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  • Trump’s ‘guns-a-blazing’ threat to Nigeria

    Trump’s ‘guns-a-blazing’ threat to Nigeria

    In his popular essay, titled “Politics and the English Language,” the famous English writer George Orwell notes: “Political language … is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.”

    On 1 November, 2025, on his social media platform, Truthsocial.com, President Trump posted: “If the Nigerian Government continues to allow the killing of Christians, the U.S.A. will immediately stop all aid and assistance to Nigeria, and may very well go into that now disgraced country, ‘guns-a-blazing,’ to completely wipe out the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities. I am hereby instructing our Department of War to prepare for possible action. If we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our CHERISHED Christians! WARNING: THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT BETTER MOVE FAST!”

    This follows the 31 October, 2025 message in which he wrote: “Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter. I am hereby making Nigeria a “COUNTRY OF PARTICULAR CONCERN” — But that is the least of it. When Christians, or any such group, is slaughtered like is happening in Nigeria (3,100 versus 4,476 Worldwide), something must be done! … We stand ready, willing, and able to save our Great Christian population around the World!”

    Over the years, some Christian priests and ethnic advocates have been promoting internationally the claim that Christians were being killed, for being Christians, in Nigeria by Muslims and ‘Fulani herders’. Videos of Bishop Wilfred Anagbe of the Catholic Diocese of Makurdi, Benue State, and Rev. Ezekiel Dachomo of the Church of Christ in Nations (COCIN) based in Barkin Ladi, Plateau State, are trending on social media in this regard. After a while, the narrative of the occurrence of genocide against Christians gained traction in the United States, and Republican Senator Ted Cruz spearheaded the recent move to pass legislation to declare Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern.

    After President Trump’s declaration, representatives of an Igbo group were shown rejoicing in a video on social media. The group also wrote a letter dated 2 November, 2025 to the president in which it said, “The American Veterans of Igbo Descent (AVID) sincerely and warmly welcome the recent designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) by your administration. We express our deep gratitude for this action, which offers renewed courage to Christians in Nigeria to continue practicing their religion. The whistle blower behind this genocidal act is Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, who prophesied the killing of Christians by the terrorist groups sponsored by the government years ago.”

    On 1 November, 2025, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu issued a release on his X handle, in which he wrote: “The characterisation of Nigeria as religiously intolerant does not reflect our national reality, nor does it take into consideration the consistent and sincere efforts of the government to safeguard freedom of religion and beliefs for all Nigerians. Religious freedom and tolerance have been a core tenet of our collective identity and shall always remain so. Nigeria opposes religious persecution and does not encourage it.” President Tinubu also asserted: “Since 2023 [when he assumed office], our administration has maintained an open and active engagement with Christian and Muslim leaders alike and continues to address security challenges which affect citizens across faiths and regions.”

    Moreover, the BBC’s Joseph Winter, in a 3 November, 2025 report titled, “Trump tells military to prepare for ‘action’ against Islamist militants in Nigeria,” noted: “Groups monitoring violence say there is no evidence to suggest that Christians are being killed more than Muslims in Nigeria…” Similarly, a 5 November, 2025 report by Michael Crawley of Canadian Broadcasting Corporation titled, “Trump’s claims of Christian persecution in Nigeria bump up against facts. A long-running insurgency in northern Nigeria has killed thousands, Christians and Muslims included,” noted: “There has also been ongoing violence in other parts of northern Nigeria that has at times been depicted as fighting between Muslims and Christians, although access to land and resources is at the heart of the conflict, according to research by the International Crisis Group, a Belgium-based conflict-prevention organization.”

    Specifically, the International Crisis Group’s 26 July, 2018 Report No. 262 on Africa stated: “The conflict between herders and farmers in Nigeria, centred in the Middle Belt but spreading southward, has escalated sharply. Since September 2017, at least 1,500 people have been killed, over 1,300 of them from January to June 2018, roughly six times the number of civilians killed by Boko Haram over the same period.”

    Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra State, who belongs to the Igbo ethnic group and is himself a Christian, also noted: “I’m pretty convinced that Nigeria is doing quite a whole lot to safeguard lives and property, and like I said before, this conversation about banditry and killings and so on requires deeper national conversation and introspection. In this part of the world, Eastern Block, we are 90 something percent Christians, and the insurgence that we are faced with here and around the South-East is Christians-on-Christians. The people in the bushes and so on killing, kidnapping others, they are called Christians; some bear the names Christian, Emmanuel, Peter, James, John and so on. So, it’s much wider than this categorization of … Christian-Muslim.”

    Moreover, in spite of the famed intelligence gathering capabilities of the technologically advanced countries which have invaded different countries in the past, such invasions have been shown to have been based on faulty or false intelligence, and the war plans have been known to have miscarried disastrously. For example, a 26 October, 2015 CNN report by Jethro Mullen, on the war on Iraq and the killing of Saddam Hussein, stated: “‘I can say that I apologize for the fact that the intelligence we received was wrong because, even though he had used chemical weapons extensively against his own people, against others, the program in the form that we thought it was did not exist in the way that we thought,’ [British Prime Minister Tony] Blair said in an exclusive interview on CNN’s Fareed Zakaria GPS that airs Sunday.”

    Read Also: How Nigeria should deal with Trump’s military threat

    History has shown that when an invasion is framed as a religious war, it complicates matters. For instance, in response to the 11 September, 2001 Al-Qaeda bombings in America, President George W. Bush said: “This crusade, this war on terror, is going to take a while.” The word “crusade” triggered the image of carnage and devastation by Christian military expeditions motivated by the desire to capture the Holy Land from Muslims, as Peter Waldman and Hugh Pope reported in a 21 September, 2001 article in the Wall Street Journal titled, “‘Crusade’ reference reinforces fears war on terrorism is against Muslims.” This article is alternatively titled, “Some Muslims fear war on terrorism is really a war on them.”

    More recently, in a 22 July, 2025 article titled “George W. Bush saw Iraq war as ‘crusade,’ declassified British reports say,” in Straight Arrow News, Alan Judd reported: “President George W. Bush viewed the 2003 invasion of Iraq as a ‘crusade’ by ‘God’s chosen nation,’ according to newly released documents from Britain’s National Archives.” There were also upbeat declarations that Iraqis were going to be so pleased with the invasion that they would meet the American troops with bouquets of flowers. However, the troops were met with stiff opposition, as some saw them as “crusader armies”. Iraq also became precariously divided and a virulent insurgency and strain of terrorism developed.

    In the circumstance, the situation of Christians in the country became worse, and many of them had to flee Iraq. A 5 March, 2021 Associated Press report titled “Timeline of disaster and displacement of Iraqi Christians,” stated: “Iraq was estimated to have nearly 1.5 million Christians before the 2003 U.S.-led invasion that toppled … Saddam Hussein. … Now, church officials estimate only a few hundred thousand, or even less, remain within Iraq’s borders. The rest are scattered across the globe, resettling in far-flung places … Many of those who remain in Iraq feel abandoned, bitter and helpless, some wary of neighbors with whom they once shared feasts and religious celebrations, Muslim and Christian alike.”

    On 19 March, 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama ordered an airstrike on Libya on the excuse that it wanted to save Libyans from the dictatorship of Col. Muamar Ghaddafi. This led to the killing of Ghaddafi and some of his children. It also led to the devastation of the country, the collapse of governance, the growth of insurgency and terrorism which spread to other parts of Africa, and the disruption of the lives of Libyans, including those who called for or collaborated with the U.S. invasion. Even the U.S. Ambassador to Libya, John Christopher Stevens, was killed by the Libyan resistance on 11 September, 2012. President Obama was later reported to have admitted that failing to plan for the aftermath of the invasion was the “the worst mistake” of his presidency.

