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  • Towards a peaceful Ekiti APC primary (2)

    Towards a peaceful Ekiti APC primary (2)

    It is God’s design that the All Progressives Congress (APC) will hold a festival of unity, cohesion, and tranquility next Monday across the wards in Ekiti State.

    It is a popularity test without a competitor, rival or foe. Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, fondly called BAO, will stand before the mirror of history. His character and performance wll be on the scale. Party men and women will consider his application for the ticket for the second time and give an instant verdict.

    The outcome of the unique shadow poll is predictable. There will be neither anxiety nor tension. In one accord, party faithful, represented by five delegates per ward, would chorus in unison at the special coronation that the 2026 consensus candidate of the Ekiti APC is also, more or less, the sole candidate of the over 130 towns and villages constituting Ekiti State in next year’s governorship election.

    Instructively, the exercise, coming barely two weeks after the third anniversary of the administration, will be a referendum on the scorecard of the governor across the sectors.

    There will be ‘no victor, no vanquished’ at the end of the exercise; only the wish of the majority will prevail.

    The lessons of this moment should not be forgotten. They are very instructive. It is now clear that membership of Ekiti APC entails a miniature financial responsibility that is often ignored until it is too late. Party dues must be paid and only financial members are entitled to play the roles of nominators and electors at the primary.

    READ ALSO: FULL PROFILE: Meet Chief of Defence Staff, Lt. General Olufemi Oluyede

    Also, seasonal or on-and-off politicians who appear during primaries and disappear into their shells, only to resurface in another election cycle, cannot be taken seriously by the chapter. 

    Once Ekiti indigenes decide, like their forefathers did in the days of their famed confederation (Pelupelu), there will be no going back. The lone dissenting voice becomes an exceptional and isolated player, boxed into obscurity for non-conformity with the collective formula for promoting group interest.

    Governors usually have the right of first refusal, especially when they are popular. But it is not absolute. They can be rightly challenged to a duel by other aspirants, in the exercise of their freedom of choice, association, and assembly.

    But when over ninety-nine per cent of the stakeholders decide to collectively endorse Oyebanji for a second term, discerning people should know that a vacancy does not exist in the Government House in Ado-Ekiti.

    The statewide endorsement was quite intimidating. A clear message was sent to potential aspirants that there is one crowd puller for now in the state. Their ambitions consequently paled into daydreaming.

    Twelve categories of people threw their weight behind Oyebanji ahead of the primary. Their influence is not in doubt.

    The first are the four former governors who never saw eye to eye but were united by their support for their successor. Governors Niyi Adebayo, Segun Oni, Ayodele Fayose, and Kayode Fayemi, despite their diverse political outlooks, collectively projected Oyebanji as their anointed candidate. Since the governor was endorsed by the former helmsmen, they have been campaigning for him.

    The second are other key opposition leaders, particularly those of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The governor began courting them, shortly after he won his first victory in 2022. For example, the PDP governorship candidate, Bisi Kolawole, teamed up with him. Two months ago, the most vital female opposition voice, Senator Biodun Olujimi, dumped the PDP for APC. Asked why they were supporting the governor, notable PDP chieftains explained that they were captivated by his laudable inclusive policies and programmes.

    The third category is mainly the party – its officers at the ward, local government, constituency, senatorial, and state levels. Analysts describe this category as the most potent structure for delivering any candidate at the intra-party election. These leadership structures coordinate party activities. Blessed is that governorship candidate who has the undiluted support and cooperation of the bulk of loyal, dedicated, and committed party men and women who are nominators for the primary. Many of them may not have high socio-economic status, but their fanatical loyalty to the platform is never in doubt. Their blood flows in the veins of the administration.

    The fourth category of stakeholders are elective public officers – three senators, nine House of Representatives members, 16 members of the House of Assembly, commissioners, advisers, and other appointees. They are from the different local governments, and they have a stake in the government.

    The fifth are elder statesmen who cannot be ignored in Ekiti. Not all of them are directly associated with political tendencies, but they command a high level of respect. The four legal luminaries – one from Ado-Ekiti, another one from Ikere-Ekiti and two from Ilawe-Ekiti – fall into this category. As a tribute, specific days are devoted to celebrating their contributions to the communities and the state. Their support is akin to the wall of Gibraltar.

    The sixth bloc is the class of founding fathers of the state. Members of this group agitated for the creation of the state. Oyebanji was their secretary during the struggle. It is natural that these gerontocrats should tilt their support towards their younger compatriot who served Ekiti at the prime of life, unknown that fate would catapult him to the number one position in the Fountain of Knowledge.

    The seventh group comprises influential traditional rulers, the home-based monitors of governance. They are objective in their assessment of the governor. Although they are expected to be non-partisan, their mood supports the push for continuity of the progressive governance beyond next year.

    In the eighth category are credible old students of Ekiti State University. They knew the governor, either as a schoolmate or as a young, energetic, and brilliant teacher in the Department of Political Science.

    The ninth bloc comprises colleague-governors in the Progressives Governors’ Forum (PGF) and the national leadership of the party. Those in this group are impressed by the loyalty to the platform, the style of the governor and his peaceful and non-controversial nature.

    The tenth is made up of state workers – civil servants, teachers, and local government workers. Many of them came together to purchase the nomination form for him.

    The eleventh group is made of up religious leaders who see Oyebanji as a promising administrator, a man of vision and servant-leader who is an embodiment of the highly valued Omoluabi ethos.

    The twelfth consists of the ordinary people who savour the atmosphere of peace in Ekiti under Oyebanji’s leadership. They are the authentic voters in elections. Unlike the big people who may stay indoors or travel out of the country during elections, members of this group are always out to exercise their civic duty in the rains or the heat. Oyebanji is also accessible to them. To everyone in Ekiti, he is a governor they can see, feel, touch, and interact with without restriction.

    However, beyond the primary is the challenge of the real election. Reminiscent of what he did to keep the party together after his 2022 victory, the governor has to rally all and sundry, including the supporters of fellow aspirants who floundered and could not cross the nomination hurdle. His post-primary activities should be conciliatory.

    In setting up the campaign structures, inclusion should be the watchword. Ekiti APC should always keep its house in order before, during, and after the poll. The party should strategically prepare for the antics of few aggrieved chieftains battling with deflated ego. They may not defect but stay on in the party to package internal rebellion to distract the governor and the party during the electioneering.

    Also, governance should not be allowed to suffer in the distribution of time and energy by the governor.

    Ekiti 2026 poll is a big election and the opposition will make a lot of noise. The governor, a political scientist, is not expected to underrate anybody on the ballot.

    The admonition of the Screening Committee, chaired by Tunji Ajuloopin Olawuyi, is apt. He urged the party to ensure that there is no crack after the primary. He also enjoined the aspirants to fulfil their promise to support the winner after the shadow poll.

    The Ekiti governorship poll is the first in the series of exercises that will hold ahead of the 2027 general election. The Ekiti APC, having endorsed Oyebanji and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for re-election, should work hard to achieve victory. Power, as the President always said, is not served a la carte.

