Category: Columnists

  • A Romp through the Beautiful Interior

    A Romp through the Beautiful Interior

    To the wonderful Yoruba interior which can be as captivating as it is bewitching in its pristine essence, this past Saturday and Sunday to reconnect with the soul of a storied people. Some of our Lagos-based urban sophisticate friends and cosmopolitan deracinѐ often dismiss these constant retreats as a satanic shuttle in the occult crypt; a gathering of wizened witches and samurai sorcerers in the heartland of juju and dark metaphysics.  One of them even located the Talmudic tavern as somewhere between the impossibly named villages of Akiriboto and Majeroku which are actually about three miles apart. But it is an anti-native lie from the pit of hell; a continuation of the class war between the city-dwellers and the denizens of the interior.

      Till date, Lagosian urbanites often dismiss people from the interior as country bumpkins. To hear the surviving aristocratic dinosaurs among them pronounce the word with a particular upper class inflection is a source of wicked hilarity. The putdown is redolent of cave-dwelling and its attendant incivilities, to put it with diplomatic reticence. Yet having been taught a hard lesson in political marksmanship, economic gamesmanship and spiritual hay-making by these selfsame yokels, our coastal aristos have refused to take heed. In seventeenth and eighteenth century England, city people fleeing from the ravages and disorientation of rapid industrialization in all their alienating necessities often headed for the countryside for solace and relief. Till date in western societies, living in the leafy suburban far away from the chaos and disorder of the inner city is seen to be “cool” and cultivated. Anybody who wants to find out how the heroism and hardiness of the people survive in hard times; and how a nation embroiled in postcolonial turmoil in all its devastating ramifications manages to trump them all, needs an unguided visit to the interior and its rugged and redoubtable interstices.

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      Modernity, modernization and their concomitant incubus of globalization have not been kind to Africa and its postcolonial nations, particularly a multi-ethnic behemoth like Nigeria. It has led to a further centralization of political and economic power in the old metropolitan centres and an intensification of the marginalization of the margins or the peripheralization of the traditional peripheries. Only countries with the requisite culture, national philosophy and resourceful politics have been able to claw something back. In the old peripheries, a new margin has emerged; a periphery of peripheries such as can be seen in their rural hell-holes, their inner cities with violence, struggle for scarce land and inter-ethnic conflicts fuelling food insecurity, threat of famine and an apocalyptic meltdown.

       The bigger the head, the bigger the headache, as they say. The institutional ravages of modernity and globalization have been quite unkind to a country like Nigeria. None of its precolonial institutions has been spared the disorientation of their invasive and disruptive momentum. Old certitudes and certainties have been smashed up in the collision of altars with nothing passable to replace them.  Worse hit perhaps is its old traditional institution and its rampart and regnant royalty. But even among casualties, there are often more remarkable casualties. In death, there is also class formation. Ask William Shakespeare, because when beggars die, there are no comets seen. The worst hit traditional institution in contemporary Nigeria is the Yoruba Obaship system probably because of its centuries old glory and grandeur and its stellar antecedents.

      But in recent years, particularly in the last two decades, royal rectitude and regal comportment appear to have gone out of the window. To be sure, there remain stellar royal exemplars and shining symbols of the old order. However, in the main, the Yoruba Obaship institution has become a site of outlandish crime and a scene of disgrace and dishonour to the entire race. The condemnation has come in a torrent and they have been as unsparing as they are unstinting. Reading through some of them makes one wilt in tears and regrets. For a race justly celebrated for its feudal deference to traditional authority and worship of royalty, this is quite a landmark development which must be monitored closely.

      For their lust and avarice, our royal fathers have lost their illustrious lustre and sacred nobility. The disrespect and disregard is frank and frantic. There is an open campaign for scrapping the entire institution. It may yet come in a revolutionary upheaval which will upend the entire polity. But for now and for strategic and security reasons, it is not advisable to throw away the baby with the bath water. What the Obaship system needs is rigorous reform and stern reevaluation. But for globalization which has brought the world together in the centre, what will an Apetu be doing moonlighting and stealing in America while pretending to be ruling his people from abroad?

      These are some of the questions one intended to put to the newly ennobled Soun of Ogbomosho, Oba Afolabi Olaoye, as we intended to pay him an unscheduled royal homage in his storied homestead. The Soun was not the principal reason for our visit to Ogbomosho. Rather, it was to honour the memory of our late father in-law, Chief Christopher Adepoju Adeyanju, businessman, hotelier and entrepreneur on the tenth anniversary of his departure. He was a childhood friend of the late Soun and both of them had journeyed to Jos to make their fortune with Adeyanju eventually departing for Mubi in the old Adamawa Province where he established himself as a major retailer and industrial force.

     But why do we think Oba Olaoye is even in a position to answer these weighty posers? He was this columnist’s student at the fabled University of Ife and must have imbibed some of the intellectual rigour for which the old department of Literature in English became world famous. Despite the marked decline in the Obaship institution in recent years, there is still a lot of architecture in the ruins. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo, remains a consummate military intellectual, cultural icon and discerning political analyst. The Orangun of Oke Ila, Oba Adedokun Abolarin, is impeccably well-conducted and a shining symbol of the possibilities of transformative royal leadership in his domain. Our own sovereign monarch, the Olufi, Oba (Dr) Adetoyese Oyeniyi, Odugbemi1, remains a sober and solemn professor hiding under royal plumage and an implacable farmer. He once ushered yours sincerely into a room in the palace filled with huge yam tubers harvested from his farm in Mokore in the old Area Five. We have high hopes of the new Olubadan, Oba Rasheed Adewolu Ladoja, a sometime NADECO freedom fighter who as governor of Oyo State valiantly and vigorously resisted anti-democratic tyranny. There are many more.

      The last time one spoke with the new Soun, it was to apologize for our inability to attend his upcoming coronation which was about two weeks away then. As soon as the monarch presumptive established the identity of the caller, the conversation took on a tone of rapture and respect. I told him I got his number from his friend and classmate at Ife, Oyewole son of the last Soun and former commissioner in Oyo State. “Sir, he is sitting in the car beside me”, the new Soun responded and we all chatted excitedly for a few more minutes. About thirty years earlier in the rugged and scenic town of Oke Mesi in 1993, yours sincerely had attended Oyewole’s colourful engagement ceremony to Bike, the medical doctor daughter of late Professor Toks Durotoye. It was the last snapshot of the great medical genius, Professor Kayode Osuntokun, who was to join the Triumphant Procession about a year after. It had all gone very quickly.