    Considering the Libya experience, President Trump’s claim that if America invades Nigeria, “it will be fast, vicious, and sweet” is presumptuous. True, a war is by nature “vicious”, but expecting it to be “short” and “sweet” is not justified, as various military interventions show. A notable example is the U.S. intervention in Somalia and the concomitant humiliating Black Hawk Down episode of 3 October, 1993. The U.S. military operation to arrest some of the fighters of Somali warlord Mohammed Farah Aidid which, reportedly, had been planned to last only one hour became bogged down and took over 15 hours, saw two U.S. Black Hawk helicopters shot down by Aidid’s supporters, 18 U.S. soldiers killed, 78 wounded and 300 or more Somalis dead.

    Arlene Levinson’s 16 January, 1994 Los Angeles Times report of the operation has this long title: “Dead soldier dragged through Somali streets a modern-day unknown: Mogadishu: Pentagon says naming the mob’s victim serves no purpose and would only pain those who loved and lost him.” According to the report, the corpse of “a U.S. soldier was dragged like a dead dog through the dust of Mogadishu by jubilant Somalis. … Only four days later, President Clinton announced troops would withdraw from their mercy mission within six months, by March 31, 1994. The withdrawal was … inspired in great part by the revulsion of the American people when they saw the humiliating spectacle made of that one slain soldier.”

    Many commentators recall that whenever the U.S. intervenes in a country, the invaded nation more often than not ends up more devastated. It is this history that has accounted for the widespread and growing opposition to President Trump’s threat to invade Nigeria which many see as actually meant to plunder the country’s natural resources.

  • How Tinubu turned panic into purpose amidst Trump’s CPC, war-mongering

    How Tinubu turned panic into purpose amidst Trump’s CPC, war-mongering

    The just-concluded week may have been one of the most trying yet revealing phases of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. It tested not only the resilience of Nigeria’s diplomacy but also the inner calm and strategic depth of the man at its helm. From the storm stirred the previous week by Washington’s sudden designation of Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” to President Donald Trump’s reckless threat of military action, the just concluded week underscored the defining difference between political theatrics and statecraft. Tinubu chose the latter, and prevailed.

    What began as a diplomatic aberration rapidly spiralled into a global spectacle. In place of the customary notes verbales or state-to-state diplomatic correspondence, President Trump announced Nigeria’s CPC designation and hinted at a possible invasion through social media posts, an unorthodox and dangerously inflammatory approach that seemed calculated to provoke confusion, panic, and international embarrassment. It was the sort of provocation that had previously succeeded elsewhere, forcing smaller nations into hasty capitulation. But not this time. Not under Tinubu.

    Those familiar with Tinubu’s political temperament were not surprised. From the moment the Trump announcement broke on October 31, the Nigerian President refused to flinch. For days, he maintained a dignified silence while assessing the situation and guiding his team away from reactionary outbursts. Where some of his officials initially responded in the heated tone Trump’s social-media assault invited, Tinubu insisted on composure and coordination. By mid-week, Nigeria’s messaging had shifted from defensive indignation to strategic diplomacy.

    His message was clear: Nigeria will not be bullied. At Thursday’s Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting, President Tinubu broke his silence in firm, measured words. “We will defeat terrorism in this country,” he said, reaffirming that Nigeria’s security challenge, though grave, is being confronted with renewed vigour and unity of purpose. “Do we have problems? Yes. Are we challenged by terrorism? Yes. But we will overcome the CPC designation. Nigeria is one happy family, and we shall spare no effort until we eliminate all criminals from our society.”

    By Friday, he amplified that message on his verified X handle, @officialABAT, rallying global partners to support Nigeria’s intensified campaign against terrorism instead of indulging in misinformation. “We will spare no effort and leave no stone unturned in our mission to eliminate criminals from our society. We urge our allies to stand firmly with us as we amplify our fight against terrorism”, he wrote.

    The composure and clarity in those lines stood in contrast to Trump’s provocative rhetoric. It was a moment of statesmanship, one that calmed a jittery nation and reassured international observers that Nigeria was not descending into a diplomatic free-fall.

    Analysts familiar with Trump’s style have often noted his preference for “deluge diplomacy”; using chaos and media noise to pressure opponents into concessions. But in this case, Tinubu’s quiet defiance short-circuited that script. Rather than rushing to Washington in panic, Nigeria opened a diplomatic channel with the United States through normal state procedures. According to the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, on Thursday after the FEC, “channels have been opened. We prefer that this situation is solved diplomatically.”

    Read Also: How Nigeria should deal with Trump’s military threat

    He also underlined that Nigeria remains a stable democracy that respects religious freedom and is tackling insecurity without discrimination. “The killing of even one Nigerian citizen is of concern to the government,” he said, emphasizing that no nation should exploit such tragedies for political theatre. His statement was echoed globally: within days, China, Russia, ECOWAS, and the European Union all publicly affirmed their support for Nigeria’s sovereignty, urging Washington to respect bilateral norms.

    Even as the storm brewed abroad, the machinery of governance continued unhindered at home. Thursday’s FEC session, which might otherwise have been overshadowed by the diplomatic row, instead became a symbol of steady leadership. President Tinubu not only reaffirmed Nigeria’s resolve to overcome terrorism but also presided over significant governance milestones.

    Two new ministers were sworn into the Federal Executive Council; Dr. Bernard Mohammed Doro from Plateau State and Mr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh from Enugu State—filling vacancies created by the departure of two cabinet members. Their appointments, one a pharmacist-lawyer and the other a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, underscored Tinubu’s continued commitment to professional competence and regional balance.

    But it was the finance briefing by Minister Wale Edun that captured the administration’s reform energy. Edun unveiled the next phase of economic reforms designed to push Nigeria’s growth rate to seven percent by 2027. “The next phase of reforms will remove barriers holding back investors,” he announced. “We will review tariffs and import restrictions to stimulate productivity and investment.”

    Despite global uncertainty and political headwinds, he reported robust economic signals; GDP growth at 4.23 percent in Q2, inflation easing to 18 percent, and foreign reserves rising beyond $43 billion. The $2.35 billion Eurobond oversubscription, Edun noted, was proof of investor confidence in Nigeria’s economic trajectory. “The market shrugged off political considerations and focused on the fundamentals,” he said. For a country supposedly under siege, the numbers told a different story: confidence, not panic.

    The week also brought a clear presidential directive that resonated across Nigeria’s educational sector. On Tuesday, President Tinubu told the Minister of Education, Dr. Maruf Tunji Alausa, that he “does not want to hear of strikes in the education sector again.” It was both an instruction and a warning, one that captured his administration’s focus on stability as a precondition for progress. The government, the Minister revealed, “has literally met ASUU’s demands,” and negotiations are continuing to ensure uninterrupted academic calendars nationwide.

    In a period when the nation’s attention could easily have been diverted by international drama, Tinubu’s insistence on practical domestic governance, from education to economic reform, sent a powerful message: Nigeria is not a nation frozen by threats but one determined to grow beyond them.

    As the week ended, it became evident that the attempt to humiliate Nigeria had failed. Instead, the episode reinforced Tinubu’s image as a leader capable of absorbing shocks without losing focus. His steady tone contrasted sharply with Trump’s bombast, and by choosing calm diplomacy over confrontation, he restored global respect for Nigeria’s sovereignty.

    To many observers, it was a test of leadership Tinubu passed with distinction. He neither played the victim nor the aggressor. He chose engagement, not submission; resilience, not rhetoric. In doing so, he transformed a moment of danger into one of renewed confidence, domestically and internationally.