  • Jonathan’s headaches over 2027 presidential election

    Jonathan’s headaches over 2027 presidential election

    President Goodluck Jonathan has kept the speculations about his plan to contest the presidential election in 2027 alive with the consultations he has been making with some prominent Nigerians he believes could help his cause. Among them are former military president Ibrahim Babangida, the current Chairman of African Democratic Congress (ADC), Gen. David Mark (rtd) and most recently the Chairman of Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, High Chief Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo popularly known as Tompolo.

    But the more consultations he makes the more his hope of returning to the Aso Rock Presidential Villa appears to dim. Reports said his visit to Gen. Babangida at his Hilltop mansion in Minna, Niger State was met with a candid advice from the General that he should not risk his reputation with another bid for the presidency because he would be “messed up”. In Abuja, Gen. Mark told him point blank that there would be no automatic ticket from the ADC as the former president would have to contest the party’s presidential primary with other interested members.

    Another shocker has come from Tompolo, a former political ally of Jonathan once reputed for his unflinching support for the former president. Perhaps unknown to Jonathan, a lot has changed since he lost power in 2015 and the loyalty of the Tantita boss is now to someone else.

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    But yet the biggest shocker is the recent defection of Governor Douye Diri of Jonathan’s Bayelsa State from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) with speculations that he may pitch his tent with the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). The question on the lips of observers now is how the former president hopes to pursue his ambition even without the vital support of his state governor. 

    On his own, Jonathan is not a political heavyweight and has not been in politics since he was voted out of power in 2015. The political interest of Tompolo, who used to be his staunch supporter, has changed while Chief I.K. Clark, the Niger Delta leader who used to rally support for him in the region is late. Many other Ijaw activists are also of the view that the former president should not waste his time and resources on an impossible mission.

  • The Nigerian state as ‘a country without countrymen’? (1)

    The Nigerian state as ‘a country without countrymen’? (1)

    The day was Thursday, August 14, 2025. The time was 3pm. The venue was the Rev. Chris Oyakhilome Auditorium of the Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Nigeria. The event was the 133rd in the inaugural lecture series of the over four and a half decades old institution established by the administration of the former governor of the then Bendel State, Professor Ambrose Alli, in the Second Republic. The lecturer was none other than the revered scholar of Comparative Politics and Strategic Studies, Professor Babatunde Olusegun Agara. The intriguing topic of his intellectual disquisition was ‘The Nigerian State: A Country Without Countrymen’ and for nearly two hours he held the audience spellbound with his penetrating interrogation of the dilemmas, uncertainties and challenges of the contemporary Nigerian condition.

    Professor Agara kicked off his cerebral offering with a declaration of the credos constituting what he described as ‘My three guiding principles in life’ stating directly, unpretentiously and unrepentantly that: “In religion, I am a Christian and hence I believe passionately in God, the Almighty; In politics, I am a radical humanist, I believe in bringing about radical change that positively affect the masses through the instrumentalities of violence (if need be); In economics, I am a committed Marxist and hence I believe in revolutions”. His affirmation of belief in and support for revolutionary change in society if necessary may sound sacrilegious to conservative defenders of the establishment and advocates of continuity of the status quo. But inherent in variants of Marxist theses is the belief that it is only rational to respond to what is perceived as the disguised and structural violence imposed on society by a ruling class or elite with a counter violence designed to engender a more just, equitable and fair social order.

    It is thus not surprising that Professor Agara ‘s lecture is suffused through and through with concerns about the challenges over the years of inept governance, paucity of leadership vision, structural inequities and debilities among others contributing to what he perceives as the deepening fragility of the Nigerian State even if it is yet to degenerate to the condition of total state collapse. On his choice of the topic of the inaugural, he explains that “The Nigerian State is seriously under a siege being plagued by what I have referred to as ‘the evil triad’ of insecurity, threats of secession and herders’ invasion. All these are simply due to the fact that we, Nigerians, do not see ourselves as countrymen, rather primordial sentiments and loyalty have created a divisive fault-line among us. Our argument is that it is  our inability to see ourselves as countrymen that have not only brought the evil triad, but is escalating them on a daily basis”.

    Critical to Professor Agara ‘s characterization of the Nigerian State as a country without countrymen is the stalled progression of the polity from mere statehood to a more cohesive sense of nationhood. Can Nigeria be said to be any more organically viable today than she was when the great statesman and first Premier of the Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, described the country nearly eight decades ago as ‘a mere geographical expression’? Are there not still many Nigerians who would not disagree with the reference by Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria in the First Republic, to the colonial amalgamation as ‘the mistake of 1914’? With virtually every component of the country seeing themselves as marginalized and some groups advocating the outright breakup of Nigeria through secession, can it be plausibly contended that ours is indeed a country without countrymen?

    When he speaks of the absence of countrymen in a country, Agara obviously refers to a deficient emotional bond between citizen and state and the lack of patriotic commitment of the vast majority of Nigerians to the structural entity known as Nigeria. While noting that what he describes as ‘the evil triad’ – insecurity, threats of secession and herders’ invasion – have reached an international dimension, he states that the situation is complicated and worsened by “the domestic problems of governance with virtually no opposition party, recycling of wasted political elites, lack of ideological convictions and a lack of political accommodation for the minorities within the state as it is presently structured”.

    This, he argues, “has led to some questioning the legitimacy of the state and consenting to the fact that a state thus construed and not in total control of the means of violence added to the fact of its gross inadequacy in ensuring the security of its populace, is already a weak state on the path of being a failing, failed or collapsed state. These are the informing motifs for the choice of this topic”. Professor Agara interrogates the subject through an exhaustive examination of the concept of nationalism which, he states, “implies a national sentiment be it political, economic, religious or symbolic that unifies a people together and for which they are ready to sacrifice anything to sustain”.

    Some of the dimensions of nationalism x-rayed by the lecturer include cultural nationalism which “stresses the need to defend or strengthen a national language, religion, or a way of life rather than achieve overt political ends”; liberal political nationalism predicated on the belief that, just like the individual, all Nations have a moral status and right to self-determination; conservative political nationalism which stresses social cohesion, public order and deployment of the sentiment of national patriotism in defence of traditional values and institutions; ethnic nationalism which “emphasizes the commonality of ancestral heritage thereby implying a stronger and perhaps more intense sense of distinctiveness and exclusivity” and expansionist nationalism rooted in a chauvinistic world outlook and value system difficult to distinguish from racism.

    The political scientist sheds light on the notion of a country without countrymen when he submits that “Within a federal pluralist society filled with much sentiment of ethnic differences and more heterogenous factors than homogeneous, ethnic consciousness and differentiation becomes ‘natural’ and is ‘real’. In cases where some set of people feel that they are marginalized and that the political arrangement and structure does not provide enough or sufficient political accommodation for them to feel that they ‘belong’, primordial instinct of identifying with their ‘kind’ kicks in and national loyalty is transferred to ethnic loyalty expressed through ethnic identification and nationalism. Thus, ethnic nationalism and identification becomes an intellectual response to political, social and cultural problems of integration and legitimacy”.

