Category: Columnists

  • Minds behind bars

    Minds behind bars

    My truth is more convenient than yours. It doesn’t matter what you think. Whatever your version of reality, it’s resonance fades in the cacophonous clatter of my truth.

    In the self-righteous spirit of Nigerianness, you must appreciate why “my truth” resonates as a catch-phrase. Post truth realism  repudiates the argument that while we may have the right to our own beliefs and not our own facts. Knowing the truth after all, as Goedken would say, is less valuable than the prize of a shared fiction.

    Here goes my shared fiction or convenient truth if you like: in post-truth Nigeria, you are either a truthsayer, a truth-heckler, or truth-killer as your circumstances dictate. Everybody is in on the charade.

    Nigeria will not be destroyed by a single blow, but by the brutish chipping away in the dark, piece by piece, of thought and belief, until every citizen’s mind becomes a ghetto.

    The rot begins in the inner chambers of the conscience, where reason is surrendered to prejudice, and persists in the public sphere, where the body politic trembles beneath the burden of inherited hatreds. Citizenship degenerates from the disciplined commitment to a commonwealth, into the flag-waving of ethnic armies and the drum-beating of sectarian camps, as evidenced by the cutthroat rivalry and tribal resentments triggered during the 2023 general elections.

    Even in its aftermath, bigotry shrinks the horizon of the Nigerian mind, goading every citizen to see his neighbour as a rival and the nation as a battleground for primordial loyalties. En route to the 2027 general elections, the sentimentality persists, buttressing the belief that votes will hardly be cast for competence or vision, but for kinship and creed.

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    As it was in 2023, so it could be in 2027. Political participation will manifest as a tribal oath-taking. And the higher the stakes, the deeper the descent into intolerance. When such a culture spreads through millions, the democratic process itself becomes a theatre of resentments rather than a vehicle of collective purpose.

    Worse still is when social institutions, the very organs designed to nourish enlightenment, are themselves infected. When the press, the Fourth Estate of the Realm, becomes a pulpit for ethnic incitement; when academia, supposedly the fertile soil of critical thought, degenerates into a bazaar of ideological partisanship, the decay exceeds the political, and becomes civilisational. It perverts the truth and weaponises it to sustain prejudice.

    A recourse to historical truths is the natural antidote to prejudice, but this would be wasted on the bigoted Nigerian, who is deaf to reason and selectively accommodating of facts. This is why appeals to our shared struggles, from the amalgamation to the civil war; from June 12 to the present, are often met with cynical dismissal. The bigot’s political memory is a curated archive, stripped of any evidence that indicts his camp. He consumes only the myths that reinforce his tribal righteousness, repeating them until they harden to dogma. Bigots would rather clutch the lies that flatter their insecurities than confront the truths that unsettle them.

    To counter this monstrosity requires a collaboration of the political left and right. I reiterate Ralph Nader’s vision of a left-right alliance, to push back against toxic partisanship and political inertia. Such a coalition cannot thrive in a media landscape overrun by zealots and saboteurs. It needs a patriotic press and academia that treat Nigeria as a sacred ground to be defended with honesty and empathy, not as a battleground for clickbait and theorised artifice.

    Nigeria can never be rescued by one ideological camp. This is why President Bola Tinubu’s administration must welcome more brilliant minds and patriots from across political, non-partisan  and ideological divides. Salvaging Nigeria requires a coalition of conscience that transcends party lines, tribal tents, and religious barricades. This alliance must include the journalist, the academic, the artist, the civic activist, and every segment of Nigeria’s intelligentsia.

    Its goal must be to push back against the capture of the state and its institutions, reclaiming the press and the academia as untarnished public trusts. More practical steps include building independent funding models for journalism to end the tyranny of the funder’s leash; reviving the teaching of history to anchor citizenship in shared memory; and creating cross-regional civic platforms where Nigerians can debate, disagree, and still unite on matters of national survival.