    Nigeria today stands taller for it. Its allies have rallied behind it, its economy remains on track, and its government continues to deliver reforms in critical sectors. Amid turbulence, Tinubu has shown that true strength lies not in the loudness of response but in the steadiness of resolve.

    As he put it succinctly: “We face challenges head-on and remain steadfast in our commitment to engage partners and champion Nigeria’s interests on the diplomatic front. We are confidently asserting our presence on the global stage, guided by unwavering calm, clarity, and a strong sense of purpose.”

    That, indeed, is the mark of leadership under fire—and the quiet victory of Nigeria’s President in a week the world will long remember.

    Beyond holding Nigeria’s side up firmly against Trump’s diplomatic bullying, President Tinubu’s week brimmed with engagements that reflected his trademark balance between governance, empathy, and nation-building. From mourning and mentorship to cross-border diplomacy and cultural celebration, the President moved deftly across the human and political landscape.

    On Monday, he condoled with the family of Chief (Mrs.) Esther Olufunke Arthur-Worrey, describing the late matriarch as “a woman of grace, fortitude, and faith,” even as he celebrated Professor Ademola Adenle, the Nigerian scholar who won the inaugural World Academy of Sciences–M.S. Swaminathan Award for Food and Peace. Tinubu hailed the honour as a global badge for Nigeria’s intellectual leadership and the nation’s growing recognition in sustainability research.

    By Tuesday, his focus turned to the private sector. In a heartfelt message to billionaire industrialist Femi Otedola, he lauded the Geregu Power chairman’s vision, philanthropy, and contribution to national progress, one that continues to inspire Nigeria’s next generation of business leaders.

    Midweek, the President mourned Major-General Abdullahi Mohammed, a former Chief of Staff to Presidents Obasanjo and Yar’Adua, honouring his pioneering role in building Nigeria’s intelligence architecture. By Thursday, he was celebrating two national icons—veteran journalist Olusegun Adeniyi, whom he called “a voice and conscience of many Nigerians,” and Minister of Steel Development Shuaibu Audu, whom he praised for “reviving Nigeria’s steel dream.”

    Friday captured Tinubu’s essence as both statesman and unifier: congratulating Omoyemi Akerele on her Earthshot Prize victory, saluting Dr. Reuben Abati at 60, hosting the Sultan of Sokoto in a bid to deepen interfaith harmony, felicitating the Emir of Borgu on his tenth anniversary, and receiving Sierra Leone’s President Julius Maada Bio at the Villa—rounding off a week that combined diplomacy, devotion, and quiet strength.

  • SNAPSONG 273

    SNAPSONG 273

    Random Snaps

    Let us start this week’s song

         By counting the lurid colours

    Of Okigbo’s “painted harmonies”

        And the riveting magic of their endless music

     Dance through the streets

         To Ojaide’s drum

    Tall like the leaping tonalities

         Of his Children of Iroko

     Countless reeds in the tide

         Of Bekederemo’s relentless Delta

    The prescience of the paddle which fore-

         Told the proverb of the pen

     One canoe-length from Okara’s Nun 

         Whose ravaged water crawls towards the sea

    Its fish oil-fried, belly-up, aloud with imprecations

         At cannibal oil riggers and their looting acts

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     Bundles of dissident sticks,

         Ofeimun’s “new brooms”

    Went to work in the marketplace

         A clean covenant in their patriotic ardour

     When Ogundipe prompted us to

         Sew the old days  

    She rallied every thread in the ancestral spool

         And the loom which ensured our robe

    * In order of appearance in this poem, references to Christopher Okigbo, Tanure Ojaide, JP Clark-Bekederemo, Gabriel Okara, Odia Ofeimun, Molara Ogundipe-Leslie.

  • Trump’s war against Nigeria

    Trump’s war against Nigeria

    Religious and political leaders in Nigeria have been generally ambivalent over United States President Donald Trump’s plan to levy war of some kind on Nigeria, a country he contemptuously dismissed as disgraced. If Christian leaders oppose him, they fear the church might consider them as apostates indifferent to the plight of their persecuted members. If Muslim leaders oppose the US plan, they also fear they might be equated with the terrorists who have laid the Northeast and Northwest waste. Worsening the dilemma for faith leaders is how to agree on the definition of genocide. But they really don’t need a definitional consensus anymore than they need to agree on the genocide’s varying and largely inaccurate statistical underpinnings. Even US officials who have spoken on the so-called Christian genocide in Nigeria have based their arguments on conflicting and, in some cases, deliberately concocted data.

    Analysts and commentators have also encountered their own dilemmas over the genocide claims. If they present arguments about Mr Trump’s real aims, mostly different from his stated claims, they risk being judged as callous and cruel in their disregard for the thousands of lives lost to killers, particularly in the Middle Belt of Nigeria. And if they suggest that supporting the attack on terrorists in Nigeria would probably enable a solution to Nigeria’s terrorism problem, they risk being described as naïve or mentally insufficient. More than one week after Mr Trump first spoke about attacking Nigeria to deal with its terrorism problem, there has been no consensus on his justifications. There is unlikely to be any such consensus. Support for or opposition to the US plans is divided almost in almost equal half between Christians and Muslims. Pragmatists and patriots are smothered in-between the two dominant and unyielding groups.

    It is significant to note that the lobbyists who took the Christian case to the US, including the Catholic Bishop of Makurdi Diocese, Bishop Wilfred Anagbe, stopped short of framing the massacres in Benue State as religious genocide. They hinted very strongly that the killings were in many ways ethnic cleansing related to an orchestrated plan to grab and rename their lands. They wanted the US to intervene, but there was nothing in their letters and speeches that suggested they wanted unilateral military intervention. Their primary quest was for the US to pressure the Nigerian government, re-designate the country as a Country of Particular Concern in order to attract a welter of sanctions and naming and shaming of terror financiers and sponsors, and perhaps join the Nigerian military to wage war against the rampaging militias to force them to give up confiscated lands. But Mr Trump, seeking diversions from his domestic troubles, has gone a step further by threatening to attack Nigeria and using intemperate and contemptuous language. The lobbyists now have little choice but to associate with the US plan and claim credit for the ululation the Trump threat has raised.

    Indeed, given the acclamation the threat has elicited, particularly in the South and Middle Belt, many journeymen activists have tried to associate with the humiliating US campaign against Nigeria. Labour Party chieftain and former presidential candidate, Pat Utomi, swore he also lobbied the US against Nigeria and the killings. A US-based military veteran group associated with the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has also claimed responsibility for stirring the US into bellicosity, and they have published one of the letters they wrote to that effect. A faction of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) last week chose the awkward moment of these times to petition the US Embassy in Nigeria against the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) which they accuse of fostering dictatorship. And the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has hemmed and hawed over the Trump threats, suggesting that while they fear the consequences of an attack, they nevertheless blame the government of the day for getting the country into this pretty pass.

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    Only a few people among those brave enough to voice their feelings have warned that US intervention in Nigeria, despite the genuineness of the cause of the Middle Belters, is not and cannot be altruistic. They judge US interventions, some of which were undertaken for supposedly good reasons, to be bloody, disruptive, retrogressive, indiscriminate, and generally inimical to the victim country. Nigeria would not be an exception should the US carry out its plan. In any case, they queried, who would monitor and punish US racism, uncontrollable gun violence, and bureaucratic and institutional contradictions? The few Nigerians who chose not to be enthusiastic about the invasion threat argue that the US is surreptitiously interested in economic exploitation of Nigeria as well as checkmating Chinese and BRICS influence. They suggest further that there are many more countries on the list of Countries of Particular Concern who are not being threatened with invasion because they are either in the US orbit already, such as some Middle Eastern countries, or are Asian countries who have either sucked it up to Mr Trump or are too powerful to be messed with.