    One of the theoretical frameworks or anchors through which Professor Agara analyses his subject is that of political accommodation which is particularly central to federalist theory and practice. Thus, he posits that in a complex, ethnically, culturally and religiously plural society, the adequacy of the arrangements for political accommodation and coexistence of diverse groups in the polity are critical to the achievement or otherwise of harmony, peace and stability. He submits that federalism as a political format provides a framework for managing differences and that “political accommodation is only possible within a context where competing demands and claims by constituent groups are reconcilable and the various groups making up the federation are agreed to stay together”.

    Critical to the viability of sustainable and productive political accommodation, the professor points out, are the mode of allocation or distribution of material and fiscal resources among component groups of the polity which must be reflective of justice particularly with reference to contributions to the polity’s collective resources; the opportunities offered the diverse component groups for peaceful, systemic and Judicial articulation and resolution of their demands as well as the imperative of achieving a balance between national cohesion and the desire for autonomy and self-determination by the federating units.

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    The second theoretical framework around which Professor Agara’s thesis revolves is that of contentious politics and violence which encapsulates such concepts as contentious collective challenge, contentious political behavior and social movements. He explains that contentious collective action through aggravated social movements comprising complex underlying social networks offers a critical avenue through which “the oppressed can draw an unresponsive state’s elites’ attention to their plight, or better articulate their grievances and confront the better equipped opponents or the state. Contentious collective action brings ordinary people together under the same umbrella, for the same purpose and to confront opponents, elites’ or authorities”.

    In this regard, Professor Agara cites ethnic militias as examples of a form of social movements mobilized to pursue or undertake a collective challenge against state authorities for failing to address collective grievances of, for example, the peoples of the Niger Delta or the Igbo nationality of the Southeast region. He avers that the easiest and readiest recourse of components of aggrieved social movements desirous of social change is ‘the power of disruption’. According to him, “Social movements employ the power of disruption basically because this draws attention to them; enables the social movement to spread uncertainty while giving them the necessary leverage they need against powerful opponents such as the state”.

    However, the deployment of the coercive apparatus of the state including the police, military and intelligence services to contain escalation in disruptive activities of social movements and eliminate their offensive capabilities tend to split the latter into two – moderate elements who tactically withdraw from the struggle and the more extremist and militant who resort to continuously intensifying acts of outright violence. Professor Agara makes profuse references in the literature to demonstrate that (1) political violence tends to progress from the onset of mild discontent to the politicization of discontent and ultimately the actualization of violence against political actors and structures; (2) political violence challenges the monopoly of force which is the defining essence of state authority while destabilizing normal political processes and (3) political violence tends to be directed not just at incumbent governments and their functionaries and facilities but also opposing political actors, forces and groups thus constituting a threat to the extant political order.

    In this inaugural lecture, we have a most exhaustive and rigorous analytic interrogation of the various incendiary and destabilizing groups running rampant in Nigeria today including terrorist organizations, separatist agitators, extremist religious proselytizers, invading expansionist herdsmen and criminal cartels with detailed examination of their comparative organizational structures, internal value orientation, diverse modes of operation, assorted psychological motivations, extraterritorial organizational linkages as well as inter-organizational relationships.

  • Beyond the limits

    Beyond the limits

    I’ve never met billionaire sports entrepreneur Soname face-to-face for any reason. But I’ve followed his antecedents in sports business with bated breath to see if he can be trusted. Yes, my discreet submission on Soname is that he is an honest businessman who doesn’t punch above his weight. I was bowled over by the fact that he owned a club in Portugal and was deeply involved in the business of football at the nursery level. I probed further and realised that he wasn’t in the nursery business to pluck flowers. He chose to build structures which created the platform to discover, nurture and expose the budding talents that litter the streets in the 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs) in the country.

    It isn’t ease to run soccer business in an environment like ours where the administrators run the game by their hunches. The game needs proactive businessmen and women such as Soname to look at the game from the prism of giving back to the community where he has chosen to make his abode. Who won’t choose the community of his birth like Soname has done. Indeed, the tiny Remo land has international acclaim each time Remo FC plays a game either within the country or as our soccer ambassadors. But what thrills me the most is that analysts can at least say that Beyond Limits FC is the genuine nursery of Remo FC both in theoretical terms and practical terms.

    The difference between Remo Stars and Beyond the Limits FC is that the owner, Soname faces the latter with all the trappings of any thriving business concern, leaving Remo Stars FC as the platform to give back to society – create a means of getting young Nigerians and the older active ones to earn a living, which is sacrosanct. But there appears to be a growing conflict between Remo Stars and Beyond the Limits FC which only Soname can resolve.

    If I were in Soname’s shoes, I will shop for either a credible buyer(s) for Remo Stars or get a business-minded management committee of sports loving people to run it as a thriving concern while I sit back with the Beyond Limits cradle which already has international acclaim in Portugal. If I were Soname, I will get Remo Stars very good Portuguese coaches who would also function as trainers of our domestic league clubs during the off seasons. If I were Soname, I will recruit Barrister Amobi as the CEO of Remo Stars with one resolve – win the CAF Champions League diadem in 2030. I will suggest, dear Soname, the recruitment of Toyin Ibitoye to work with Ameobi to rebrand Remo Stars. I would have suggested Davidson Owumi but he is with NPFL as the C.O.O. We need a few teams to serve as models for other Nigerian clubs to emulate, if we truly want the game to be a beauty to watch across league venues weekly.

    I’ve chosen to write about Remo Stars and Beyond the Limits FC  because of the unacceptable 5-1 drubbing Remo suffered in the hands of Mamelodi Sundowns FC of South Africa, which has caused uproar among the uniformed. Truth be told, Mamelodi Sundowns and Remo Stars are no mates. Only two weeks ago, the South African side spent $1 million in the transfer of a player. How many Nigerian sides can do that? Certainly not with a shrewd business mogul as Soname who can trade one exceptional good kid from his academy for six or more times that one million dollars.

    Nigeria’s champions in the league shouldn’t be beaten 5-1 and we want people to just sigh over it or rein curses. I would rather proffer solutions without trying to curry anyone’s favour. I like the way Rivers United FC of Port Harcourt is been run.

    However, I was taken aback by Soname’s claim about the Nigerian economy. I ask the proprietor if his club is quoted on the Nigerian Stock Exchange? Or is that task also burdened by the country’s economy, Sir? Has the proprietor bothered to find out what European clubs in football crazy nations contribute to their respective country’s economy? They took a plunge into the money spinner that the game is based on well thought out plans. For these clubs, it wasn’t a case of guesswork. Clubs in Europe didn’t wait on their federations’ promptings to seize the bull by its horns. The private sector talk in Nigeria is cheap. The Americans own clubs all over Europe.

    According to agency reports: ‘’In the 2023/24 season, the Premier League generated a record £6.35 billion in revenue, contributing to England’s economy through job creation, significant tax contributions, and substantial investment in the football pyramid, according to reports from theesk.org and the Premier League. This record turnover was driven primarily by rising commercial and matchday income, with commercial revenue surpassing £2 billion for the first time. This financial success allows for reinvestment, supports grassroots football, and maintains the league’s global competitiveness.”