    The path must be peaceful, through social mobilisation, patient founding of coalitions, and free, fair, and peaceful elections. The battle is not for the annihilation of opponents but for the reclamation of the republic.

    Yet, while journalists and academics occupy a sacred trust, we must understand, why many in these vocations, particularly in this post-truth era, have abandoned the rigour of truth for the expedience of survival. The fate of many a staff of traditional press is precarious; salaries are irregular, meagre when paid, and barely meeting personal needs, let alone sustaining a family. And contrary to romanticised belief that online journalism offers a purer alternative, the digital press is often no freer. Many of its practitioners, unable to monetise their content, depend on grants from foreign non-profits or “angel funders” whose money comes with invisible strings. On such a leash, the editorial direction is dictated from afar, bending coverage towards the ideological appetites of the funders.

    Plugging words into a browser window, as Tom Nichols would say, isn’t research. Thus even while glamourising the much glorified fact-checking, you’d find that the responses you generate are as credible as the answers fed to the programmable apps and machines. Little wonder some fact-checking and AI platforms have been known to generate doctored or dubious  truths. This is not to tarnish every vehicle or model of traditional and digital journalism. Kudos to those doing great work.

    Yet, more people are in on the charade as reportage and academic research resonate as part of a campaign, sometimes for noble causes, but more frequently for undeclared interests.

    At the heart of certain “hard-hitting” journalism or “groundbreaking” research is the quiet pulse of advocacy for economic imperialism, perverse sexualities, ill-advised gender wars, or the deepening of ethnic fault lines.

    It’s about time Nigeria’s academic and media platforms quit amplifying the country’s missteps for financial gratification while ignoring or underplaying visible progress. It is not that the nation does not stumble. It does, and sometimes, grievously. But that narrative is worn out now. We must quit feeding the citizenry an unrelenting diet of despair lest hope itself becomes perpetually suspect.

    The press and academia must broker, more responsibly, a coalition of the political left and right. Failure to do this will quicken the country’s slide into the swamp of sectarianism. Citizenship will persist as a marketplace of ethnic bargains and political participation will be reduced to a ritual of hate. Bigotry, in all its forms, is a poverty of the mind masquerading as loyalty. When it corrupts the media and academia, it poisons public discourse and amputates the nation’s capacity to imagine a future beyond the tribal fence. Nigeria will not survive such a famine of the mind unless its sentinels remember who they are meant to serve.

    To save the seed, the soil must be healed. And to heal the soil, the hands that till it must first be cleansed. Only then can our orchard of citizenship bear fruit worth eating.

    Until then, the press will keep peddling its curated despair, the academia will keep minting degrees for the unemancipated mind. And when the mind becomes a ghetto, the citizen becomes a prisoner unaware of his fate behind bars.

  • ‘Baby bonus’; Stop ‘Okada epidemic’

    ‘Baby bonus’; Stop ‘Okada epidemic’

    The US Government is putting a  ‘Baby Bonus’ $1,000 in individually personalised accounts for every new-born US citizen in 2025/26/27 for investment in the stock market which is expected to continue to grow at an average rate of 7%. Withdrawal can only be made from 18 years of age. The parents, family and friends are encouraged to add to the account over the coming years according to their means. The money can be left in the account even to old age growing indefinitely. Is this an incentive to have another baby or a reward for having a baby or merely a political bribe to tele-guide or force the family vote of father and mother in the next election?

    Imagine what effect such a policy would have had on the world’s children. Of course, being a wealthy country, $1k is peanuts for the USA and most advanced countries. But in Nigeria, a similar gesture of $1k =N1,550,000 today due to serial mismanagement and total ignorance among our political leaders of basic economic principles and a complete disregard for their responsibility to defend and improve the value of the country’s currency financially, emotionally and patriotically.