     Not going very quickly was the hard, five-hour slog from the Oshogbo Junction to Ogbomosho later on Saturday afternoon through some of the most atrocious roads that ever perforated a mosaic of historic hamlets and fabled towns for which the Yoruba are justly famous. All the way from Lagos the previous day, it had been a gentle drizzle and now on Saturday, the harmless, half-hearted weeping continued, like the sulking of a miserable elf. It was not a question of cruel neglect as wayfarers on the axis would attest but of a lack of continuous maintenance. What was passable ten years earlier had become an impassable cul de sac.

      Having attended a meeting of titled chiefs on the Otun Line and having presided over the arbitration of a rancorous land dispute between two historic families, we were truly on our way. Land matters a lot in these climes. One of the warlike disputants muttered darkly that if the dispute did not end in victory it would surely end in death and heroic folklore. But all that was soon forgotten as the Yoruba countryside opened up to a glorious spectacle of heroism and hardihood. From Gbaje Hills, to Ejemu village, Odeomu, Oogi, Sekona, Ede to the outskirts of Osogbo where a bustling market has mysteriously sprung up, the local people turned up in droves to sell their farm produce and to haggle about price despite the gentle drizzle. These people are simply incredible in their resilience and unyielding optimism.

      It was from here that we made a detour to connect to Ilobu hugging the outer perimeter of Ofatedo the homestead of the Offa people after the crazed and sadistic Ilorin warlord, Balogun Karara, decapitated their chiefs. From Ilobu, it took some rough tackles from the road to get to the historic town of Oko. It was from here that the famed and tempestuous warlord, Balogun Kurunmi, erupted fighting and feuding his way to the ancient Egba town of Ijaye which he converted to an autocratic fiefdom before meeting his Waterloo in the hands of the Ibadan army in 1865. From Ilobu through the ever surging and commerce-minded town of Ejigbo, the ancient metropolis of Ogbomosho opened up in its sprawling and ungainly majesty.

       All the way it was the same story of industrious and hardworking local people of this part of the country permanently on the go and indifferent to adversity while scraping together a living. If only we could understand and appreciate what a great natural work-force this heaving mass of people can constitute when properly tooled. It has been quite a run on the beautiful interior of old empire. May the reign of Soun Afolabi Oladunni OLaoye, Orumogege 111 be long, prosperous and scandal free.     

  • A Wreath for Solomon Arase

    A Wreath for Solomon Arase

    The columnist mourns the passing of one of the finest human beings ever to don the uniform of the Nigerian Police Force in its uppermost crust. It was a uniform that sat very well on his tall, gangling and deceptively languid frame. Solomon Arase was an intellectual in uniform, a rare distinction in a workforce notorious for the menacing and minatory bearing of its top cadres. Calm, unflappable and superbly cultured, he was an officer and gentleman in the most sublime sense of the phrase. If ever the title, Inspector General was designed for a particular officer, it was for him: combining the native wiles and guile of the guardroom police inspector with the massive intelligence and cerebral armament of a modern military general.

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      Such was Arase’s meticulous brilliance, painstaking attention to details and fair-mindedness that he was in high demand even as he rose through the ranks. His superiors spotted his humility, his sense of loyalty, his professional diligence and capacity to deliver such that they earmarked him for high duty as he slogged his way up. He wore no airs apart from his extant rank and was therefore able to put them at ease. As attested to by one of his former bosses, he was probably the only police officer in recent times who had served as Principal Staff Officer to three consecutive Inspector-Generals before subsequently acceding to the exalted position himself.

      His sense of personal loyalty knew no bounds and did not recognize any professional or political danger lurking in the background. This is how you recognize foul-weather friends, colleagues and subordinates alike. The last time we met was a few years back at the wedding of the daughter of his former boss, Tafa Adeoye, to the son of a friend. He was his smiling, polite and ever courteous self as he rose for a warm embrace. Now, he has gone to meet his maker after meritorious services to country and people. May his soul rest in peace. 

  • Baba Lekki meets his match

    Baba Lekki meets his match

    To the elegantly appointed and classy Cleopatra Hotel on the outskirts of Igando for the first convention of the new political outfit calling itself Women Imperative for State Power in Nigeria (WISPN). It is a radical organization demanding the immediate surrender of state power to women in the country based on what it called staggering and overwhelming evidence of male political menopause and declining moral and ethical capacity to hold a nation in dire distress together.

      Sounds very much like the revolutionary rhetoric of a celebrated Marxist hell raiser recently forcibly retired from a top university on the grounds of senility and age discrepancies. He was seventy nine when he claimed to be sixty nine.  Poker-faced, the aging Stalinist told his interlocutors that all he could remember was that he was born on a market day several moons ago and that was all there is to that. He who seeks to prove must first disprove, or has Obasanjo told your fathers his real age, the old class warrior demanded from his tormentors as he munched on roasted corn and palm kernel.

      The mystery of it all this cool drizzling money was how the ragtag organization was able to put such an impressive show together. The list of attendees was equally impressive. So was the troupe of ushers. The second mystery was the paucity of women in attendance, apart from a sprinkling   of tomboys and toy-girls. The real women of substance and substantiality shunned the gathering. But there was the old rogue and contrarian, Lambert Adesokan, aka Baba Lekki, haranguing and hectoring the crowd even as he extolled the virtues of great Nigerian heroines from antiquity to the current epoch until he was rudely interrupted by a cynical thug from Amukoko.

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        “Baba, all dat na igan mushe as dem Fela go say. You wan tell me say you never sabi woman who dey steal gobment money like dem Oyenusi man before? “the man chortled. Sensing that his platform of logic and fact was about to collapse, the old rogue maintained a stern, impassive face.

      “Not to the best of my knowledge”, the old man replied without much conviction as he scratched his head leering at the exit door.

       “ Liar!!! Baba Olosi!! Onijekuje!”, a mountainous , heavy duty woman screamed from the back of the hall and began heading menacingly towards the platform and the old crook. Amidst the pandemonium, the stage shook and then collapsed but the old man had vanished.

  • Garlands for Governor Hope Uzodinma

    Garlands for Governor Hope Uzodinma

    In an era where Nigerian workers across various states grapple with economic hardship and delayed salary payments, amidst other poor working conditions, Governor Hope Uzodinma of Imo State has emerged as a shining example of what leadership with a human face truly means. His recent approval of a groundbreaking N104,000 minimum wage for Imo State civil servants represents more than just a salary adjustment—it is a powerful statement about the dignity of public service and the transformative potential of good governance in Nigeria.