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    ‘’In the 2023/24 season, La Liga’s standardised revenue exceeded €5 billion, a record high that signifies a strong post-pandemic recovery and a significant boost to Spain’s economy. This revenue growth was driven by record stadium attendance, strong commercial income from new sponsorships, and broadcast revenue. The increased financial performance contributes to the sustainability of the Spanish football ecosystem through club investment, but also saw the league’s net debt rise, largely due to long-term financing deals.”

    The story is almost the same in other European nations; growth in soccer.

    When in 1990 some respected Nigerian soccer administrators conceptualised the Nigeria Professional League body, they were responding to the new trends in the beautiful game in other climes. These men couldn’t stomach the mediocrity associated with the Nigerian game. They wanted a departure from the tardy past to embrace the new dawn where very good players could earn a living outside the country. The wise men foresaw the future where with a new mentality to matches, the country could one day play at the senior World Cup.

    The quasi-professional league witnessed a lot of improvement, except that the ownership structures didn’t quite change, with most of the teams owned by the government. The few private clubs (Leventis United FC of Ibadan, Abiola Babes FC of Abeokuta, New Nigeria Bank FC of Benin City, Flash Flamingoes FC of Benin City, Julius Berger FC of Lagos, Iwuanyanwu Nationale FC of Owerri, etc) left their marks, although they were eventually emasculated by the government teams which had tremendous cash which their administrators used to corrupt the system. The thought of having four teams in Benin City didn’t excite the fans as much having only their darling team in the elite class. The private clubs’ owners soon dropped their sponsorship initiatives when they couldn’t cope with the malfeasances of the league.

    The conspiracy against the privately-owned teams brought back the sharp practices of the competition, leading to the dearth of new talents. These private clubs couldn’t enjoy the support of the fans in those cities where the state-owned teams operated. Leventis had to manage its relationship with the Ibadan fans. Flash Flamingoes FC went through hell playing inside the Samuel Osaigbovo Ogbemudia Stadium in Benin. The fans’ favourite was Bendel Insurance FC. The defunct New Nigeria Bank FC had a similar problem of acceptance. In fact, games involving these teams and their traditional local rivals threatened public peace, as the security operatives had to be at their best for peace to reign before, during, and after matches. In one of such needless skirmishes, Bendel Insurance FC’s chairman, the late Major Ojo lost his life in a car crash very close to the stadium while trying to rescue the match referees from being lynched by irate fans. Gallant soldier, if you ask me. May his soul continue to rest in peace.

  • Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (1)

    Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (1)

    The great British Rock Band, ‘The Beatles’, eulogized ‘Yesterday’ in one of its most memorable hit songs. In the lyrics of the song, the past is framed by the line, “Yesterday, all my troubles seemed so far away,” culminating in a definitive “longing for yesterday.” This is the melancholic interpretation of that great band who defined an era which was a combination of tumult and hope – quite a bizarre cocktail! On the contrary, in Nigeria, only those into self-abnegation, interpreted as a craving for punishment, long for yesterday.

    Yesterday was not very edifying in the Nigerian experience, and the statistics are frightening. On the day of independence, October 1, 1960, Nigeria was the 27th largest economy in the world. Fast forward 65 years, and the country is the world’s 30th largest economy. This must be one of the greatest examples of retrogression in the economic history of mankind.

    For all manner of reasons, yesterday was a catastrophe for Nigeria, and there can be no longing for it, because it was an era of underachievement, the ‘development of underdevelopment’, as well as ‘growth without development’. Yesterday for Nigeria was a nightmare scenario that has turned into an existential crisis.

    Observing a similar era in Italy, as Benito Mussolini marched on Rome to seize and then consolidate power, the brilliant Italian philosopher, Antonio Gramsci, noted in his prison notes that “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.” Unfortunately, Gramsci died in Mussolini’s prison due to poor health, as he was indeed opposed to the dictator.

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    As in Italy in that era, Nigeria went through an interregnum in which morbid symptoms of decay and self-immolation appeared alongside the demons that had to be slain. Warts and all, the Bola Tinubu government must be given acknowledgement for understanding that the monsters released in decades of underachievement had to be contained, then slain. In an existential crisis, there’s no alternative!

    Actually, there’s an alternative, and that is, the government could, British-style, attempt to muddle through. The critical difference here is that Britain has very strong institutions to act as a backbone as well as a shock-absorber. Disturbingly, Nigeria is bereft of strong institutions, which means that the very concept of a shock-absorber is fragile.

    The Tinubu government has shown great political skills in its attempt to break decisively – and, hopefully, irreversibly – away from a dismal past. One key element here is to go back to Gramsci again! Apart from being renowned for introducing the concept of ‘Cultural Hegemony’ into political philosophy, he also derived from Cultural Hegemony a position that political discourse and parties must define the territory of thoughts and actions in favour of one’s own position.

    In this vein, the Tinubu administration has altered Nigeria’s political hegemony, supportive of the position that an emphasis on production-inducing taxation must replace revenue sharing as the operating grundnorm and the engine room of the political economy of the state. This is a breakthrough as well as a breakaway from the root causes of Nigeria’s underdevelopment. We do not need a crystal ball to forecast that fifty years down the road, economic historians would give this administration massive credit for this change in perception, theory and action.

    To put things in context, it can also be interpreted as a throwback to a more edifying past. In the 1950s and the 1960s, the economic forward thrust, which, for example, made the Eastern Region of Nigeria the fastest growing subnational entity in the entire British Commonwealth, was predicated on this. A moment that can now be seen as defining and a justification for Tinubu’s intervention in the political economy can be taken from the Western Region of Nigeria in 1961.

    •To be concluded.

  • Morgan Omodu: The measure of a life

    Morgan Omodu: The measure of a life

    I was a year ahead of Temidayo Morgan Omodu at the University of Ilorin. We were from separate departments: Morgan, Mathematics Education, and I, Statistics, in the Faculty of Science.

    Prior to our meeting, I had been invited by Bashir Tayo Lawal, then President of the National Association of Statistics Students (NASS), Unilorin Chapter, to help revive its editorial platform, a role I gladly accepted.

    Omodu was fascinated by my writings on the board, particularly ‘The Man from Essex’, a piece on Professor I.O. Osungade, who died on June 15, 2024. He approached me to express his interest in writing and seek my guidance. I accepted, and our lifelong friendship began.

    Together with Abayomi Akomolafe, now Professor of Statistics at the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA), Femi Adebola, now Professor of Statistics and current Dean, Faculty of Physical Sciences, FUTA, Remi Gbaremu, and others, the NASS Editorial Board, aka NASSEB, achieved great success. These achievements, and other matters, are topics for another time.

    When the Faculty of Science Students Association (FOSSA), Unilorin Chapter, led by Gbenga Adebayo, invited me to help rebuild its media arm, I brought Omodu along. We also worked together on the Unilorin Students’ Union Government (SUG) Editorial Board. Kehinde Agboola, a former member of the House of Representatives, was the SUG President at the time.