    The evil habit of government awarding oil blocks creating several instant multibillionaires, while the masses wallow in near absolute poverty, pollution, is a despicable policy. Surely it would have done no harm to have allowed the country and particularly the areas where the oil blocks are located the same wealth creation opportunity as those multibillionaires enjoy merely because of an oil well licence? Spreading wealth is the key to a self-sufficient family, business and governance economic system that will endure beyond political cycles of plenty and famine.

    Communities and states should be better recipients of oil-windfalls than individual citizens, assuming corruption can be eliminated. But the fear of corruption cannot be the excuse not to do the correct thing. Certainly, every country should look at this ‘Baby Bonus’ policy to determine its workability and possible benefits. Unfortunately, the people to analyse and decide on such long-term strategic policies are politicians with a reputation for thinking mainly of self, at the expense of development strategies. Such politicians have amply demonstrated their greed above the needs of the people as they demand outrageous and scandalous ‘pension scams’ for ‘serving one or two terms’ and who would much rather award funds to themselves for new jeeps, though many have several personal vehicles.

    It is this greed over need that allowed Nigeria to become an ‘Okada Epidemic Zone’ because our leaders cannot see the need to replace the millions of motorcycles and three-wheeler ‘Keke Napep’ with 14–60-seater buses especially in towns and cities, like in their precious New York and London. This would remove the 10-20-30 motorcycles clogging almost every roundabout, cut congestion, free up traffic and even more importantly, also cut  road crashes and accidents and crash-related deaths, injuries and hospitalisations and bed occupancy rates by as much as 50-80%. This would remove a huge burden of care from government medical facilities and their budgets and other hospitals and save affected families much preventable grief and cost.

    Already ‘okada’ have been banned in Maiduguri successfully for security matters. It is time to widen the ban to reduce the spread of the ‘Okada Epidemic’ for health and security-related matters. Many estates ban Okada.

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    The terrifying high speed of the commercial Okada carrying  passengers, even mothers and their babies (sometimes to their deaths), as well as their complete disregard for junction and ‘Keep to your lane’ Road Safety Highway Code Law make most crashes fatal or result in severe body, bone and brain injuries. Almost all of these crashes are preventable with signs  –Okada Maximum Speed Limit of around 30-40kpm, more pre licence teaching of the very young ignorant and arrogant Okada drivers who seem to think and act as if they exclusively own the side, middle and all road lanes.

     In Oyo State when Professor Soyinka started his Road Safety Corps and recruited some of us to update the Highway Code and also, as special marshals to get drivers to slow down on the Ife-Ibadan Road, there were no ‘Okadas’ in number. Today the okadas outnumber the cars and other vehicles maybe by 100 to one and block every junction causing mayhem. They surround vehicles on all four sides like a swarm of bees and can kill. They always gang together, intimidating drivers especially if they, the Okadas, have crashed.

    All road traffic authorities need ‘Okada Education Pamphlets’ to limit the number of Okada which can stay at one time at junctions and stop spots. Only a manageable number of registered Okadas and Keke Napep should be allowed in any particular area. All road violations should be punished.  Our traffic agencies, including the police and VIO should rise above all scandal like extortion and be closely monitored by supervisors to stop bribery and other corrupt practices. 

    Tinted window palaver has started again. Will this be done without checkpoint scamming?

    We should be happy to hear that the Siemens Power Contract is still moving forward and hopefully the upheaval in the power sector ownership will scare away unserious partnerships. All previous exercises were like repeated extortionary refinery Turn Around Maintenance scams. We hear of ongoing scams in the prepaid meter project with officials in the field telling a different story for the published free meter scenario.   

  • The Northern question in Nigeria

    The Northern question in Nigeria

    We have the largest number of poor people in the world, most of them in Northern Nigeria. Nigeria also has the largest number of out of school children, virtually all of them in Northern Nigeria.

    —Nasir el-Rufai, Governor of Kaduna State, at the Northern Youth Summit on Saturday, July 6, 2019

    In the North-western and North-eastern parts of Nigeria, more than 60 per cent of the population live in extreme poverty … the 19 Northern states, which accounts for over 54 per cent of Nigeria’s population and 70 per cent of its landmass, collectively generate, only 21 per cent of the total sub-national IGR in the year 2017.