    What is clear in all the analyses of the terror war in Nigeria is that massacres are taking place in various parts of the North, including in Christian and Muslim towns, with casualties almost evenly spread. Though the situation has improved considerably, the failure to put an end to the killings quickly has exposed Nigeria to unsavoury threats and categorisation. It is embarrassing that the country may now obviously redouble its effort to curb terrorism on account of the US threat. But whether that will be enough to cause the warmongering American president to stand down remains to be seen. There are reports of backchannel diplomatic engagements ongoing; however, the Nigerian authorities must be mindful of the fact that they represent 230 million people, the largest and preeminent concentration of Black people in the world. In the final analysis, despite their many failings, including in the battle against massacres and genocides, Nigerians are mindful that whatever they, they represent the world’s Black people, and will prefer to die on their feet than on their knees. This is not sentiment. They know that Mr Trump has undisguised contempt for Blacks inside and outside the US, regards Nigeria as a disgrace, and remains a bully without any moral compass. Yes, they recognise the enormous military power of the US, but they also know that that power had repeatedly come unstuck in the face of war with Vietnam, Korea, Afghanistan, and Iraq among others.

    While America may be rightly concerned about the killings in the Christian areas of Nigeria, it imperiously and suspiciously feigns ignorance of the killings in Muslim states. If Mr Trump truly wants to help, he knows what to do, and everyone in Nigeria, including those who are foolishly egging him on, knows what he should do. But the path he has chosen, if executed, may tragically complicate the war on terror for Nigeria, and the country, if it survives the intervention, may never be the same again. As many countries have shown in recent decades, no one can predict the course of a war, no to talk of how it ends. Everything is often open-ended. The past one week has been so frenetic that it is uncertain the country has ever felt this way before, with a threat of invasion looming over it. Mr Trump confesses himself to be evil and undeserving of heaven; but it is such a man that some groups in Nigeria have made their champion. He glamourises war and bloodshed, and has repeatedly connived at the mistreatment of Blacks and Hispanics, and sneered at international law, but some Christian leaders shrug their shoulders. For Mr Trump, might is right. Once such a man gets a foothold in Nigeria, there is no telling what the unscrupulous and rapacious politician and businessman will do.

    Sadly, the combination of Fulani exceptionalism and religious prejudices in the North had long stunted government’s response to overt acts of bureaucratic unfairness, discrimination, and perversion of justice. It is hoped that rather than being defensive, the North will use this moment to recalibrate its culture, policies and jurisprudence. Might may be right for some powerful groups in Nigeria; but as events have shown, much more might can be imposed from outside. For years, Nigeria was unable to expose terror financiers and courageously deal with sponsors in high places. For years, it was unable to unite its people behind great national causes. And for years, lands had been forcibly seized by militias and cleansed of their original owners. Now, an unscrupulous outsider is calling Nigeria to question. If Nigeria wishes to oppress its minorities or those who are ethnically and religiously different, then it must strive amorally to be like the US, China, North Korea, India, Russia, et al, who are too strong to be questioned by outsiders or imposed upon. Until Nigeria acquires such muscles, it had better put its house in order. But even after restructuring the country and finding a political equilibrium by which to ensure stability and peace, it must still need to rearm, fund scientific research in missile (ballistic missiles) and anti-missile (interceptors) programmes, and establish itself as a continental military power. Its benevolent neutrality and schoolboy approach to power are unprofitable and continue to expose it to the kind of predatory and humiliating remarks by Mr Trump. Who ever thought the day would come when the most populous black nation on earth would be exposed as impotent and ridiculed, ridicule partly conjured by Nigerians destitute of national pride and identity?

    Trump breathes threats against Nigeria, Oct 31

    “Christianity is facing an existential threat in Nigeria. Thousands of Christians are being killed. Radical Islamists are responsible for this mass slaughter. I am hereby making Nigeria a ‘COUNTRY OF PARTICULAR CONCERN’ — But that is the least of it. When Christians, or any such group, is slaughtered like is happening in Nigeria (3,100 versus 4,476 Worldwide), something must be done! I am asking Congressman Riley Moore, together with Chairman Tom Cole and the House Appropriations Committee, to immediately look into this matter, and report back to me. The United States cannot stand by while such atrocities are happening in Nigeria, and numerous other countries. We stand ready, willing, and able to save our Great Christian population around the world!”

    Imperial, warmongering Trump on Truth Social, Nov 1

    “If the Nigerian Government continues to allow the killing of Christians, the U.S.A. will immediately stop all aid and assistance to Nigeria, and may very well go into that now disgraced country, ‘guns-a-blazing,’ to completely wipe out the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities. I am hereby instructing our Department of War to prepare for possible action. If we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our CHERISHED Christians! WARNING: THE NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT BETTER MOVE FAST!”

    Sen. Ted Cruz sponsors legislation against Nigeria, Nov 4

    “I’ve been pushing legislation to designate Nigeria a CPC and to impose sanctions on the Nigerian officials responsible. Thank you to President Trump for your leadership in imposing the designation, and more broadly, for fighting to stop the murder of Christians in Nigeria. Now we should take the next step and hold Nigerian officials accountable. I intend to be very explicit about who they are in the coming days and weeks.”

  • Terrorism: Tinubu needs contingency plan on Mali, AES

    Terrorism: Tinubu needs contingency plan on Mali, AES

    There are no immediate indications that Mali, one of the three countries that last year exited ECOWAS and invited Russia as patron saint, is close to falling into the hands of the Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist organisation operating in Mali and in some parts of West Africa. But it could. The JNIM, which is also operating in Burkina Faso and Kwara State, Nigeria, is already strangulating Mali’s capital city of Bamako by grounding the city and suffocating its fuel supply. It plans to weaken the city and the administration of Gen. Assimi Goita before launching a final attack to decapitate the government. If that should happen, President Tinubu, who is enmeshed in dispute with the United States, will have one more headache to pacify, probably a much bigger headache than the US challenge.

    The Russian Africa Corps, to which Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger made recourse after sacking the French and Americans, has not been as effective as the Malians hoped. Mali’s relations with Algeria to the North has also been strained, leading to the abrogation last year of the 2015 Algiers Accord which initially kept insurgency at bay in those barren regions of Mali’s north. Turkey has tried to muscle in, supplying drones and other military equipment, but it has also begun to waver. With few or no friends left, and its fellow Alliance of Sahel States (AES) members encumbered by insurgencies of their own, Mali has become a sitting duck. Worse, it has become a turf where both Ukraine and Russia fight proxy wars, with Ukraine allegedly but indirectly supplying JNIM with drones and intelligence to tie down and deplete the Africa Corps.

    The fuel blockade orchestrated by JNIM has lasted for weeks, and Bamako has seemed to be helpless to secure its fuel supply routes. Worse, Mali itself has become a fractured society, with ethnic tensions rife in the northern and central regions, while purges in the military and bureaucracy have become rampant as insurgency appears intractable. In short, Mali is teetering on the brink. While it may not necessarily fall in the near term, its survival is not guaranteed in the long run. The fall of Mali began quietly and insidiously, but is now gathering momentum. Should a worst-case scenario become a reality, it may engender a domino effect on the other two AES members and, apocalyptically, the larger sub-region. If nothing significant is done to curb the tilt towards catastrophe, the Arab Spring’s bloody torch may pass to West Africa as the new terrorism hub.