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    I graduated from Unilorin in 1996, and our paths diverged until sometime in the 2000s, when we reconnected in Ilorin. Omodu even introduced me to his mother, and I spent the night at his house.

    We lost touch again until 2010, when we met at the Lagos City Hall during the ‘Odu’a, Know Thyself’ programme, organized by the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), a sociocultural organization where I served as its pioneer Administrative Secretary. I learned, much later, that Omodu was part of Rt. Honourable Dimeji Bankole’s delegation as his Special Assistant on Student Affairs and Legislative Matters to the event. I had remained unaware of this, of course, for reasons not unconnected with the pervasive influence of the I-am-of-Paul-and-another-I-am-of-Apollos political dynamics of that era.

    Last year, Omodu invited me to join AljazirahNigeria newspaper as a non-stipendiary ‘Backpager’, but I declined due to other commitments. Nevertheless, he continued to feature my writings, and I was saddened to learn of his passing on Thursday, October 16, 2025, at the age of 52.

    Some months before his demise, Omodu had reached out to me and raised concerns about some disturbing political developments in his native Ondo State. Together, we explored options and concluded that something needed to be done, urgently, to salvage the situation. He promised to get back to me. Unfortunately, whatever his efforts were are now lost to history.

    At the time of his passing, Omodu was the newspaper’s Managing Editor.

    While he was alive, Morgan Omodu would call me ‘Great Komo’ while I would address him as ‘OluwaMorgan’.

    ‘Mortuus sed non oblitus!’ (Gone but not forgotten!). As I reflect on our diverging paths and networks, I realize that while we often find ourselves at the mercy of circumstances, we must remember that we have the power to shape them, rather than simply being shaped by them. This realization brings me to the measure of a man’s life: his network. In life, a man is as good as his network. But what if his network turns out to be ineffective or a letdown?

    A tool is useless if it can’t serve its purpose. Omodu was truly blessed: he had a knife that could cut bread, a supportive network that helped him achieve success. It is only his death that snatched an example of good manners and selflessness away from us too soon!

    May the Stone of Israel rest the soul of the faithful departed and comfort those he left behind!

  • Why Nigerians mocked Sowore

    Why Nigerians mocked Sowore

    To come right out with it, this piece is a response to the surprise expressed by Farook Kperogi, a US-based academic and public affairs commentator, that some Nigerians could mock politician cum human rights activist, Omoyele Sowore, after his encounter with the police during the Free Kanu protest in Abuja on Tuesday. Sowore, the emeritus chairman and presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), no doubt surprised even himself as he nearly broke Usain Bolt’s 100 metres sprint record at the instance of the teargas fired by policemen on patrol during the protest he led for the release of Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) leader, Nnamdi Kanu.

    A video that went viral on social media later that day showed Sowore as he gathered momentum at the sight of a police patrol van, and bolted at the sound of teargas without alerting his fellow protesters of imminent danger. The result was the arrest of eight protesters who, according to the Force Public Relations Officer, Benjamin Hundeyin, were taken into custody for contravening a court order restricting them from certain parts of the federal capital city.

    In a post on his Facebook page, US-based academic and public affairs commentator, Farook Kperogi, could not help wondering why Sowore was being mocked by his detractors for voting with his feet at the sound of teargas from an advancing police vehicle.

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    He said: “I honestly can’t understand why some Nigerians are mocking Omoyele Sowore for retreating after security forces fired what sounded like live rounds during the #FreeNnamdiKanuNow protest in Abuja today. They are cynically framing it as cowardice. Really?

    “So bravery now means standing unarmed before flying bullets? And if he had died, they would have called him foolhardy. You may disagree with his politics, which is entirely legitimate, but you can’t deny that Sowore has the courage of his convictions.

    “He’s out there risking his life, comfort, safety and freedom for what he believes in, while most of his critics never stepped beyond their keyboards.”

    Ordinarily, a citizen in Sowore’s situation should attract public support and sympathy, even though his choice of protest as second nature was a personal decision. Protests and agitation are critical ingredients of democracy and governance, especially in a pluralistic society like ours, and Sowore has ridden the crest of them since his days as a students’ union leader in the early 1990s. Asking him to live without engaging in protests now is like asking a fish to live without water. He is now so used to protesting that when there are no issues to protest against, he creates one. That probably informed his decision to launch the agitation for Kanu’s release via public protests while the IPOB leader’s kinsmen were busy working out legal and political solutions.

    While Kperogi may have seen Sowore as a hero by his decision to swallow Paracetamol for another person’s headache, it is not so with many Nigerians who see him as nothing but a busybody  desperate for public attention. One man’s meat, after all, is another man’s poison. Besides his scant regard for constituted authorities, Sowore is yet to imbibe the twin virtues of respect and humility, which have repeatedly brought him into conflicts with people in authority and created a gulf between him and others whose sympathy he ought to gain.

    In the instance of Kanu, Sowore’s case becomes even more complicated. Based on the atrocities committed by the foot soldiers of the IPOB leader, he was arrested and kept in prison. He was, however, granted bail in April 2017 only for him to flee and launch vitriolic attacks on the country from his base abroad, using the armed wing of IPOB known as the Eastern Security Network. During the ENDSARS riot in 2020, he seized the opportunity of the crisis to bark orders to his foot soldiers from his Radio Biafra on who and where to attack in Lagos, Port Harcourt and other Nigerian cities.

    Unfortunately for him, he was re-arrested in Kenya in 2021 and brought back to Nigeria, following which he was arraigned for acts of terrorism. The prosecution has since closed its case, while Kanu and his lawyers decided to embark on legal gymnastics when it was time to open their defence. In the midst of all this, Sowore saw an opportunity to hog the spotlight and seized it with both hands. He allegedly approached some Igbo political leaders, who declined support for any form of public protest, preferring a legal and political solution to the matter. Disappointed at their response, he turned to some undiscerning Igbo traders and apprentices, suborning them into the unwholesome project.

    Considering the weight of the allegations against Kanu, which border on the killing of innocent Igbo and non-Igbo indigenes by the militant arm of IPOB, calling on the authorities to set its leader free without trial is most insensitive. While no one has declared Kanu guilty of the allegations, it is only fair, even to him, that he makes maximum use of the opportunity he has to defend himself in court. Sowore should put himself in the shoes of the family members of the military couple allegedly beheaded and turned into mincemeat by some IPOB members, among other dastardly killings, as well as the mass destruction and jailbreaks facilitated by the groups during the 2020 EndSARS protests and judge whether it is fair to set Kanu free without trial.

    Considering the momentum of grandstanding he built before the protest day, the personal aggrandizement behind his desperation to lead the Free Kanu protest, the insensitive nature of the protest with regard to the families and relations of the victims of Kanu’s violent agitation and the anti-climax that attended the entire project, it was difficult not to laugh when Sowore burst into speed at the sound of teargas.