    —Aliko Dangote, speaking at the Kaduna Investment Summit on Wednesday, April 3, 2019.

    From time immemorial, regional problems have been central to the formation and development of kingdoms, empires, and modern states.  However, the nature and effects of regional problems vary across time and space. In some cases, the problems are complicated by religion. In other cases, ethnicity is a key factor.

    There are also cases where social and economic divisions loom large just as there are others where the desire to preserve people’s rights and liberty is foregrounded.  Sometimes, one or the other of these factors could be highlighted to mask the others. Any of these factors could derail the unity or development of a kingdom, empire, or state. A convergence of two or more factors could pose even more serious challenges.

    For example, in the Southern United States, the desire to preserve slavery for economic reasons led the 13 Confederate states in the South to fight a bitter civil war, although apologists of the war often couch the reasons in terms of the preservation of liberty and independence. Residues of the division between the South and the rest of the United States loom large today, especially in race relations and democratic politics.

    The regional problem is even more pronounced in contemporary Italy. It was Antonio Gramsci, who problematized the regional issue in that country in his now famous The Southern Question, published in 1926.

    In the essay, Gramsci not only highlighted the social problems of Southern Italy, where he came from, he also outlined a theory by which class-regional alliances were employed by the Fascist government to maintain a hegemonic hold on power. The alliances involved creating a bridge between the Northern proletariat and the Southern peasantry.

    Yet, despite the Italian government’s investment in the South to pull up the region, its backwardness relative to Northern Italy continues to stand out.  As indicated below, many factors are responsible for the fate of Southern Italy, making it one of the less developed areas in Europe.

    If Northern Nigeria and Southern Italy were flipped, then the Italian situation would provide an instructive analogy to the regional problem in Nigeria, where the focus has been on the Northern question. To be sure, certain features are unique to each of the two regions in their respective countries, but there are interesting shared features to justify such an analogy. Correspondingly, Northern Italy compares to Southern Nigeria in developmental strides, including industrial growth, per capita income, contribution to GDP, and so on.

    First, both Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria share higher unemployment and poverty rates than other regions in their respective countries. On the one hand, the unemployment rate in Southern Italy has ranged between 15  and 20 percent in the last five years, while the average unemployment rate in the country as a whole is about 9 percent.

    On the other hand, the average unemployment rate of over 35 percent across Northern Nigeria has been consistently higher than the rest of the country at about 27 percent. When underemployment figures are factored in, over 30 percent of Southern Italians have little or no employment, while over 50 percent of Northern Nigerians are in a similar category.

    It is not surprising, therefore, that the poverty rate in Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria is much higher than the rest of their respective countries. Furthermore, the risk of poverty is also considerably higher in both regions than the rest of the country. That risk is accentuated by relative lack of education.

    Second, both Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria are more educationally backward than the rest of the country. They contain the majority of out-of-school children and school dropouts in their countries. Unfortunately, the situation has been getting worse, rather than better, in Northern Nigeria, as indicated in the opening quotes.

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    A recent letter by legendary Civil Servant, Ahmed Joda, to the Minister of Education, Adamu Adamu, shows that the situation in Northern Nigeria is rooted in history as it is in Southern Italy. According to Joda, who was the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Education in 1971, only 250 candidates from the North were found qualified and were awarded Federal Government Scholarship in that year, whereas 2,750 candidates from the South got the same award.

    Of course, Northern leaders cried lopsidedness then and the Federal Government, controlled by Northerners most of the time since then, has used several methods to “compensate” the North. Almost 50 years later, the change has been for the worse, rather than for the better.

    Again, el-Rafai sums it all up in his speech to the Northern Youth Forum: “Northern Nigeria has become the centre of drug abuse, gender violence, banditry, kidnapping, and terrorism. We have also been associated with a high divorce rate and breakdown of families.” The situation compares to some extent with Southern Italy noted for organized crime, drug abuse, and “underground” economy, often controlled by the Mafia.