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    This is where President Bola Tinubu comes in, despite his ordeal with the gung-ho and warmongering American president, Donald Trump. The job of visioning for West Africa and even securing it against jihadism lies squarely with the Nigerian president. With a population of about 230 million people and GDP of almost $188bn, only Nigeria can muster the will and the force to lead the effort to checkmate the jihadist rampage threatening the region. It won’t be easy, especially in light of the ill-advised exit from ECOWAS of the AES. That exit has not only isolated the three countries and their military juntas, it has made them considerably vulnerable to disintegration. President Tinubu must lead ECOWAS to prepare a contingency plan for the region. Yes, he needs to mind Mr Trump’s warmongering and evil relish as well as be prepared to be shaken by his menacing rhetoric; but notwithstanding, the ominous interplay of jihadist and political forces by the AES and the entire sub-region demand his attention. He desperately needs to multitask, and hopefully can find the small body of thinkers who can help him through this difficult and dangerous times.

    As part of his anticipations, President Tinubu must prepare ECOWAS to deploy a powerful force if the situation deteriorates. After all, JNIM militants have found their way into Nigeria. They will do worse if they find the leeway to enact their brutality. In addition to the Mali challenge, which is perhaps the worst of the three AES states, President Tinubu must prepare for extraordinary upheavals in Burkina Faso and Niger. Jihadists are targeting the sub-region. Unfortunately, Nigeria cannot wish the caliphal danger away anymore than it can mollify the ghoulish relish in Mr Trump’s turbulent soul. Keeping Nigeria together, preparing for 2027 election, contending with those who never reconciled themselves to his 2023 victory, and now having to deal with the excitable and morally unmoored Mr Trump can task the ingenuity of the most gifted juggler. President Tinubu has to find the political dexterity to juggle these many iridescent balls in the air.

    It is sad that the AES chose this perilous moment to engage in mindless escapism and isolationism, when the challenges of the region calls for cooperation and introspection. By now the rest of ECOWAS, a few of which had probably briefly toyed with also embracing the weakened Russia, must be disillusioned. Let President Tinubu harvest that disillusionment and rally the region behind his savvy plan to extricate West Africa from the jaws of jihadism. Mr Trump may not have shed enough blood to sate his narcissism, but West Africa has, on the other hand, haemorrhaged more than enough to fancy the bloody but ephemeral interventionist policies glamourised by a US administration seeking foreign adventures to mask his domestic troubles.

  • Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School at 70! (1)

    Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School at 70! (1)

    Paying tribute to a respected institution as it marks three scores and ten of sustained success and brand excellence shouldn’t feel routine or simply like a chore. Instead, it ought to serve as a genuine moment to reflect deeply on its past achievements and the potential it may have missed.

    The spirit and community efforts that led to the establishment of Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School (IJGS), Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State in January 1955 are worthy of remembrance and high commendation. The founding fathers were driven by a clear understanding of the consequences of inaction. Their determination was to align with the enlightenment and opportunities provided by Western education to uplift an incoming generation. They must be commended, not just for their pioneering efforts, but for their strategic astuteness.

    IJGS is a result of the original blueprint by the Ijebu-Jesa Union Conference (IJUC), which initiated the concept circa 1936. That year, during the presidency of D.B. Aloba, the IJUC sent a delegation to secure the support of the chiefs and people of Ijebu-Jesa. The delegation included: S.A. Fatiregun, T.T. Ojumu, A.A. Esugbongbe, S.K. Ogunseemi, I.O. Fajuyigbe, J.O. Famakinwa and J.O. Aloba.

    The principals who have served the school include: C.O. Komolafe (1955-1962); Z.A. Ogunmola (January-December 1963); P.O. Orunmuyi (1964-1972); E.A. Iyanda (1973-1975); S.A. Adewole (1975-1982); I.O. Orolugbagbe (1982-1984); and Olu Olowokure (1984-1999).

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    Others were: G.A. Adesina (April-December 1991); M.O. Saseun (1992-1994); B.A. Fakankun (1995-2000); M.O. Fadare (2001-2005); P.O. Oyewale (2008-2012); J.O. Ayeni (2012-2017); I.O. Dagiloke (2017-2018); J.D. Olanipekun (2018-2020); C.B. Adeoye (2021-2024); and Bolanle Aderemi (2024-date).

    Currently, IJGS boasts ten permanent teaching staff, three Teaching Practice teachers, and seven corps members. Additionally, there are fifteen PTA teachers whose wages are covered by the Old Students Association (IJGSOSA). Class ’71 has, for the past four years, employed and paid a Physics Teacher for the school and is willing to continue this generous commitment. Thankfully, the student beneficiaries have responded with outstanding performances.

    To paraphrase what was said of Christopher Wren, the architect of Modern London, whose epitaph reads, “Si monumentum requiris, circumspice” (If you seek his monument, look around you). In the same powerful way, if you seek to know what those who conceived the idea of establishing IJGS achieved, look around you. The school has since provided a remarkable array of professionals and technocrats who have elevated the community and extended their reach beyond it.

    IJGS opened with more than seventy students. This first set included Babajide Jayeoba, Patrick Agbara, Saka Sanusi, Jide Oluwi, and Oladapo Aloba, who served as the pioneer Senior Prefect. Among others were Gideon Oni, Dapo Olatunde, Ezekiel Ogundele, Theophilus Obisesan, and Koya Olubiyi.

    An interesting part of the IJGS story is that its inaugural graduating class comprised only eleven students. Originally an all-male secondary school, the institution also admitted its first female students in 1966. They graduated in 1970.

    The first student who made distinctions at the Cambridge examination (equivalent of today’s Senior Secondary School Examination, SSCE) was the late Professor Olaniyi Ayoade (1962 set). The first football goalkeeper of the school was the late Lere Adigun, aka, Maja. Adigun is fondly remembered for reportedly riding a bicycle all the way from Germany to Nigeria. The late Adepoju Onibokun, the first Professor of Urban and Regional Planning in Africa, was also a distinguished product of IJGS (1961 set).

    The reigning Elegboro of Ijebu-Jesa, Oba Moses Olufemi Agunsoye is a 1976 product of the school. Oba Adesuyi Haastrup (Ajimoko III), the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland, also attended IJGS for a year (1963-1964). Among other notable alumni is Francis Fadahunsi, the Senator Representing Osun East Senatorial District, who earned his Higher School Certificate (HSC) at IJGS between 1972 and 1973.

    The list also features Olusola Famuyide (Class ’71), a retired Research Director and one-time Provost of the Forestry Research Institute of Nigeria (FRIN). Another notable alumnus is Kolawole Kazeem (1976 set), a Professor at the University of Ibadan, current IJGSOSA Global President, and last substantive Provost of the former Osun State College of Education, Ilesa (2017-2021).

    The list continues with Olutise Adenipekun (’77 set), former Registrar and Head of the Nigeria National Office of WAEC; Ambassador Adedayo Adefidipe (Class ’74); and Tony Igbaroola (Class ’76), owner of Sambeatz Hotel and Suites, Ilesa.

    Olukayode Abe (’77 set) is a renowned administrator and a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Personnel Management. He maintains key roles in various organizations and serves as a Facilitator and Senior Lecturer in Rome Business School in Rome, Italy. His younger brother, Oluwaseyi Abe, mni (’83 set), is a multifaceted professional whose expertise spans banking, insurance, finance, and solar energy. He’s the 9th President of the Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers and sits on the boards of several companies.

    Tayo Abogan (Class ’78) is the Chairman, Committee of Deans, and the Dean of the Faculty of Environmental Studies at the Osun State College of Technology, Esa-Oke. Before his current roles, Abogan served as the Acting Deputy Rector and, from 2010 to 2019, as the Head of Urban and Regional Planning Department.