  • The message in retrospect

    The message in retrospect

    Preamble

    The Ability to speak or write is a special gift from the AlmightyAllah. With time, such ability may become a hobby and eventually grow into a skill. Speaking, no matter how eloquently, cannot be as important as getting audience. So is the case with writing. A speaker can be classified as an orator only by his audience. Radio and television broadcasters as well as public motivational speakers can attest to this. Similarly, an author or a columnist can be celebrated or denigrated only by his readers. Any writer who takes his readers for granted, therefore, can only do so at his own peril. Such a writer may not be qualified for an author or a columnist.

    A Column by accident Memory lane

    Ever since yours sincerely started writing this column in The Nation newspaper, in September, 2006, no week has passed by without a barrage of reations reaching me even on some occasions when the column is not published for one reason or another.

    This is not just because I called the column a participatory one in its maiden edition but mostly because some readers who had long been familier with it since its inception in Concord newspaper, in 1982, acknowledge its quality and appreciate the methodology with which it is presented to showcase Islam to the world every Friday. For instance on a particular topic entitled: NO! MR. PRESIDENT, NO!, published in this column on February 2, 2007, when a onetime Army General from the Southwest, (Chief) Olusegun Okikiolakan Aremu Obasanjo was at the twilight of his second term of four years in office as Nigerian PresidentI, I received 189 phone calls, 107 text messages and 1143 written comments through the e-mail. That was about five months after the commencement of this column in The Nation newspaper. After I left Concord newspaper in 1989,  most readers of this column followed it to other Nigerian newspapers like Vanguard, The Monitor and The Nation. Some even followed it to some foreign magazines such as The Inquiry, Al-Afkar, Africa Now, At-Tawheed  and a host of others including some academic journals. Thus, questions, observations and comments kept coming consistently into this column from various parts of the world in form of reactions.

    Comment

    Now, 13 yeas after the column debut in The Nation newspaper, I consider it fair to refresh the memories of its original readers by recalling some of those reactions in retrospect if only to further confirm that readers, like customers, are kings and queens in their own rights, in the market of literacy. After all, it is only a novice writer that will close his ears or eyes to readers’ comments even if such comments are negative and bitterly reprobative. Ordinarily, as a columnist, I often feel psychologically elated when reactions to my column come in torrents from different conceivable angles, based on different perceptions.

    Some Published Reactions

    It should be noted that the few reactions received over some publications, over a decade ago, and published below were randomly selected from the piling chunk in my kitty at that time. Those reactions were, however, not necessarily more important than many others which were not published then. Meanwhile, in the spirit of participatoriness, some reactions to this column will, henceforeth, resume publication from time to time, as space may permit. This may strengthen the trust of the readers in the interactiveness of the column.

    While thanking all the readers of this 37 years old column, particularly those who have been reacting to it (home and abroad), since its inception, for their encouragement and well wish. I pray the Almighty Allah to appreciate their good intentions and encouraging actions as He (Allah) alone can reward them abundantly.

    First meeting with the Sultan

    It came as an undreamt surprise when my telephone rang at exactly 11.50 am on the first Sunday in February, 2007. My first reaction after pickimg the call was: “who is on the line, please?” especially when the call came without an identity. The caller simplay identified himself as SA’AD Abubakar. I immediately searched my brain for a possible familiarization with that identity. But while doing that, I did not know that I was repeating the name Sa’d Abubakar in a seeming soliloquy until His Eminence said: Ah!Don’t you know anybody bearing that name?. And in my reaction, I said the only person I can think of that bears that name is the new Sultan. It was then that His Eminence said: alright, this is the Sultan. At that moment, dumpfounded. The only clear words that I could utter were “Your Eminence!” before I went stammering. I was overwhelmed. In that telephone conversation,

    With a tone of commendation, His Eminence appreciated my writings and said that he had been reading my column since the now defunct Concord days. He counselled me never to relent especially in calling a spade a spade as I had been doing. And, as the Commander of the Muslim faithful, (Amirul Muminin), he showered royal prayers on me and promised to be calling again in future.

    That was one call that made, not just my day, but probably my year. It was one reaction that confirmed my observation once expressed in an article in this column about this new Sultan shortly after his instalation.

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    By that surprise call alone, the new Sultan added to the chain of “FIRSTS which I listed in the mentioned article. In my 25 years of experience in journalism, as at that time, I could not remember when any public figure of Sultan’s status ever made a similar call to any common journalist except when seeking a media favour.

    A Launch with his eminence

    About two weeks after the above narrated encounter with him on the telephone, His Eminence called again to invite me to Kaduna from Ibdan for a launch with him. And, at his palace in Kaduna, This great Sultan sat down with me on bare carpet where we took a special launch together. That was my first experience of royal conduct in Nigeria’s Sultanate.

    By his conduct and actions so far, since he came to the exhalted throne, Sultan Muhammad Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, mni, has shown, by all means, an exemplary leadership for other Nigerian leaders or aspiring leaders to emulate. With him, Nigerian Muslims are being reminded of the Caliphate time of Umar Bn Khattab and Umar Bn Abdul Aziz when it was established and entrenched that leadership is neither by vicious display of force nor by crude bully and animalistic brutality. May the Almighty Allah be merciful to Nigerian Muslim Ummah by preserving the life of this Sultan with divine guidance and protection for the good of this life and that of the Hereafter. We also pray that the glow of His Eminence’s crescent may be brazenly kindled for a long, long time to come without experiencing an eclipse. Amin.

     Some reders reactions

    Femi, EFCC is on the side of the poor that is why the thieves in high places want to destroy it. Someday, state power will become the oppressed and the oppressors will fall to rise no more”. Amos Ejimonye, Kaduna.

    “Mr. Femi Abbas, your write -up on EFCC made my day glorious. Tafa Balogun, former IGP, saw danger in the enormous power conferred on the youthful Ribadu. Ehinderos greed for power conspired with Ribadu to oust him. The same Obasanjo will consume both Ribadu and Ehindero after April polls. You have said it all. Keep watching. God bless you”. Afolabi, ACP, (rtd).

    “Salam alaikun,

    I read The Nation Newspaper published on February 2, 2007. In fact, I like the way you advised Mr. President. May Allah reward you abundantly. Keep it up, it is part of Jihad.

    May Allah SWT, continue to protect you as He may continue to enrich your thinking. Last Friday’s essay was prophetic”. A.A. Amoo, Ede .

    “Dear Brother, your write-up on Mr. Presidents inconsistencies last Friday was very superb. May Allah continue to increase your knowledge”. Owolabi Abdullah.

    “Your article: NO! Mr. President NO! is a great piece and a great voice of hope at a time of sickening sycophancy. God bless you for it”. Dele, Lagos .

    “Femi, your 02-02-07 article brought out tears from my eyes, I found it hard to eat. Seriously, I became sleepless. May God see us through this terrible mess? Segun Eleshin.

    “Salam!

    Good write-up in The Nation this morning. Please keep it up”. Lai Olurode, UNILAG.