    Yet another feature shared by Southern Italy and Northern Nigeria is a state-dependency mentality by which the people wait for government largesse—government jobs or share of government funds. The result is unbridled corruption and appalling lack of transparency. The almajiri image of begging for food with bowl-in-hand is symbolic of the state-dependency mentality of the region. While the Governors and Emirs distribute the largesse in Northern Nigeria, the Mafia does the same in Southern Italy. The result at the end of the day is little or no development of the region.

    Dangote’s injunction to Northern leaders is now more urgent than ever: “Northern Nigeria will continue to fall behind if the respective states governments do not move to close the development gap”.

  • Ikokore sensation

    Ikokore sensation

    Ikokore?  Yes, that’s ethnic Ijebu stuff.  Classic pan-Ijebu cuisine!

    That delicacy made news at the 20th Ilese-Ijebu community gala, formally Ilese Day: 20th Annual Convocation of Ilese-Ijebu people.  Its one-week celebration climaxed at the weekend, spanning August 8-10.

    The Ijebu, Yoruba sub-ethnics, are mainly in Ogun State, with their metropolitan capital of Ijebu Ode, which just lost its monarch of 65 years; and their atavistic roots, in Ijebu Igbo.  The Ijebu are spread out in other famous towns and a network of proud villages. 

    Also, their Remo cousins: spread over Sagamu, the Remo head town, Iperu, home town of Governor Dapo Abiodun, and Ikenne, the glorious nativity of the eternal Obafemi Awolowo, the most rigorous politician — so far — in Nigerian history, among others.

    But the ethnic Ijebu, whose lingo bears uncanny similarities to the Itsekiri of Delta, are also native to Ikorodu and Epe (the Epe township and its outlying areas of Eredo: Odo Ayan, with its famous market, Mojoda; Odoragunsen, Ibonwon, etc), now carved under the Eredo LCDA in Lagos State.

    Ikokore is as central to the Ijebu fun-loving palate, as Agemo, the pan-Ijebu cult and yearly conclave, is central to the Ijebu traditional spirituality.

    The Ikokore cooking contest had always been integral to Ilese Day, as it took off in its current format, 20 years ago, in 2005.  So, this year’s news lay less in the delicacy itself but in the winner of the contest.

    Enter: Goodluck Abidemi, 14, a Junior Secondary School (JSS 2) student, who the Ikokore gourmet-judges crowned over three far elderly ladies, whose forte is the kitchen.  It was nothing short of sensational, as the hall quaked in a thunderclap of cheers!

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    Abidemi was classical news oddity, albeit a very pleasant one. How a 14-year-old boy would beat three women, veterans of the kitchen, to the Ikokore prize, beat everyone!  Should the contest not have been a shoo-in for the ladies?

    Then, the teen chef’s Ikokore story, which also bucked the trend: his motivation came from his father, not his mother! 

    Pop-eyed, he had always watched his dad turn cold, grated water-yam paste, into a steaming, seasoning-rich, palm oil wonder-broth. That sizzling bubble not only always enthralled the nose, it also condemned the tummy to a pleasant rumble and grumble! 

    What’s more?  Hot Ikokore is best eaten with that Nigerian staple eba, when it’s as cold as the morning dew!

    But Abidemi’s win, aside linking a fledgling teen to his deep Ijebu roots, and a putative future promise as exciting chef, if he hones his potential with quality education, epitomized the crux of this year’s celebration: the town’s youth as centre of its future.

    Yes, the town’s monarch, the Elese, Oba Oluremi Obayomi, launched a N200 million palace fencing project, to better secure a tony palace within its vast grounds; and the Asiwaju Ilese, Kunle Kalejaye, SAN, who the Elese coronated at the 19th home-coming in 2024, was in charge of affairs, the focus this year was pretty much the youth.