    Governor Uzodinma’s decision to increase the minimum wage from N76,000 to N104,000 transcends traditional wage adjustments, it is indeed revolutionary. This bold move represents a fundamental shift in how state governments can approach the welfare of their workforce. By setting the new minimum wage significantly above the national standard of N70,000, Uzodinma has demonstrated that Nigerian states can indeed prioritize the economic wellbeing of their citizens without compromising fiscal responsibility.

    This increase is not merely about numbers on a paycheck—it is about ensuring that Imo civil servants can earn a living income that upholds their dignity as state mandarins. For too long, public servants across Nigeria have endured wages that barely meet basic subsistence needs, forcing many into secondary employment , lack of motivation, corruption and financial distress. Uzodinma’s initiative acknowledges that civil servants are the backbone of effective governance and deserve compensation that reflects their vital contribution to state development.

    The governor’s vision extends far beyond the basic minimum wage adjustment. The comprehensive nature of his wage review demonstrates a deep understanding of the diverse needs within the civil service ecosystem. By increasing doctors’ salaries from N215,000 to N503,000, Uzodinma has recognized the critical role healthcare professionals play in ensuring the wellbeing of Imo citizens. This substantial increase can address the brain drain that has plagued Nigeria’s healthcare sector on one hand where qualified medical personnel often seek better opportunities abroad or in the private sector whilst making the state healthcare system more attractive and efficient.

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    Similarly, the increase in teachers’ salaries in tertiary institutions from N119,000 to N222,000 reflects Uzodinma’s commitment to educational excellence. By investing in educators, the governor is investing in the future of Imo State, ensuring that the next generation receives quality education from motivated and fairly compensated teachers. This holistic approach to wage adjustment demonstrates that Uzodinma views governance not as a series of isolated policies but as an interconnected system where each component’s wellbeing affects the whole.

    Governor Uzodinma’s achievement becomes even more remarkable when viewed against the backdrop of Nigeria’s current economic challenges. Across the nation, numerous state governments struggle to meet their basic obligations to workers, with salary arrears mounting and civil servants enduring months without pay. In this context, Uzodinma’s decision to not only pay regularly but to significantly increase wages represents a masterclass in fiscal management and priority setting.

    While his counterparts in other states cite revenue constraints and federal allocation dependencies as barriers to worker welfare, Uzodinma has proven that creative governance can overcome these challenges. His administration’s success in boosting internally generated revenue has provided the fiscal foundation for this wage increase, demonstrating that states can reduce their dependence on federal allocations through strategic economic policies and efficient revenue collection.

    Likewise, the  psychological and social impact of Uzodinma’s wage policy extends far beyond the immediate financial relief it provides. For years, civil servants across Nigeria have endured the indignity of wages that fail to reflect their education, experience, and contribution to society.

    By ensuring that civil servants earn a living wage, Governor Uzodinma has restored pride to public service in Imo State. When civil servants can afford decent housing, quality education for their children, and healthcare for their families without financial stress, they can focus entirely on their professional responsibilities. This creates a virtuous cycle where improved worker welfare translates to better service delivery and enhanced public satisfaction with government performance.

    The ripple effects of Uzodinma’s progressive wage policy extend beyond Imo State’s borders. The Nigeria Labour Congress has already called on federal and other state governments to emulate Imo’s example, recognizing the transformative potential of such policies. This external validation underscores the national significance of Uzodinma’s achievement and positions him as a thought leader in Nigerian governance.

    Other governors now face increased pressure from their civil servants and organized labor to justify why they cannot replicate Imo’s success. This healthy competition among states could catalyze a nationwide improvement in worker welfare, potentially breaking the cycle of poverty wages that have characterized public service in Nigeria for decades.

    Beyond the immediate impact on civil servants, Uzodinma’s wage increase will generate significant economic multiplier effects throughout Imo State. When workers have more disposable income, they increase their consumption of goods and services, stimulating local businesses and creating additional employment opportunities. This increased economic activity generates more tax revenue for the state, creating a sustainable cycle of prosperity.

    Local markets, housing sectors, educational institutions, and service providers will all benefit from the increased purchasing power of civil servants. This economic stimulus effect demonstrates that investing in worker welfare is not just a moral imperative but also a sound economic strategy that benefits the entire state.

    Governor Hope Uzodinma’s minimum wage initiative stands as a testament to what is possible when Nigerian leaders prioritize the welfare of their citizens over personal aggrandizement. His administration has proven that the oft-cited excuse of insufficient resources is often a reflection of misplaced priorities rather than genuine fiscal constraints.

    In a political landscape often characterized by unfulfilled promises and policy reversals, Uzodinma’s swift implementation of this wage increase demonstrates his commitment to action over rhetoric. This decisive leadership style has not only improved the lives of Imo civil servants but has also restored faith in the possibility of responsive, caring governance in Nigeria.

    As Nigeria continues to grapple with economic challenges and social tensions, Governor Hope Uzodinma’s example provides a roadmap for how dedicated leadership can make a tangible difference in citizens’ lives. His minimum wage policy is more than a salary adjustment—it is a powerful demonstration that governance in Nigeria can indeed have a human face, prioritizing the dignity and welfare of those who serve the public good. Through this bold initiative, Uzodinma has not only transformed the lives of Imo civil servants but has also set a new standard for compassionate leadership across Nigeria.

  • Nasir el-Rufai unravels quickly

    Nasir el-Rufai unravels quickly

    As is his custom, former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai has talked up a storm anytime something politically agitating catches his fancy. No topic is off-limits to him, and no personality or organisation beyond his sanctimonious rage. He has been widely quoted for his last Sunday’s television pontifications on the inanity of presidential aspirants making one-term promise, and on his number crunching that already predicted the winner of the 2027 presidential election.  On both points, he has been very assertive and magisterial. Firstly, he took on his comrades in the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the platform they wish to use to win the presidency, asking them to quit lying about their promise to do only one term in the event of winning the poll. And secondly he accused the federal government and Kaduna State of bribing and inevitably empowering bandits to halt their attacks on beleaguered northern states afflicted by banditry.

    No one is sure whether Mallam el-Rufai is not just stoking fires in order to sustain his visibility in the news or whether he really means what he says. Regarding the one-term controversy, he accused his comrades, former governors Rotimi Amaechi and Peter Obi, of dangerous populism. No president can change Nigeria’s fortune in four years he asserted. According to him: “On the question of people saying they will come out and do one term, I don’t think that anyone believes them and I don’t think that it’s right. You should not constitutionally give up what is yours and frankly, as someone who has been governor for eight years, Amaechi and Peter Obi have both been governors, they know the time it takes to make meaningful changes in governance; four years is not enough. I want to appeal to everyone to stop making this commitment of ‘I will do four years’ because nobody believes you.” But since the National Assembly expunged him from the ministerial list, he has not stopped excoriating the Bola Tinubu administration, insisting that it should perform miracles in rebooting the national economy and midwifing utopia.