    “Salam,

    Brother Abbas, thank you for your great contribution on Muslim family. What I read on The Nation newspaper last December 2006 concerning Muslim-Family was a good Article. I will be expecting more from you”. Abdul -Yekeen Mustapha. Owo Poly, H.N.D 2, BAM, Ondo State . Mas-salam.

    “Dear Femi Abbas, your article today on the atrocities of the current regime under the topic: NO! MR, PRESIDENT, NO! is an eye opener. It reminds me of your powerful column in the good old days of Concord newspaper.

    You are a special gift to Islam in Nigeria. I hope that one day you will be recognized by Nigerian Muslim community as the late Abul Ala Al- Maududi was recognized in India or Ahmad Deeda in South Africa. And, if not, may Allah recognize you and shower you with the rewards of the Prophets great scribe, Zayd bn Thabit. Jazakumu – Llah khayran”. Idris Mustapha, Zaria .

    “Brother Femi Abbas, I did not know that you write a column in The Nation newspaper until my attention was drawn to it this morning. The last time I read your article was in Vanguard and that was over five years ago. The analysis on the EFCC is fantastic as usual. I had always believed that the establishment of the EFCC was a good action based on a dirty intention.

     The recent developments in the country concerning that commission have vindicated my belief. And, your analysis tallied with my thought on the commission. I totally agree with you that the commission is a peculiar mess to Nigeria, created by the current peculiar ruling class to further oppress the populace in the name of fighting corruption. Now that I know of this column, The Nation automatically becomes my paper. God bless you”. Sherifah Abdullah, Lagos.

    “Femi, thank you for your brilliant Friday sermons, coming up in form of a column. Without a gun or sword, you have voluntarily chosen to be the people’s soldier defending us fiercely against the raging tsunami of the satanic forces who, unfortunately, happen to be our rulers today. I particularly enjoy your writing on Mr. President’s perception of national security and of course, the one on EFCC. If columnists like you were many, who can call a spade its real name, perhaps Nigeria would not have slipped into the hands of devils. Please fire on. Your pen is mightier than their missiles”. Bayo Jemitan, Ilorin .

    “Hello! Femi, Reading your column every Friday is like drinking cold, fresh water after a long trek in a hot desert. I am not a Muslim, but I see your column as one for all good Nigerians and not Muslims alone. With your article: ‘NO! MR. PRESIDENT, NO!’ published on February 2, 2007, you have endeared me to The Nation Newspaper. If what you are doing in that column is what Muslims call Jihad then I am for it. Don’t rest on your oars. May God strengthen your fortress in all directions?” James Ahamisu, Asaba.

    “Thank you for reminding us of the late great leader, General Murtala Muhammed, in your article of last Friday titled-‘EFCC: LET THE TRUTH BE TOLD’. If anybody is qualified to be called the father of modern Nigeria it is General Muhammed and not the leopard called Obasanjo, now parading himself as such. Through your article, we still remember that great leader (Murtala Muhammaed)’ revolution, reformation and reorientation of Nigeria within six months of his governance. Murtala was an impartial creator and executor of ideas. He was an exemplary leader who started reformation of our society with himself. He surrendered his personal property to the state because he believed that he wrongly used his office to acquire it before he became Head of State. And, he never sold any state property to himself at give-away price. Neither did he flout the law of the land despite the fact that he was a military Head of State. That was a leader by all standards. He and not the current impostor, self-styled messiah (Obasanjo), should be called and recognized as the father of modern Nigeria” . Ademola Atolagbe, Owu, Abeokuta .

    “Hello! Femi, you are not alone in your opinion on President Obasanjo’s misconception of national security. Having moved from the prison to the Presidency without rehabilitation and reorientation, the man lost touch with modern reality and ruled with a prisoner’s vision. He has forgotten how Abacha started and ended. Such is the characteristic of African leaders. By the time he leaves the office very soon, and joins the league of former Presidents, God willing, his eyes will be open to the reality of what Nigeria is. Those who refuse to learn from history will surely bear the brunt of history”.

    Okey Ibeabuchi, Owerri.

    “Mr. Abbas, with your article published on December 1, 2006, entitled ‘- GOD! GIVE US A LEADER….’ You touched the hearts of most living Nigerians. That prayer was a precise summary of all prayers which most Nigerians have been offering especially about leadership. What remains for us is simply to say Amen. God bless you”. Daniel Akpan, Calabar.

    NB: Very soon, this column may begin a Jihad against two major scourges threatening to devour our dear country soul and body. One of the scourges is corruption. The other is religious hate speeches. The damages done to Nigeria by these two vices in the past three decades are better left to imagination. As a religious column, it becomes necessary to address these two vices for the sake of peaceful co-existence of the citizens in the present and in the future. In doing this, issues causing both scourges will be examined and assessed from all angles with a view to educating the populace on how to overcome them. Readers are expected to contribute to this Jihad if only to enable peace and prosperity reign in our country. And, by the grace of God, we shall not fail to succeed. Welcome on board. Meanwhile a second part of this article may be written in this column next week. Watch out for it.

  • The need for treatment of accident and gunshot victims without police report

    The need for treatment of accident and gunshot victims without police report

    The continual refusal of hospitals in Nigeria to accept and treat gunshot victims and accident victims without a police report should be stopped as a matter of national priority. Urgent treatment should be given to victims, while the Nigerian Police Force is immediately alerted and the police report is secured. This is to save lives and avoidable life-threatening injuries of victims, which should no longer be the case in Nigeria. 

    The refusal of such emergency treatments by hospitals is despite the approval given two years ago, by the Inspector General of the Nigeria Police Force (IGP), Mr. Kayode A. Egbetokun, in October 2023, that all accident and gunshot victims should be provided with prompt and compassionate treatments at hospitals without a Police report.

    This is especially given the fact that the IGP’s approval is in line with the enforcement of the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshot Act, 2017, which stipulates that all healthcare practitioners should prioritize the immediate care and stabilization of such patients based on the criticality of the timeliness of medical intervention in saving lives.

    The Need for Enforcement of the Existing Law:

    However, it is worth noting that the above-mentioned Act does not cover accident victims. In addition, despite the existence of the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshot Act, which was signed into law in 2017, hospitals and medical practitioners still turn their backs not just on gunshot victims, but also on accident victims that need urgent medical attention. Interestingly, so far, there have not been any consequences of refusal of hospitals or medical practitioners to comply with the provisions of that law, which would have sent the signals that compliance is key. Also important is the fact that the majority of Nigerians are not even aware that such a law exists, so that they can take legal action against hospitals or medical practitioners that refuse to comply with the law. Because the Act is very clear with regard to non-compliance, for example:

    •Section 9 of the Act stipulates that, “A person who commits an offense under this act, which leads to or causes substantial physical, mental and emotional damage to the victim, commits an offense and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term not more than 15 years and not less than 5 years without the option of fine”.