    The rather self-effacing Otunba Sola Mogaji remains boss of the Ilese Day Planning Committee.  But Adeniyi Adeiku, one of the town’s many young Turks, is now general secretary, Ilese Development Council (IDC), which mandate gives Ilese Day its yearly life.

    Adeiku’s IDC 2024/2025 report, spanned key development areas as primary health care, education, security, community relations, and street lighting, among general infrastructure — particularly of the three-kilometre Ilese main stretch, since developed into a broad dual drive-way, with a befitting median.

    A road that hitherto powders into a riot of dust, as the carnival floats strutted their stuff, is now a smooth tar, with night solar street-lighting to boot! This Light-Up Ilese project, is courtesy local politicians:  Foluso Badejo, chair, Ijebu North East Local Government and Oriyomi Ajoke Adeiye, councilor representing Ward 8, Ilese, at the council, both proud home boys.

    The council, courtesy its “home boy” chairman, has also built a new health post, to cater for the town’s expansive primary health needs.  That shows a community that considers its youth a future to treasure, but not also neglecting its senior folks.

    But nothing perhaps captured this youth-centric focus more than the trio serenaded at the 2025 yearly awards.

    The most dramatic of the three was Samuel Badekale.  He graduated from the University of Lagos, in Cell Biology and Genetics, in 2024.  With a “perfect” 5.0 cumulative GPA, he was not only the best graduated student in the Sciences, he was also UNILAG’s best performer for 2024.

    For that rare feat, Governor Abiodun snapped him up as the Ogun State Education Ambassador.  A year later, he was serenaded native, in whom Ilese was well pleased!

    The other merit awardees were Prof. Olalekan Bello, a professor of Health Education and veteran academic and Dr. Shafiu Ademola, a scion of one of the Ilese ruling houses, and first, from Ijebu North East local government, to have earned a PhD in Nursing, specializing in maternal and child health, aside sundry garlands, across multi-disciplinary sectors.

    It’s not clear if the three academic-leaning awardees were happenstance.  But they gave a clear message: education and sundry quality training are the clear future.  Asiwaju Kalejaye said that much at the final day rally.  It’s the Ilese 2025 gospel to its youth — and just as well!

    But should any doubt remain, the yearly Baba Ijo Education Support and Grant, set the records straight.  The scholarship scheme is endowed by Chief Rufus Odusanya, the Baba Ijo of Ilese Christians, and a retired director of the Federal Ministry of Education.

    The Baba Ijo made it known to all that though he was going nowhere soon, the yearly scholarship would continue even after his death.

    This year, that scholarship will benefit 25 pupils, spanning primary school, Junior Secondary School (JSS) and Senior Secondary School (SSS).

    The scholarship also told its own story: of Ilese as an equal-opportunity community.  Though the sponsor is Christian, the scheme is open to all.  Beneficiaries come from all faiths, and all schools, Christian or Muslim, so long as the child demonstrates merit.

    What’s more?  It’s non-discriminatory.  It doesn’t matter where the child’s parents come from, in any part of Nigeria: so long as the family is domiciled in the Ilese community, and the child is brilliant.  The only criterion is merit, well proven.

    By that, Ilese appears blind, deaf and dumb to base and divisive sentiments, the forte of political charlatans and sundry demagogues.  In own corner, it strives to build a merit-driven ethos, as model for the greater Nigeria.

    Twenty years on, what would Ilese be?  From its progress these past 20 years, hope is rife it would likely not only attain most of its developmental goals, it’s also propping up competent youths to drive its next generation.

    That should be cheery news to the Elese, Oba Obayomi, the Asiwaju Ilese, and the rest of the natives that always put together this wonderful yearly homecoming.

    Who knows?  That Ikokore wonder boy might well be among the future elite, driving the town to its next level!

