to that level where opposing forces must either generate a political catastrophe or honest dialogue, concluding that those who sow seeds of discord will reap violence, even death. And the survivors, he concluded, will rebuild’.

    I have quoted Udibe at length to forcefully show to the National Assembly members what awaits each and every one of them unless they take the present exercise, unlike the one muddled through by then President Obasanjo, as a call to patriotic duty; an exercise whose outcome can either guarantee Nigeria’s sustainability as an emerging world power or one that can , quite easily, incinerate it with the hopes and aspirations of millions yet unborn as well as those of Nigeria’s friends, spread far and wide who continue to invest a quantum of hope and optimism in its resurgence.

    Since space constraint will not permit my listing what issues should have the attention of the Committee, it is pertinent to suggest that devolution of power from the federal government must be key. Whereas in the First Republic only about 22 items were on the exclusive legislative list, today, they are not less than 66 leaving the states almost completely comatose in many areas. As things stand today, no state or group of states can better the lot of its citizenry or attempt to improve its economy by unilaterally building new railway lines even when that would have been exceedingly impactful. The federal government continues to fight turf wars with states even on agriculture.

    If the current effort at constitutional amendment achieves nothing more, it must, at least, legislate for fiscal federalism and ensure that the federal government no longer has a stranglehold on the federating units. To achieve that, the federal government responsibility should be limited to: Defence, External Affairs, Immigration, Customs and Excise, Central banking and Aviation. Responsibility for creating, and administering Local governments, subsisting, as they do, in states where the constitution specifically prescribes the election of, and rule by state governors as the overall suzerain, should inhere, unhindered, in states. The federal government, in our emerging constitution which Nigerians hope will enhance federalism, should be seen as nothing less than a busy body, if it attempts to ram anything down the throat of state governments as far as the administration of Local governments, their creation and sustenance, is concerned.