    •Section 11 of the Act also stipulates that; “Any person or authority, including any police officer, other security agent or hospital who stands by and fails to perform his duty under this act which results in the unnecessary death of any person with gunshot wounds, commits an offense and is liable to a fine of N500,000.00 or imprisonment of a term of 5 years, or both”

    The above sections are germane to the consequences of non-compliance with the law, when and if not applied. Therefore, the IGP’s approvals also require follow-up actions that will ensure the sensitization of the public about the existence of this law on one hand and the enforcement of the law on the other hand; otherwise, the IGP’s directive will remain rhetoric. In the case of the bad/ wicked medical practitioners, there should be consequences for refusing to give treatment in such accident emergencies.

     Therefore, I urge the IGP, Minister of Information and National Orientation, the Ministers of Health, other relevant agencies of Government, Civil Society Organizations, other critical stakeholders to embark on massive sensitization of the public all over the Country to know about the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshot Act, 2017, its provisions and action process of ensuring that the law works for the people.

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    Urgent Need for Legislation on Protection of Accident Victims

    There is a gap in the Act, of the non-inclusion of Accident victims or the non-enactment of a law to cover accident victims, which should also be addressed as a matter of national priority. 

     As it is today in Nigeria, there are no prudential guidelines or laws that guide the actions of medical practitioners and hospitals with regard to the treatment of accident victims without a Police report. Even when the Police report is presented (mostly after long and difficult processes), during which a lot of lives are lost, the hospitals are either rightly or wrongly reluctant to treat such emergencies with the dispatch and respect they deserve. In some pathetic cases, the hospitals outrightly refuse to provide such interventions to Nigerians and indeed any other person who requires urgent medical attention, which is against their professional oath and code of conduct.

     It is worthy of note that there are currently no laws that assist medical practitioners to treat such critical accident emergencies without fear of negative consequences from the Police or other law enforcement/ security agencies.

     Therefore, I am of the opinion that the gap can be catered for in the interim by a Presidential intervention using an Executive Order. This will place a high premium on human lives.

    To the Doctors, Nurses, and Other Medical Practitioners:

    The attitude of some of you should change. The majority of our medical practitioners have a high sense of empathy, compassion, duty, and professionalism. I have come across great Doctors, Nurses, and medical practitioners in Nigeria who practice with a high sense of responsibility, professionalism, humanity, and fear of God. But, sadly, there are also some horrible Doctors, Nurses, and medical practitioners, and what is worrisome is that the number of these wicked practitioners is increasing daily. I hope that the Nigerian Medical Association and other professional organizations in the health sector will deal decisively with the bad ones amongst them in order to fully restore/ sustain, and upscale the respect of this noble profession.

    Full immunity and protection should be given to first responders, hospitals, doctors, and all medical practitioners who provide any form of intervention to save the lives of accident and gunshot victims. In other Countries, such people and/ or establishments are heroes, but in Nigeria, in many cases, kind and honorable people mostly end up being treated as criminals, or aiders and abettors of criminals, fugitives/ suspects, and may even face prosecution simply because they followed their basic instincts and tenets of attempting to help and save lives. The situation is so bad that people simply drive by or walk by victims of accidents or gunshot wounds, because of the fear of dire consequences. Those people who want to help but are not able to do so, out of fear of negative repercussions, are also impacted because most of them become permanently psychologically scarred by the horror of the flashes of the bodies and faces of the victims they abandoned while in need of urgent help. Most of such well-intentioned/ well-meaning people live the rest of their lives struggling with PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder), which manifests in so many horrible mental and physical ways. We should not allow such sordid situations to continue by acting swiftly and properly. After all, nobody knows the situation he/ she or their loved ones may someday find themselves in.

    Hence, Civil Society Organizations and all well-meaning Nigerians should play key roles of sponsoring relevant bills, supporting the bills, attending public hearings and making contributions, passing laws, and ultimately signing into law the laws that will give more legal backing and effect to this critical need to save the lives of accident victims to avoid avoidable loss of lives and livelihoods.

    A humble request and advocacy to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for an Executive Order:

    Your Excellency, Mr. President, with profound respect, and on behalf of Nigerians, I seek that succor can come by way of an Executive Order, as a critical interim measure, pending a full process of legislation, for doctors, medical practitioners, and hospitals to accept and treat accident victims without a police report. 

    Provisions could be embedded in the Executive Order, such that criminals, fugitives, or suspects should be treated, while ensuring that relevant agencies of government move swiftly to ensure that justice is still done after the provision of the treatment. For example, in the case of accident victims who are not covered by the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshot Act of 2017; as soon as victims are received, a prudential guideline should be activated to inform all the relevant law enforcement agencies, for example, the Nigerian Police Force so that if the patient is a suspect or crime or criminality or a wanted criminal, he/ she will be arrested and secured in the hospital, while treatment/ medical intervention is being provided, and he/she faces prosecution after discharge from the hospital or facility and continue with case of persecution. Other risk management mechanisms could be provided in the guidelines to ensure that criminals or terrorists are not given cover to escape justice.

     Thank you, Mr. President.

    May Almighty God Continue to Bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

  • Kanu’s ‘delayed’ trial: Whose fault?

    Kanu’s ‘delayed’ trial: Whose fault?

    On Monday, some people led by Omoyele Sowore protested what they called the ‘delayed’ trial of Nnamdi Kanu of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) fame. Kanu was first arrested in October 2015. In November, he was arraigned in an Abuja Magistrate’s Court. In December, he was ordered released by a Federal High Court. That same month, the government brought a fresh treasonable felony charge against him.

    In 2016, three different courts ordered that he be remanded on grounds of national security. In May of the same year, he took his case to the ECOWAS  Court. In April, 2017, Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court, Abuja, granted him bail. He fled from his home in Abia State shortly after in September when soldiers came calling. So, when his case resumed in October, he was not in court. Some four years later, Kanu was brought back home in June 2021 as a ‘fugitive’. His case resumed before Justice Nyako about three months later and his bail was revoked.

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    Following series of theatrics and his allegation of bias against Nyako, the case was transferred to Justice James Omotosho. Before the transfer, Nyako had in 2022 asked him to answer to seven of the 15-count charge preferred against him, after expumging eight. Kanu appealed and the Court of Appeal found in his favour. The appellate court discharged, but did not acquit him of the offence. Under criminal law, such a discharge is temporary; the defendant risks being retried if there is fresh evidence to do so. To say that Kanu was freed by the appeal court is, therefore, wrong since he was not acquitted.

    His trial began afresh (de novo) in 2024 before Omotosho. The prosecution closed its case in March 2025. Since then Kanu has not opened his defence. Rather, he brought a no-case submission which Omotosho dismissed in September. The judge ordered him to enter his defence. Kanu did not. He claimed that he could not stand trial because he is ill. The court invited the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) to examine him. NMA did and reported back that he is fit to stand trial as his ailment is not life-threatening. The court consequently gave him between today and October 30 to open and close his case.

    Will he avail himself of this grace period to open his case or will he, his lawyers who should know better, and the rabble rousing protesters still resort to extrajudicial means to politicise a criminal case? Sowore and co. should stop this public show which will not get Kanu anywhere. They should let the law and not sentiment speak. Kanu, who has been in custody for over four years now, wears the shoe and he knows where it pinches.