  • Governors’ wrong priorities 

    Governors’ wrong priorities 

    The recent scathing remarks by the United States Mission in Nigeria about the preferences of some state governors should help refocus the governors. The Mission referred to the report showing how some state governors were spending billions of naira renovating or building new government houses, while the socio-economic conditions of their people are deprecatingly disgraceful. The social media post read: “while Nigerians are urged to endure economic hardship ‘like labour pains’, some governors are splurging billions on new government houses.”

    While the criticism may be undiplomatic, that jab should help refocus the state governors on things that should be more beneficial for those they govern. The mission referenced the complaints from the civil society organizations. One of them, BudgIT, had warned that “instead of funding schools, clinics, or agriculture, leaders prioritize buildings they barely use.” The effect of these bad choices is that the living conditions of majority of Nigerians get worse, despite the increased revenue accruable to the state governments.

    The World Bank estimates that more than half of Nigerian population are living below poverty level, and this is worse in the rural areas, where 75 percent of the population are living below poverty line. The World Bank report, read “multiple shocks in the context of high economic insecurity have deepened and broaden poverty. Since 2018/19, an additional 42 million people fell into poverty, so that more than half of all Nigerians (54 per cent) are estimated to live in poverty in 2024”.

    The report acknowledged the impact of the macroeconomic policies of the present administration. It said “although recent macroeconomic reforms have begun to stabilize the economy, inflation remains high, dampening consumer demand and continuing to undermine the purchasing power of Nigerians.” The report however acknowledged the effort by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration to ameliorate the poverty levels, including the rollout of temporary cash transfers targeting 15 million households. This column urges similar measures at the subnational levels, if the monster of poverty is to be dealt a blow. 

    Statistics indicate that the poverty level is worse in the northern part of the country compared to the southern part. It is estimated that 87 per cent of the poor in the country live in the northern part. The situation is even worse in the north western states of Sokoto and Jigawa states. So, the challenge facing the country deserves the urgent attention of the national and subnational governments. Nigerians expect that improvement in the resources available to the states and even the local governments should translate to better life for the people.

    Perhaps, because the people are easily misled that their economic challenges lies squarely in the hand of the federal government, the national debate have been to blame the Tinubu administration, and to look up to the federal government for solutions. Clearly, most state governments enjoy that revelry of lies. But, this column agrees with the member of the North East Development Commission (NEDC), Sam Onuigbo, who said “The governors are getting money, more than three times of what they got when I was Commissioner for Finance. The local governments are also getting money after the removal of subsidy. They should be transparent and make sure that they support Mr President in trying to move the economy in the direction that Mr President is driving it.”

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    At the resent two-day interactive session with the theme “Assessing Electoral Promises: Fostering Government – Citizen Engagement for National Unity” organized by the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation (SABMF), the Minister for Budget and Planning Abubakar Atiku Bagudu, lent credence to the fact that states have received more money following the removal of fuel subsidy. He said that total net statutory revenue and Value Added Tax (VAT) allocation to states and local governments increased to N991.81 billion in June 2025, from N458.81 billion in May 2023.    

    The minister said: “By ending the fuel subsidy, President Tinubu made a hard but necessary call – liberating trillions of naira to expand federal allocations by over 340 per cent. States now have the means to invest in their future.” In the past, most states had resorted to short term loans to even pay salaries and many of them had to go to the stock exchange and multilateral institutions to borrow money for capital projects. But all that had ceased since President Tinubu took the bold initiative to end the fuel subsidy. 

    To save the majority of the Nigerian poor, the states and local governments must develop their own poverty alleviation schemes instead of concentrating resources on projects that add little value to the socio-economic well-being of those that elected them to govern. To keep doing otherwise is to be endangering our fledgling democracy. While it may be politically expedient for them to let the president take the flak for the socio-economic challenges facing the country, it is foolhardy to think that the president alone will bear the brunt of the reaction of hungry Nigeria should the situation not improve.