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    What is more, his former political mentor vice president Atiku Abubakar, with whom he had wanted to migrate to the Social Democratic Party, and latterly to the ADC, has also promised four years in the presidency should he win. Even Mr Obi, famous for his farfetched ideas and impossible scenarios, has sworn that four years as president would be enough to remake Nigeria. All the politicians of note who surround Mallam el-Rufai, and who have defected into both the ADC and SDP, are convinced that the only way to win in 2027 is to promise a four-year term. It is not clear to what degree the former Kaduna governor can isolate himself or become the sole party philosopher capable of charting the only and infallible path to the presidency for the parties in question. However, gradually, he is beginning to be aware that he is becoming politically emasculated, and has thus started to whine about burying his own ambition in order to lend support to other aspirants to win the presidency. Indeed, he is so confident his adopted party – whether the ADC or SDP, he did not quite say – will win the 2027 election, probably on the second ballot, and President Tinubu would not even qualify for the runoff. It is no fanciful theory to come to that conclusion, he said sarcastically.

    In the same interview last Sunday, he indulged in another hyperbole on the subject of banditry, and especially on the non-kinetic approach to defeating the menace. As he put it: “What I will not do is to pay bandits, give them a monthly allowance, or send food to them in the name of non-kinetic. It’s nonsense; we’re empowering bandits…You don’t empower your enemy; you don’t give him money to go and buy sophisticated weapons. That is why the insecurity problem has not gone away and will not go away as long as this policy continues…My position has always been that the only repentant bandit is a dead one. Let’s kill them all. Let’s bomb them until they are reduced to nothing, and then the five per cent that still want to be rehabilitated can be rehabilitated. They can deceive, they can cover up, they can do propaganda, but those that live in Katsina, those that live in Zamfara, those that live in Kaduna,  they know what is happening…Let the governor or anyone come and deny. When the time comes, we will reveal everything.”

    Mallam el-Rufai appears disconcerted by truth. In the early years of his governorship, he embraced a different approach to banditry in his state, Kaduna. Yes, it is possible for politicians to change their mind, but they need to explain why, and admit they had made mistakes. Not Mallam el-Rufai, especially not when he lies about his change of mind. In the Sunday interview, he said his position had always been that the only repentant bandit was a dead one, and they needed to be killed, all of them. As governor, however – and there is video proof – he admitted seeking out and paying off militias killing indigenes of the state, with Southern Kaduna being the worst hit. It is reassuring he has changed his mind, but it is a little too late not to be seen as an opportunist. Perhaps one day, he will also change his mind about the December 2015 killing and burial in mass graves of nearly 350 Shiite members in Zaria mere months into his first term in office.

  • Jonathan goes fishing

    Jonathan goes fishing

    Three Sundays ago, the enigmatic former military head of state Ibrahim Babangida turned 84. He is in good octogenarian company. Except those assassinated during violent takeovers of government, Nigerian leaders have done very well for themselves, achieving a life expectancy most developed countries find enviable. The general neither got the throng he was used to receiving decades ago nor voluminous paid advertisements wishing him happy celebrations, however, many highly placed individuals and leaders have not forgotten him. How could they?

    Former president Goodluck Jonathan, speculated to be renewing his interest in the presidency, was at the former military head of state’s Hilltop residence in Minna to wish him a happy birthday. But was that all he did? Maybe. He described the 84-year-old former leader as “one of the finest leaders whose legacies remain relevant to the nation’s unity and development.” Gen. Babangida, he added, “stands out clearly as a committed leader…” Hopefully he believes his own words, and was not just fishing for support in line with the speculations surrounding his alleged interest in running for president 10 years after he left office. There is of course not a chance he would do better than when he first ruled. Worse, he would in fact be even more beholden to special interests should he get another chance. Now that he has set this scintillating precedent, there are other birthdays for him to consider honouring: Abdulsalami Abubakar; Yakubu Gowon; Olusegun Obasanjo.

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    Many commentators are daily imploring Dr Jonathan not to run. On the contrary, he should. The pains of his 2015 defeat are yet to abate, and the only remedy he sees is another shot at the presidency, and a win. He is of course chasing a chimera, but he won’t see it that way until he comes a cropper and rubbishes the little honour he garnered in his unexceptional years as president.

  • Olawande Folorunso Julius Adebiyi – the Prince we will all miss

    Olawande Folorunso Julius Adebiyi – the Prince we will all miss

     All roads lead to Ado – Ekiti, the Ekiti State capital, come Friday, 12 September, 2025 as the world bids goodbye to

    Prince Olawande Adebiyi, aka FLAMINGO MAGNETETE, the unforgetable, long – reigning Christ’s School, Ado – Ekiti  goal tender of the ’60’s, as his mortal remains are committed to mother earth to join the Saints triumphant, commencing with a funeral service at the  St.  Patrick’s Catholic Church Cathedral, Ado-Ekiti.

    As we bid farewell to our Prince Charming, the ‘Walking Bible’, we are reminded of the countless memories we shared. His presence in our lives was a gift, and though he’s gone, his legacy will, forever, live on in our hearts.

    We met in the corridors of our secondary school – The School – bonding over shared laughter, tears, and adventures. He very quickly became more than just a classmate. To many of us he was a brother, a confidant; a friend.

    Ever sartorially turned out, Wande’s infectious smile and unwavering optimism drew people to him, making him extremely popular amongst the entirety of the student population, seniors and juniors alike. But it was on the field of soccer that he shone the most, like a thousand roses.

     As our school’s longest-reigning goalkeeper, he was a wall, a guardian, and a hero.

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    His agility and reflexes inspired us all as he faced every match with unbendable determination. His passion for the game was contagious. We were always happy and proud to have him between the sticks, like the rock of gibraltar. His incredible saves will forever be etched in our memories.

    Wande, without a scintilla of doubt, was an exceptional human being. He lifted our spirits with different jokes, especially as he never ceased to lace, even jokes, with copious biblical quotes.

    Wande was a kind soul, ever willing to lend a helping hand, or a listening ear. His empathy, compassion, and generosity of heart inspired us all to be better versions of ourselves. Our departed friend was a shining example of what it means to live life with purpose and integrity.