    Among the Class ’84 were: Sola Fasoranti, a US-based Petroleum Engineer; Professor Wole Ajayi (LAUTECH, Ogbomoso); Bank Executives Olufemi Fasoyin and Abayomi Fadare; and Adebowale Adeduntan, a Dublin-based Mechanical Engineer. The set also includes Rt. Rev. Olugbenga Babatunji, the Lord Bishop of Osun Diocese (Anglican Communion), and Pastor Femi Faseru of the KICC, Lagos. Femi Faseru’s younger brother, Babalola Faseru (1987 set), is a Professor of Population Health at the University of Kansas Medical Center (KUMC).

    I belonged to the 1985 set, and I was the Chapel Prefect Boy. The set showcased a superb team, including: Akinyemi Adu (Senior Prefect Boy), who sadly died on October 21, 2025, and Onifade Toyin (Senior Prefect Girl). Falola Moses served as Labour Prefect Boy; Ajayi Ige (Agriculture Prefect) died on December 11, 2023. The late Ajayi Olamide was the Chapel Prefect Girl, while Ekundayo Temitope and Aworele Kehinde held the Social Prefect roles.

    ​Fasoyin Oluropo was the Punctuality Prefect while Faseyitan Dada (Boy) and Dada Margaret (Girl) served as Health Prefects. Komolafe Oluwaseun was the Library Prefect Boy. Olugbade Ebenezer (Boy) and Agbedu Elizabeth (Girl): Games Prefects; and Agbedu Emmanuel (Boy) and Ekundayo Ayodele (Girl): Food Prefects. Among the House Prefects were Olagunju Julius (Agigiri, Boy), Arojojoye Adejare (Agigri, Girl), and Anakali Pius (Yoloye, Boy).

    IJGS presently has 327 students. The current leadership team includes Adeosun Boluwatife (Head Boy); Ajayi Sharon (Head Girl/Health Girl); Ojelabi Michael (Assistant Head Boy/Punctuality Prefect Boy); and Oladipupo Favour (Assistant Head Girl/Punctuality Prefect Girl). Other prefects are Swardart Samson and Giwa Omotola (Labour Prefects, Boy and Girl respectively); Akinsola Emmanuel (Social Prefect Boy); Adedayo Precious (Social Prefect Girl); and Taiwo Ayomikun (Games Prefect). The team is rounded out by Omilegan Lekan (Time Keeper), and Chapel Prefects Tofunmi Ademilolu and Olanipekun Khadijat.

    Not unexpectedly, the alumni have been instrumental in significant infrastructural developments for the school. For example, Engr. Folorunso Esan (Class ’81) secured Federal Government funding for the complete renovation of the Administrative Building, and Senator Fadahunsi funded the construction of an ICT Centre. Class ’73 sponsored the renovation and equipping of the Science Laboratories with modern facilities.

    IJGSOSA facilitated the establishment of a School Clinic and a Games Block, while Class ’85 renovated four classrooms within the Administrative Building. These examples represent only a fraction of the alumni’s contributions.

    We might ask: Why is a school with such great potential still struggling with enrollment and related issues, seventy years on, with the student figure currently standing at less than 350? Of course, the challenge lies not with the school itself but with the powers and principalities in the current societal climate.

    ● To be concluded.

  • Trump, not Nigeria, is of particular concern to the world

    Trump, not Nigeria, is of particular concern to the world

    Since Ukranian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s ugly encounter with American President Donald Trump in the latter’s Oval Office in Washington DC on February 28, I have come to the conclusion that the American President is a bully who thinks nothing more of power than a tool for oppression. In the midst of Ukraine’s war with Russia, President Zelensky had visited Trump at the White House to discuss a minerals agreement and secure continued US support for Ukraine in her fight against Russia’s invasion. But about 40 minutes into the meeting and in front of dozens of cameras in the room, Zelensky found himself sandwiched between President Trump and his deputy, J.D. Vance, as they derailed the meeting and minerals deal and descended on their guest in an unprecedented public confrontation between an American President and a foreign head of state.

    Trump, a supposed ally of Zelensky in Ukraine’s war with Russia following the latter’s invasion of the former’s territory, wanted Ukraine to agree on a ceasefire with Russia in order to halt hostilities and work towards a comprehensive peace deal. Trump, a known friend of Russian President Vladimir Putin, suddenly came to the decision that Ukraine was to blame for Russia’s invasion of her territory. He then went on to tag Zelensky, the weaker party in the dispute, as a dictator! Nearly all of US allies, along with other global figures, voiced their support for Zelensky, with many issuing statements to rebuke Trump for his confrontational disposition.

    Three months later, it was the turn of South African President Cyril Ramaphosa to get the Trump treatment. In a pure case of ambush, President Trump, in the middle of a meeting with Ramaphosa inside the same Oval Office at the White House, called for the lights to be dimmed so he could play a video to back up allegations of genocide against white South Africans. A thoroughly embarrassed Ramaphosa sat mouth agape as Trump hauled at him allegations of racism and mass murder of white South African farmers. The South African President tried to push back on Trump’s assertion, admitting that there is “criminality” in the country but most of the victims are black, but Trump was neither persuaded nor convinced.

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    The same Trump has engaged China, Canada and other countries around the world in unwarranted diplomatic rows, embarrassing his countrymen and almost subjecting them to ridicule in a tax war with China. A man whose successive marriage to three different women collapses is certainly the one in need of self introspection.

    As it has turned out, Nigeria is confronted with the fate that befell South Africa at Trump’s hands with another unfounded allegation of genocide against Christians leveled by Trump against the Tinubu administration. The American president had Friday last week shocked the country with a post on X (formerly Twitter), accusing Nigeria of genocide against its Christian population. And while the populace was trying to come to terms with the bombshell from the blue, he made another post, threatening to invade the country with American soldiers “gun-a-blazing”.

    Ordinarily, news of American soldiers coming to complement the efforts of our armed forces in the bid to end the reign of terror that has been unleashed on the nation for more than one and a half decades should gladden the heart. But the antecedents of both Trump and America in such matters would be a cause for concern for any patriot. Similar interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and other countries before now have ended in regrets for the populace. In most cases, the interventions are based on fallacies aimed at pursuing the selfish economic agenda of America.

    In the case of Nigeria, there are already enough grounds to believe that the fate that awaits it in the event of an intervention would not be any different from those of Libya, Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan where America had previously called the dog a bad name in order to hang it.

    A more viable option would be that America supports our armed forces with cutting edge arms and other military equipment to help our soldiers in the fight against terrorism. But while Trump is not oblivious of this alternative, he finds President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ‘sins’ against him and the American nation too serious to be dealt with remotely. Observers say he has not forgiven the Nigerian President over his alleged support along with other democrats like French President Emmanuel Macron for Kamala Harris, the democrats’ candidate in the election that brought Trump into office, for fear that Trump as American president would be a veritable threat to world peace.

    Added to the foregoing is the quiet economic revolution the Tinubu government is steering in Nigeria. If any country or head of state is in love with the strides in the nation’s economic sphere, it certainly cannot be America or Trump. Before now, the US had reaped bountifully from refining our crude oil and exporting same to our country to deplete our foreign reserves. But with the Dangote Refinery now in full operation and other indigenous ones coming on board, the nation no longer has to depend on the US for her fuel needs. This does not only mean a huge loss of revenue for the US, it is also a huge loss of jobs for its populace. Many US refineries whose survival depended on Nigeria’s crude are said to have folded up. Besides, the naira has stabilised and has continued to appreciate against the dollar.

    It will be clear from the foregoing that Trump’s outbursts and threats against Nigeria are products of a frustrated mind.

  • Nigeria and the challenging times

    Nigeria and the challenging times

    On many occasions, the world’s most populous black nation, Nigeria, has passed through  dreadful and challenging moments that taxed the ability of its successive leaders and the adaptive capabilities of its diverse people.