    As we reflect on his life, we’re reminded of the memories we shared. From laughter-filled moments in the class room, to watching him between the posts go through those intense football matches.

    Irresistibly handsome,

    Wande was always the center of attraction even though we had in our school team, many tantalising, and mesmerising, players – the likes of Cudjoe(Falayi), Acro Sambo (Adu), Lojokojo(Dipeolu), Obe(Faloye) and Ekpegrin, to mention a few.

    At the personal level, I can never forget our London summer escapades when he would fly in from Yugoslavia and I, from Nigeria, to rendezvous at the home of my Uncle,  his friend, Mr Francis ‘Leye Olaofe, also of blessed memory where, as University students without a care in the world, we usually spent the entire holiday, luxuriating in Brother Leye’s generosity before heading back to our separate destinations.

    May the good Lord grant them eternal rest.

    We continued where we left off in the U. K when he returned from overseas studies and  linked up with me at the University of Ibadan where  he tried to secure a job.

    I remember once driving him all the way to Oyo town, to see the highly reverred Mr Justice Jide Olatawura of blessed memory, his Uncle in- law in an earlier marriage.

    It was during this time I was probably the very first of his acquitances to whom he introduced Idowu, his -jewel of inestimable value, who would become the loving mother of his adorable, absolutely over -achieving children.

    These are children who

    all so incandescently resemble EYE’JA – his mother -(Oja being the name given to female princesses in Ekiti) – to whom he was an only child.

    As his son, Adegoke , beautifully put it, Wande’s “life’s work was service; decades of it with the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock;

    fisheries and aquaculture were his craft, and excellence his language”. “Even in retirement, the nation called him back to serve as a trusted Aide to the Director- General of the Food and Agricultural Organisation of the U.N (FAO) and was, before his retirement, appointed Deputy Director, with the same steadfast heart”.

    Wande’s story will continue to inspire us all while his memory will remind us to cherish every moment, to support one another, and to live, always with  purpose.

    Rest in peace, dear friend. May your soul find eternal peace, and may your memory inspire us to be the best versions of ourselves. We’ll miss you dearly, but we’ll keep your spirit alive in our hearts.

    ADIEU.

    For and on behalf of the Christ’s School, Ado – Ekiti, 59 -63 set. 

  • Rivers State local government elections delivered

    Rivers State local government elections delivered

    On 30 August, 2025, the Sole Administrator of Rivers State, Vice-Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd) delivered local government elections widely acclaimed as exemplary.

    It is gratifying for this column that Ibas delivered so impressively, because on 23 March, 2025, in an article titled “The Rivers state of emergency,” the column had challenged the Sole Administrator “to organise new free and fair local government elections or at least prepare the ground for free and fair elections to hold into the offices of that very crucial level of government,” before the end of his tenure,  in the light of the Supreme Court’s declaration of the 5 October, 2024 local government elections as null and void.

    In his comment on the elections by the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) appointed by the Sole Administrator and headed by Dr. Michael Ekpai Odey, who is a Cross River State indigene, the Director-General of the Centre for Credible Leadership and Citizens Awareness, Dr. Gabriel Nwambu, said in an election day interview with TVC News: “I [am] the Head of Mission for election observation here in Rivers State. … We noticed [that in] the pre-election [activities] there was no election-related violence. There was no acrimony. People were campaigning strictly … issue-based and personalities were not being attacked … unlike [in] the conventional elections in the past.”

    Nwambu further remarked, about the law enforcement agencies: “They are well-briefed. They are strictly adhering to the rules of engagement. You see, this is one of the best elections in terms of the performance index of the law enforcement agencies. They are not beating up anybody. They are no brutalising anybody. Unlike in the past where you even introduce yourself as an election observer [and] they would pretend as if they were not even hearing you. This time they are even ready to assist you to cross [the checkpoints] and go your way provided you conduct yourself in a peaceful manner.”

    READ ALSO: How long can Wike walk the tightrope?

    Nwambu continued: “So, I think the security situation here in Rivers State is excellent. … We believe that the electorate are happy. They came out en masse to exercise their franchise which they feel is long overdue. … We would recommend this patten of election for Nigeria any day, any time, because of the peaceful disposition of … the electorate, the peaceful disposition of the candidates themselves and then the peaceful disposition of the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission which so far has demonstrated capacity and competence in terms of level of preparedness and dispensation of the electoral mandate. … [There] is no case of vote buying observed anywhere. I mean, this is a pacesetter. This is how an election should be.”

    Monitoring polling activities on election day, as reported by Symphoni Television, Ibas said: “The process has been peaceful, and from the turnout and from the conduct of all who are involved, those voting and those who are conducting the elections, I believe, at the end of the day, we should have something [to be] proud of. I think generally from all the reports I’ve gotten so far the situation is reported to be calm. The process has been also very seamless and we’ve not had any major negative reports from any of the polling units or centres.”

    Ibas further noted, in the spirit of the lizard that fell from the iroko tree which praised itself even if nobody else praised it: “I believe all indigenes of Rivers State are desirous of having in place, even at the grassroots, what they desire, and that’s a manifestation of what we have seen through the conduct. And for me, I think it’s one of the primary objectives that I was mandated to offer from the aspect of putting the state back on its footing. I want to believe that we’ve done a good job. … People are happy.” 

    However, some have condemned the elections. And that’s understandable. After all, as a Yoruba proverb puts it, “Gbénàgbénà ti gbénà tán, ó wá ku ti gbénugbénu” (‘The carver has carved; it’s now the turn of the critic to criticise.’) One of such criticisms by the 2023 presidential candidate of Labour Party (LP) Peter Obi, on his X handle, on 31 August, 2025, is: “The conduct of the Rivers State local government election is rascality taken too far. It represents a double tragedy for our democracy when a Sole Administrator – himself illegally appointed – dares to conduct an election that should empower the people. … Such actions are unconstitutional, legally untenable, and morally indefensible. … Illegality can never give birth to legitimacy.”

    On his own X handle, also on 31 August, 2025, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, the 2023 presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who has now defected to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), wrote: “The local government election conducted by the occupation government in Rivers State is an awful absurdity and a travesty to the very notion of elective democracy. By the shameful and shambolic manner in which the occupation government went ahead to conduct local government elections in Rivers State, it is clear that the ruling APC [All Progressives Congress] party is not leaving anyone in doubt that it is prepared to throw caution to the wind in order to achieve an inordinate political advantage.”