    The country survived the mistrust of the 1950s, the political upheaval of the turbulent sixties, the destructive civil war, the dark period of the botched Third Republic, years of pestilence and global recession, and predictions of disintegration by foreign agencies.

    Nigeria’s major problem today is insecurity, occasioned by the persistent activities of terrorists, bandits, cattle rustlers, commercial kidnappers targeting ransom, and other agents of violence across the North.

    The threats to national peace by these unpatriotic elements are worrisome. Also disheartening are other forms of inhumanity of man to man in the South, as manifested by the activities of armed robbers, ritual killers and deadly ‘sit-at-home’ enforcers who maim, kill and destroy socio-economic activities.

    Peace has taken flight in many communities where the rich and the commoners hitherto coexisted in harmony. Murders are on the increase, despite efforts by the government to halt the embarrassing trend. Everybody is a target, a potential victim – physically, socially, economically and emotionally – whether Christians or Muslims.

    Across the globe, attention may have shifted to Nigeria, now a troubled nation that still shoulders enormous regional and continental responsibilities, despite the constraints.

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    The searchlight and warning by the United States President Donald Trump may, in the final analysis, be a blessing in disguise. It is like a renewed wake-up call from afar in a world that has become a global village. The message of the American leader to Nigerian leaders is that they should put their house in order, rekindle efforts at liberating the country from the jaws of terror and create an enabling environment for all and sundry to thrive.

    Foreign relations require tact; a rare application of intelligence. Diplomacy requires in-depth skills, knowledge and mobilisation of networks. Only seasoned and experienced envoys can handle the sensitive assignment.

    But the situation at the home front is also crucial. Foreign policy is dictated by the home condition. Emergency experts in international relations are thrown up by the current circumstances. They are trying to twist facts and score cheap political points, oblivious of the fact that the more they dent the image of their country on social media, the more its reputation in the comity of nations is impaired.

    This is the time for Nigerians, irrespective of their political differences, religious leanings and ethnic backgrounds, to unite and stand against the deviants and unpatriotic elements consistently giving the country a nightmare for nearly two decades.

    The terrorists may be partly Nigerians and partly foreigners. Their capacity for consistent onslaught shows that their financial backers are not relenting. Nigerians – the government and the people – have to rise up to them.

    There is a clear understanding that the government of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a little above two and a half years in office, is not responsible for the tragedy. The problems were inherited from the preceding administrations, whose leadership also tried their best to rid the country of the menace. It is also indisputable that government has made a concerted effort to halt the carnage. But the problem has persisted.

    Although ethnic and religious sentiments persist, the Tinubu administration comes across as a symbol of religious harmony and national unity that should be improved upon. President Tinubu legitimately holds the people’s mandate, and there is no national ethnic or religious discord that would have led to any genocide against any ethnic group or religious sect. He is a Muslim-husband of a Christian cleric-wife in a family that showcases the beauty of accommodation, religious tolerance, freedom of worship, association, and assembly.

    It is good that the Federal Government has reacted to the allegation of genocide against Christians by properly clarifying the circumstances that heralded the misrepresentation and misunderstanding of the true picture of the war by terrorists against all Nigerians – Muslims and Christians – in the North. It is a bad idea to view the current scenario as a major confrontation between the United States and Nigeria or between Trump and Tinubu.

    What makes it appear that Christians are the major or exclusive targets is that Christian bodies are more vociferous and confrontational in their responses to the killings, with further amplification by their networks abroad, unlike their hapless Muslim brothers and sisters at home, who submit to divine will.

    It is certain that since Muslims are in the larger population in the Northeast and the Northwest, most victims are likely to be Muslims in a terrain where insurgents and bandits kill indiscriminately. The conclusion that more Christians die from the unprovoked and unwarranted attacks needs to be objectively scrutinised.

    Nigeria needs to show depth and determination in handling the unfolding situation so that it does not risk further division between Christians and Muslims, who are collective victims of the current danger.

    What is discernible from the critical foreign intervention is that a baseline has been created for seeking a wider global support for tackling the mounting terror challenge, which is not peculiar to Nigeria.

    Speed is required. At a time the economy is improving and relief is not far in sight, Nigeria cannot afford to suffer reverses. The warning by the U.S. has implications for the investment drive and supply of aids. There would be fear of alienation. Diplomatic relations built over the years would be ruptured and the unfolding scenario might inadvertently pale into uncritical isolation or alienation of Nigeria, which has been a key partner in counter-terrorism and great factor in regional stability in West Africa and the entire African continent.

    It is possible that Nigerians in the Diaspora are worried and they may be eager to plead, on behalf of the government and people of Nigeria, for more understanding and assistance in terms of arms supply to combat the terrorists.

    Nigeria deserves the sympathy of humanity at this trying period. There is no evidence that this calamity is self-induced or brought by the government of the day. External influences cannot be ruled out. The North is a vast region sharing porous borders with a number of West African countries – Niger, Chad, Cameroon, and Benin Republic. Insurgent groups, identified and unidentified, visible or invisible, operate across the regions, apparently shifting bases and regressing to the crude tactics of targeting vulnerable populations whenever they are destabilised, before regaining strength.

    Also, some occasional bloody ethnic clashes that led to deaths of innocent Nigerians should not be confused with the onslaughts by Boko Haram and ISWAP.

    The war against insurgency should now be fought with much more vigour. It would be costly, but it is non-negotiable. More resources – human, financial, and military – have to be deployed until the desired result is attained. More recruitments in the military, equipment and much intelligence gathering are required.

    At the diplomatic level, there is a need for more engagements with the world powers, particularly the U.S., the Evangelical bloc, whose outcry led to the U.S. searchlight on Nigeria, and more coordinated strategy with neighbouring countries. It is also time to appoint envoys to major Western countries and the United Nations (UN).

    The immediate creation and effective activation of state police has become most urgent. It is the security structure for coordinating intelligence gathering in particular. The situation has become compelling for all hands to be on deck in the fight against the enemies of state, the terrorists and other agents of destabilisation.

  • 2030, too far for Osimhen

    2030, too far for Osimhen

    I love my country, Nigeria. I love being called a Nigerian. Forget about all the seeming negatives about the Country. I will remain here and exit this world a happy man. But the few times I’ve had to do a little rethink was on how badly our soccer teams play in spite of the huge talents we parade seasonally. Then where is the problem with our soccer rooted? Simply. Every succeeding soccer federation seems worse than their predecessors and it is very unfortunate.

    Ordinarily, we ought to have been talking about a talent that Nigeria would be unleashing to the world full blown after being exposed as a member of the Golden Eaglets at the 2015 FIFA U-17 World Cup, which Nigeria won. The world would be standing still waiting for Victor Patrick Osimhen in the country’s green-white-green jersey with applause.  It is important to note here that Osimhen won the competition’s Golden Boot award. He made his senior international debut in June 2017, and played at the Africa Cup of Nations in 2019 and 2023, reaching the final of the latter competition.

    Indeed, on Wednesday, Osimhen scored a hat-trick in 19 minutes against revered Ajax FC in Amsterdam  which earned Galatasaray a 3-0 victory, their third consecutive UEFA Champions League win this season. Galatasaray last recorded his feat during the 2012/2013 season. No prize for guessing right that the Nigerian was given the Man of the Match diadem, not for the first time this season.

    With the feat on Wednesday, Osimhen became the Nigeria with the highest number of goals in European competitions with 25 goals, surpassing Obafemi Martins’ hitherto 22 goals record. On 29 May 2023, Osimhen was made a Member of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by the late President Muhammadu Buhari in Abuja.

    Osimhen said in a post-match comment on Wednesday night: “I’m also very happy about the goals, of course, but I’d like to thank my teammates again.

    “We’re going to put it on top of that pace.’’

    ”We’ll continue to build on this momentum. I believe we’ll be very happy at the end of the Champions League campaign, and we’ll  continue to work on that.”

    Asked about the possibility of winning the Golden Boot, Osimhen said he believes it’s achievable with the help of his teammates.

    “Of course, I think I have the quality to do so, but I do it with the support of my teammates. They love giving me the ball, just like they did today,” he said.

    “It’s a team effort, and I believe that with my teammates and their support, such a possibility is definitely possible. I will fight for it.”

    Osimhen is currently the top scorer in the UEFA Champions League this season with six goals. The 26-year-old scored his first UCL hat-trick as Galatasaray beat Ajax 3-0 on Wednesday night. Osimhen becomes the second Nigerian to score a UCL hat trick, and is currently Nigeria’s all-time top scorer in the competition.

    Osimhen’s records are intimidating, making him the future world  soccer if he keeps his form playing for both his European club and the country, in this case, Nigeria. But, the snag would be with playing for Nigeria at the 2026 World Cup to be co-hosted by Mexico, Canada and the United States (US).

    Rather than rue the miss by direct qualification for the 2026 World Cup in Group C which Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Republic of Benin, Rwanda, South Africa and Nigeria, the NSC’s and NFF’s chieftains are celebrating the fickle synergy between them. Pity! What they don’t understand is that there won’t be any form of permutations beginning with the African zone’s playoff where the Super Eagles must win her two matches, first against high scoring Gabon on November 13,  and the winner of the cracker between DR Congo and the Indomitable Lions of Cameroon to qualify for the Intercontinental playoffs in March 2026.

    Already, the Confederation of Africa (CAF) officials have informed Nigeria, Cameroon, DR Congo and Gabon that the Video Assistant Referee (VAR) machine would be used to adjudicate in controversial incidents during matches. Recall that the African continent didn’t use the VAR machines in all its 2026 World Cup qualifiers.

    According to agency reports: ”The introduction of VAR for the playoffs could be a game-changer for Nigeria. It means that every single situation will be scrutinised.

    ”For example, if there was VAR, Calvin Bassey’s goal for Nigeria against South Africa in the return leg would have been cancelled for handball.

    ‘On the other hand, Nigeria have been on the receiving end of some terrible tackles in recent months. Case in point was the situation that got Osimhen injured against Rwanda in August. There could have been a red card in that situation, but the referee did not call it back.

    ‘’The Super Eagles will be hoping that the introduction of VAR favours them in Morocco.”

    It would be a travesty if Osimhen watches the 2026 World Cup as a spectator and not one of the players of the competition playing for Nigeria.

    The playoffs would be very tough laced with high wired politics, especially if some established countries fall back into the intercontinental zone of the playoffs. My heart freezes over the likelihood of Italy requiring the playoffs to qualify for the 2026 World Cup. That will be the day.

    Sadly, Nigeria has fixed her resumption date for November 10 in Morocco with the Super Eagles Head Coach talking about the presence of new boys to strengthen his squad. He is the coach but many people are of the view that he ought to have known those he saw from previous camping periods to pick replacements from instead of inviting new kids who may not have visited the country. They consider these kind of players as luxuries, except Chelle is tacitly telling Nigerians that he is preparing for the next edition of the Africa Cup of Nations holding in December in Morocco.

    Chelle has a supporter in the team’s first team goalkeeper, Stanley Nwabali who is already talking about Nigeria lifting the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations diadem in Morocco in December. Call this part of the mind games for the 2026 World Cup ticket chase by Nwabali and Chelle, you could be right. After all it is good to aspire for greatness. But why do we like releasing our team lists after others have done theirs? Gabon released theirs on Thursday.

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    Leading the Gabonese25-man team is captain Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang, who will spearhead the attack alongside Denis Bouanga, the in-form striker who has scored eight goals in the qualifiers. Midfield general Mario Lemina also makes the list, reinforcing Gabon’s spine with his leadership and tactical intelligence.

    Aubameyang and Bouanga have formed a lethal partnership throughout the campaign, combining for 15 goals that have taken the Panthers to the brink of a maiden World Cup appearance.

    Coach Mouyouma expressed confidence in his team’s readiness, highlighting the careful balance of experience and youthful enthusiasm in the squad.

    “This is a defining moment for Gabonese football,” Mouyouma said. “Our players understand the magnitude of this opportunity, and we are going to Rabat with full determination to make history.”

    Interestingly, the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) has formally lodged a complaint with FIFA over what it describes as “a clear conflict of interest” in the appointment of South African and Benin Republic officials to handle Nigeria’s crucial 2026 FIFA World Cup qualifying play-off against Gabon.

    According to the appointment list signed by Gordon Savic, FIFA’s Head of Qualifiers & International Matches, South Africa’s Abongile Tom will officiate as the centre referee, assisted by compatriot Zakhele Thusi Granville Siwela, who will serve as Assistant Referee 2.

     Another South African, Akhona Zennith Makalima, has been named head of the two-person Video Assistant Referee (VAR) team.

    The politics of the playoffs have begun with the choice of match officials. It remains to be seen if the NFF can stand on their feet to make sure there is always a level playing field in the playoffs.

  • Rivers still waiting for Fubara’s new cabinet

    Rivers still waiting for Fubara’s new cabinet

    Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, has spent about 50 days in office since his second coming after the six months emergency rule in the state. The governor has been trying to bounce back; picking the gauntlet and pushing through all frontiers of development. But uncertainties still hover around his administration. He could not hit the ground running.

    The obstacles posed by the conditions for peace might have prevented the governor from hitting the ground running. Fubara wants to appease his core loyalists and diplomatically disengage some of them seen as the faces and progenitors of the crisis. He looks like a man carefully charting a new path but conscious of not stepping on toes.

    Many observers are curious that the governor after about 50 days has yet to have a fully constituted cabinet. The administration seems to lack the steam, the enthusiasm, the agility and activities that characterised its beginning.

    Some issues have been left in the cooler unattended to as the governor appears to be biding his time. While the governor showed the exit door to his former Secretary to the State Government Dr. Tammy Danagogo by appointing his replacement, Benibo Anabraba, uncertainties still surround the office of his Chief of Staff (CoS).

    Obviously, his political family does not want Edison Ehie to remain as his Chief of Staff. However, Fubara has not specifically said anything about his fate. It is unclear whether the man considered as the king of the youths is still performing his functions as the chief of staff.

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    During his return, Ehie was seen with Fubara in almost all the events. In fact, he was in the company of Fubara on the aircraft that flew him back to office.

    Suddenly, Ehie disappeared from public glare and went out of circulation. He has not been seen in the entourage of Fubara in most of the events, spiraling speculation on whether he is still the Chief of Staff. Fubara is widely expected to define these offices. Will he retain Ehie as Chief of Staff or assign him a new role in his government?

    Apart from the position of the Chief of Staff, many ministries are yet to have commissioners and the governor has not reappointed some of the agencies he dissolved shortly after his return.

    Where is the new commissioners’ list? What Fubara has so far done was to disengage about 19 commissioners sacked by the Supreme Court’s judgment without replacing them.

    But the governor reportedly carried a minor reshuffle of commissioners not affected by the judgment. He redeployed the Commissioner for Information, Joe Johnson, to the Ministry of Commerce and left Johnson’s former office vacant.

    As strategic as the Ministry of Information is, it has no commissioner. But the governor has been running the ministry and others like it with permanent secretaries. Will the governor run the ministries with permanent secretaries till the end of his first tenure?

    It will be recalled that the House of Assembly, during its first sitting, asked the governor to send his list of commissioners-nominee for screening and confirmation, but he has yet to do so.