    The former Vice-President then declared: “It therefore becomes necessary to call the attention of well-meaning Nigerians, international community and all friends and partners of Nigeria to the dangerous curve that the President Bola Tinubu regime is taking our dear country. I will also call on all opposition parties in Rivers State to reject the local government election on the premise that the occupation government that conducted the exercise is extraneous to our laws, with absolutely no legitimacy to undertake such a crucial and sensitive assignment.”

    The former Governor of Rivers State and current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, Nyesom Wike, gave an equally abrasive response to Obi and Atiku. He said that Atiku was venturing into an area of law which he had no knowledge about, due to the fact that he was busy undermining President Obasanjo when Atiku was the Vice-President, rather than noting that Obasanjo had signed a legal instrument which validates Ibas’s conduct of the local government elections. Wike also said that Obi’s undemocratic antecedents as Governor of Anambra State, including the fact that he refused to conduct local government elections until two months to the end of his 8-year tenure, make it hypocritical for Obi to be upbraiding the expansion of the democratic space through last month’s local government elections.

    Some have also questioned the pattern of the results announced by RSIEC. In them, APC won 20 local governments and PDP won 3. Public Affairs analyst Jide Ojo said there’s nothing strange in this pattern, and cited the case of the 2024 Rivers State local government elections in which Action Peoples Party won overwhelmingly in spite of the fact that the Governor of the state belonged to the PDP. He also recalled the case of Abia State, on 2 November, 2024, where the Governor belonged to LP, but Zenith Labour Party won 15 out of 17 local government chairmanship seats, and the Young Progressives Party won the remaining 2.

    The 30 August, 2025 elections have some features which deserve particular notice. One of them is the collaboration between the ruling APC and the main opposition PDP. This strategic bi-partisanship is a positive development in Nigerian politics today. Another noteworthy feature is suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s strategic silence and tactical withdrawal from view all through the elections. These may be indications that Fubara is becoming a more astute politician.

    As work on this article progressed, it became clear that it was difficult to address the issue of the Rivers State local government elections without giving significant attention to Nyesom Wike, among other persons. In other words, Nyesom Wike was a recurring decimal, as mathematicians would put it, and he reminded the writer of the tortoise in Yoruba folktales. In these folktales, hardly can any story escape the tortoise’s mention. This is represented in the saying, “Òrò gbogbo ò kìí sé lórí alábawun.” And this seems to have attracted envy and opprobrium to the FCT Minister.

    In fact, Wike has been demeaned as a jester. But is he really one? A proverbial lyric of the late popular Yoruba fuji musician, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, can provided perspective to this. The musician sang: “Wón n pe ‘Wèrè ni, were ni,’ ó n fi apá ewúré j’iyán. Wón n pe ‘Wèrè ni, wèrè ni,’ ó n fi itan àgùntàn je’kà. Wón n pe ‘Wèrè ni, wèrè ni,’ ó n gun esin l’ósán ó n gun omo ènìyàn lóru.” (‘They say, “This person is mad; this person is mad,” but the person eats pounded yam with goat arms. They say, “This person is mad; this person is mad,” but the person eats amala with ram thighs. They say, “This person is mad; this person is mad,” but the person rides a horse in the afternoon and rides a human being at night.’) So, who, really, between the abuser and the abused, is the mad one?

    You may not like Wike’s choices or even his actions, but with some circumspection, you would realise that he tends to constantly stand on the side of the law or constitutionality, as has been shown in his insistence that the South must produce the PDP’s presidential candidate in 2023 and for 2027; his resistance to the removal of then-Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagum; his resistance to the removal of the National Secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu; and his unyielding insistence that the 5 October, 2024 Rivers State local government elections were illegal.

    According to some commentators, given the pattern of results, Wike has taken back the structure of the PDP in Rivers State. In navigating the web of derogation woven around him,

    one of Wike’s major instruments of survival is the media – both friendly and hostile. Looking closely at the Wike issue, it would be seen how potent stereotypes could be; how unyielding prejudices could remain; and how valid the saying is that even when a lie has been travelling for twenty years, truth catches up with it in just one day of journeying. (‘B’író ba lo l’ógún odún, ojó kan soso l’òtító yóó baa.’)

    In the meantime, let all who have facilitated the epoch-making 30 August, 2025 Rivers State local government elections savour their uncommon achievement, even as cynics continue to question the legality of the declaration of the state of emergency in the state, the suspension of the elected governor and members of the state’s House of Assembly, and the organisation of the local government elections by the Sole Administrator. The Court will pronounce on this in due course.

  • Inclusivity, results, stability: Hallmarks of Tinubu’s presidency

    Inclusivity, results, stability: Hallmarks of Tinubu’s presidency

    The past week before President Bola Ahmed Tinubu embarked on his 10-working-day annual leave in Europe was a busy one in Abuja, filled with high-level engagements, heartfelt assurances, and concrete policy affirmations. In all these, one message stood tall above the noise of political mischief and opposition propaganda: Tinubu is President of all Nigerians, committed to governing without bias, leading reforms that are already yielding results, and deepening security measures to protect every life and community.

    His week underscored three major realities of his administration. First, that his leadership is not sectional but national, with every Nigerian covered under the umbrella of his oath of office. Second, that the difficult but carefully structured reforms he initiated are working, stabilising the economy and producing unprecedented fiscal harvests. Third, that he is strategically laying the groundwork to finally break the cycle of violence through security interventions and fast-tracking the birth of state police.

    At the same time, his warm personal exchanges with Vice President Kashim Shettima put to rest whispers of political discord, showing instead a bond of mutual respect and loyalty that strengthens the Presidency ahead of 2027. Taken together, these engagements reveal a President fully in charge, unshaken by partisan distortions, and focused on delivering progress for all.

    A President Beyond Divisions

    The week began with a direct communication from President Tinubu to the people on Monday. In an era when propaganda and distortion attempt to dominate public imagination, the President chose to remind Nigerians that they are in safe hands and that his government will never categorise citizens along regional, ethnic, or religious lines. His message was clear: his mandate is to serve every Nigerian equally, and his oath of office binds him to that sacred duty.

    READ ALSO: How long can Wike walk the tightrope?

    This was more than a social media post. It was a statement of philosophy, a reaffirmation of inclusivity in governance. Opposition elements, knowing their only chance in 2027 lies in peddling negative optics, have ceaselessly sought to twist perceptions. But Tinubu’s assurance spoke directly to the yearning of Nigerians to breathe easy, to be recognised not as pawns in political games but as equal stakeholders in the national project.

    The President’s insistence on equal treatment of all Nigerians draws from his long political history. As governor of Lagos, he built a reputation for accommodating Nigeria’s diversity, making Lagos a mini-Nigeria where merit trumped origin. Now as President, he is replicating that ethos nationally. It is this refusal to play the divisive card that unsettles detractors who thrive on stoking mistrust.

    On Tuesday, the President received a delegation of The Buhari Organisation (TBO), led by Senator Tanko Al-Makura. This visit carried both symbolic and practical weight. Symbolically, it was a handshake between Tinubu and the loyalists of the late President Muhammadu Buhari, who had stood firm with the APC. Practically, it was an opportunity for Tinubu to highlight the concrete results of his reforms.

    The President revealed that Nigeria had met its 2025 revenue targets—a landmark achievement. For the first time in decades, the government can contemplate a fiscal year without resorting to unsustainable borrowing simply to meet expenditure. This is no small feat. From January to August 2025, non-oil revenue collections surged by over 40 percent, amounting to ₦20.59 trillion, compared with ₦14.6 trillion in the previous year.

    This fiscal performance is not a stroke of luck but the fruit of deliberate reforms: digitised tax administration, stronger compliance frameworks, and a widening of the revenue base. It is proof that Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” economic agenda, though painful in its early stages, is stabilising Nigeria’s finances and creating space for investment in infrastructure, education, and health. May be this is the point to also give kudos to the man the President has trusted with revenue generation matters, Dr Zacch Adedeji, the Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), now to be known as the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS). He piloted the feat along with other agents of the administration.

    At the State House that same day, while hosting the Soun of Ogbomosoland, Oba Ghandi Afolabi Oladunni Olaoye, the President again alluded to the stabilisation of the economy. He explained that the bleeding had stopped, the illusions of fake statistics and arbitrage trading had been dismantled, and Nigeria was regaining international respect. To traditional rulers and citizens alike, he delivered a consistent message: the economy is no longer on life support; it is healing and preparing for sustainable growth.

    Security, however, remains a pressing concern. The President devoted significant time during the week to engaging subnational leaders on how to defeat criminality. On Tuesday, when Governor Dikko Radda led a delegation of Katsina leaders to the Villa, Tinubu ordered an immediate review of security operations in the state. He promised deployment of more advanced hardware and surveillance, while considering the peculiar terrain and the need for community-based solutions.

    But it was on Wednesday, during a broader meeting with Northeast governors led by Professor Babagana Zulum of Borno State, that Tinubu charted a new course. He gave a nod to the expedited take-off of state police, insisting that security agencies closer to the people and more attuned to local cultures are indispensable in combating insurgency and banditry.

    For years, Nigeria debated state policing amid politicisation and mistrust. Tinubu, however, is cutting through the inertia by recognising the exigencies of the times. His position is pragmatic: a centralised police cannot effectively cover Nigeria’s vast and diverse terrain. Localised forces, working in synergy with federal structures, are essential. This is not just a response to crime but a strategy to end the cycle of violence and restore public confidence.

    The significance is profound. By pushing for state police, Tinubu is giving governors and communities a stronger role in their own protection, while ensuring the federal government supports with training, equipment, and coordination. It is a bold step long demanded by Nigerians, now being championed at the highest level.

    Loyalty, Affection, and the Presidency

    Politics often thrives on speculation, and one whisper that had gained traction in certain quarters was the question of whether Vice President Kashim Shettima would remain Tinubu’s running mate in 2027. Last week decisively answered that.

    On Monday, the President himself penned a heartfelt tribute to Shettima ahead of his 59th birthday. It was not a perfunctory message but a carefully worded affirmation of respect, comradeship, and appreciation for a loyal deputy. Tinubu hailed Shettima as a partner in progress, underscoring their shared bond in the service of Nigeria.

    Shettima’s response was equally telling. On Tuesday, he publicly vowed never to take his bond with the President for granted. He described Tinubu as a leader he deeply respects, promising unwavering loyalty. In politics, gestures matter. This exchange of affection and loyalty was more than a birthday ritual; it was a public sealing of a political compact.

    For observers, the implication is clear. The President and Vice President are united, dismissing whispers of discord. Their joint front not only reassures the APC faithful but also frustrates opposition strategists who thrive on sowing division. It sends a strong signal that the Tinubu-Shettima ticket is intact and that 2027 will be approached from a position of unity.

    Opposition Distortions vs. Reality

    The contrast between these developments and the narrative pushed by opposition elements could not be starker. While the President was consolidating reforms, meeting revenue targets, stabilising the economy, and fast-tracking security strategies, traducers were busy peddling propaganda. Their goal is simple: to prevent Nigerians from seeing the good in the government’s efforts, to blind them to the maturing benefits of reforms, and to instil cynicism in the populace.

    But facts have a stubborn way of prevailing. Nigerians are beginning to see through the fog. Stable revenue flows, reduced borrowing, renewed investor confidence, and visible security measures are hard to hide. The propaganda machine may scream, but the results on the ground speak louder.

    Indeed, the opposition’s desperation betrays its weakness. Unable to present credible alternatives, it resorts to distorting facts in hopes of discrediting Tinubu before 2027. Yet the irony is that every successful reform, every stabilisation of the economy, every step toward improved security only strengthens the President’s standing.

    In all these, one hidden meaning shines through: President Tinubu is governing with the future in mind. His assurances to citizens highlight inclusivity. His fiscal reforms show prudence and vision. His security strategies reveal pragmatism. His bond with his Vice President demonstrates stability at the top.

    This combination is rare in Nigeria’s democratic experience. Too often, leaders have been accused of sectionalism, short-term populism, or palace intrigues. Tinubu is showing a different model—balancing national inclusiveness with tough economic reforms and forward-looking security strategies.

    As he takes his short vacation in Europe, the narrative is not of a President fleeing from problems but of one who, after a busy week of concrete actions, can afford a brief pause before resuming the heavy burden of steering the ship of state. His leave is well-timed, his government firmly in motion, and his message to Nigerians clear: the journey is tough, but progress is real and the destination is hopeful.

    Beyond his message of assurance and high-level engagements, President Tinubu’s week was also defined by acts of empathy, celebration, and leadership.

    On Sunday, he mourned the passing of two eminent Nigerians — Bishop Francis Emmanuel Okobo, the pioneer Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Nsukka, who served the church faithfully for 54 years, and Dr. Solomon Ehigiator Arase, Nigeria’s 18th indigenous Inspector-General of Police. The President hailed Bishop Okobo’s humility and devotion, and described Arase as a “highly resourceful officer” whose reforms left an enduring legacy in the nation’s policing system.

    On Monday, President Tinubu commiserated with the family of Mrs. Grace Adayilo, the pioneer Head of Service of the FCT, consoling Minister Nyesom Wike and the FCTA community over her loss. That same day, he congratulated Eko Club International on its 25th anniversary, recalling its founding during his exile years, while also pledging speedy implementation of agreements reached with visiting Colombian Vice President Francia Márquez to deepen economic and diplomatic ties.

    By midweek, the President reinforced his commitment to good governance by reinstating NTA Director-General Salihu Dembos, making new appointments in Kano and Zaria federal universities, and directing the enforcement of mandatory health insurance across MDAs. He ended the week commending Inspector-General of Police Kayode Egbetokun on his birthday and meeting Rivers State’s Sole Administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (rtd), ahead of the September 18 expiration of emergency rule in the state.

    Conclusion

    The past week was a microcosm of Tinubu’s presidency: inclusive, reformist, security-focused, and politically stable. He reassured Nigerians that he is leader of all, not some. He proved that his reforms are working, meeting revenue targets and stabilising the economy. He advanced security measures, moving toward state police and intervening in troubled Katsina. He strengthened his political base through open affection and loyalty with Vice President Shettima.

    The hidden meanings are profound: inclusivity over division, results over propaganda, stability over speculation. These are the hallmarks of a President in charge, committed to leading Nigeria to the point where both citizens and the world can see tangible signs of advancement.

    No amount of distortion can erase the reality that Nigeria under Tinubu is stabilising, reforming, and preparing for greater heights. As he takes his well-earned vacation, Nigerians can reflect on the week past and find reassurance: the President is on their side, leading a government that serves all equally, protects every interest, and refuses to be distracted by the noise of those who wish the nation ill just to score cheap political points.

  • Zoning: PDP goes definitely Machiavellian

    Zoning: PDP goes definitely Machiavellian

     When the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Executive Committee (NEC) met in July in Abuja, party bigwigs restored the sanctity of their zoning arrangement by ceding the presidential ticket for the 2027 election to the South. Reason, it seemed, had prevailed. But in reality, they merely recanted their belief in open contest because they got their fingers badly burnt in the 2023 election. In fact, the leading apostate who led them down the red gullet of a bruising and bloody battle to defeat, former vice president Atiku Abubakar, had jumped ship and given the party the leeway to embrace political sanity. He had suspected that on the zoning matter, not to talk of the possibility of securing the nomination, he would be unable to tame or charm the young party iconoclasts spoiling for a fight. With his exit, the party was, therefore, freed of any encumbrances that had shackled them and made them vulnerable since 2015.

    By embarking on a new zoning arrangement in total repudiation of their wayward ways at the last presidential poll, they have finally signaled their resolve to fight to the bitter end in the next polls. What may not be obvious to them, however, is that they have in consequence decided to go Machiavellian in their politics. At their founding in 1998, they adopted certain high-sounding principles to guide their internal and external relationships. Though they sometimes fell into error, as the foundational mistakes of the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency showed when he tried to embody the party, they often regained their senses and retraced their steps. But in 2022, when they enabled Alhaji Atiku to hijack their soul and processes, they voted for expediency over their own constraining rules and regulations that strike at their core. They may still have a long way to go in pacifying restive and powerful groups in the party, but by and large they are relieved and enthusiastic about the general, even if vague, consensus they have reached so far.

    Party leaders appear glad to be rid of the imposing Alhaji Atiku, but are unsure how to handle the more obstreperous Nyesom Wike, former Rivers governor and now Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister. Somehow, however, they think building consensus in their party may translate into either a miracle at the polls or at least a revivification that warms the cockles of their hearts. For them, these are sanguine times. So flush with excitement was the party’s national vice chairman (Southwest), Kamoru Ajisafe, about the new consensus that he was prepared to swear about the party’s newfound direction. Should the party win the 2027 presidential election, he exulted, he would work against any PDP president interested in a second term in 2031. He surmised that party leaders were united in that position. PDP or not, every aspirant worth the name has made a similar promise: each has promised only one term if the country would give them a chance. The promise assumes the formidability, if not unassailability, of President Bola Tinubu who seemed even more entrenched today than he was vulnerable in 2022. Coming against such a man, they reasoned, a candidate must have a great bargaining chip. That chip is one term, a ruse one of their own, the acerbic former Kaduna governor Nasir el-Rufai, has described as hypocritical, sensational and dubious.

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    The party should have avoided making a one-term promise. That ruse should have been left to the aspirants, and possibly too the party’s nominee. The PDP had no business immersing itself in that boondoggle or lending the party name to a scheme so inglorious and so provocative that it beggars belief anyone could swear by it. But once they broke their own zoning rule in 2023, it was but a short distance to infamy. Behind closed doors, they acknowledged that in 2023 they had no southern candidate of repute, not one person capable of taking on the APC juggernaut. The resort to Alhaji Atiku was a consequence of their desperation, an admission that they lacked both tactics and strategy, an indication that since their founding, when the voices of their principled comrades were silenced, they had lacked direction and any sense of the long-term. Now their folly has come home to roost. Despite the seeming unflappability of Alhaji Atiku, and regardless of whatever political platform he finally chooses to enter the 2027 race, the general understanding is that the North will not return to the presidency until 2031. The PDP has acknowledged this fact, but rather than take the admittedly costly long-term perspective, they have joined the rat race in their desperation to return to office. Yet, they really have no powerful something to beat the APC’s something. They have opted for recourse to the country’s political brothels to seek out a candidate able to trounce the APC, but are making heavy weather of it. They have toyed with Peter Obi, the former Anambra governor of no fixed political address, but have discarded the idea for being too outlandish. They are also flirting with the vacillating former president Goodluck Jonathan, but he too has continued to pussyfoot, waiting for foolproof nomination guarantees. Given their mood and desperation, PDP leaders appear prepared to clutch at any straw, anyone they think remotely capable of flexing some muscles in 2027.

    If the party manages to overcome its many self-induced leadership and membership crises, it will still have one more major hurdle to cross. That hurdle, despite the enticing certainty of its new-old zoning arrangement, concerns how to find a nominee capable of beating the ruling party. Since they prefer the fortuity of discovering a candidate rather than rebuilding their party and grooming bright and credible nominees, they must be prepared to go through the ordeal of deploying hoaxes and unscrupulous tactics to fight major electoral battles. The outcome will not always be favourable, but the party itself has never in anyway been profound or thorough in its modus operandi.