    While the opposition northern politicians are busy politicking about the alleged neglect of the north by the Tinubu administration, the sincere ones have told the northern elite that what is eating the kola nut lives inside it. President Muhammadu Buhari, the celebrated friend of the northern talakawa, despite his best intentions could not alleviate the poverty ravaging the north. The best he could do was to dash them money while he was in power. Even while that was on, the poverty index did not change. What will change the north and indeed every part of Nigeria is the difficult but necessary structural changes President Tinubu is pushing through.

    While taking steps to temporary assuage the hunger in the land, the nation’s economy must enjoy diversification. The northern Nigeria is potentially rich, but without an educated and skilled workforce, not much can be achieved. The vast expanse of agricultural land and mineral resources, instead of turning to an advantage would remain a curse. As evident, the vast forests that should be an advantage, have become homes to vagabonds and miscreants, who feed from the resources, extracted from the illegal mining across the region.

    While the other regions are a shade better, they are not immune from the crisis of poor leadership across the land. Many of them indulge in the misapplication of public funds, including building useless edifices which some use to siphon public funds. The governors like their northern counterparts must invest in policies to improve the deplorable economic challenges facing their people. The level of poverty in some states in the south is enough to cause upheaval in those states. The end SARS riots few years ago support that view.

    The federal and state governments must therefore set their priorities right, to ameliorate the gruelling poverty ravaging the Nigerian people. A significant portion of the resources should be channelled to make life more abundant for the poor.

  • Why Nigeria needs the North

    Why Nigeria needs the North

    To observers of Nigerian politics, there was nothing new in Bashir Dalhatu, chairman of the ACF Board of Trustees, accusing the President Bola Tinubu’s government of neglecting the north as he did during the recent two-day citizen engagement forum organised by the Sir Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation. The only difference this time around was that Tinubu, who said he is always ahead of his political adversaries, was ready with over 60 prominent northern members of his cabinet to expose the hypocrisy of those who pretend to speak for the north when indeed, it was all about self-preservation. But perhaps more damaging to the case of the hegemonic ruling class is the emergence of young educated and well informed crop of northern professionals and politicians who have now seen the danger of being enslaved by old prejudices especially with yesterday’s abandoned children of the poor who are today challenging the status-quo.

    Leading the battle to save the old order was ACF’s Bashir Dalhatu who called attention to the completion of Lagos-Ibadan express way and the second Niger Bridge, all in the south while the north that gave 64% of its votes to ensure Tinubu’s victory in the 2023 election got nothing. Echoing him was Babachir Lawal, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF). According to him: “No projects are going on—at least they are not visible to the eye, maybe in their imagination, maybe in the spirit—but we don’t see them.”

    For Hakeem Baba Ahmed, Tinubu needed to be blamed for “neglecting the suffering of their people” warning that it’s the “people Tinubu is treating as if they don’t matter who will judge all politicians against their exposure to violence, death, and poverty”.

    Leading Tinubu’s foot soldiers was the Governor of Gombe State and chairman of the Northern States Governors Forum, Inuwa Yahaya, who confidently declared: “Today, we gather not for empty rhetoric but to examine those promises and assess the level of progress so far. What we find is an administration that has delivered meaningful results. He went on to list several federal projects, including the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano expressway, Kano-Katsina-Maradi rail line, the rehabilitation of the Kaduna refinery, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano gas pipeline, and the continuation of drilling in the Kolmani oilfields”.

    Kaduna State governor, Uba Sani’s task was to remind the current crusaders under whose leadership “insecurity grew, education declined, and poverty deepened “ that the time for playing the ostrich was over because educated young northerners today understand that “insecurity, poverty, and educational backwardness” was the result of these leaders’ “culture of negligence, silence, and inaction”.

    While Tinubu’s northern political appointees were cautious, refusing to frontally confront the hegemonic ruling power in the north, the young unrestrained non-political office holders including Farouq Aliyu, former minority leader of the House of Representatives and Alvan Hassan exhibited no inhibitions.

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    For Farouq Aliyu, Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) “is an opposition group and supporters of Atiku Abubakar who cannot speak for the north”. For him ACF members love neither Nigeria nor the north but themselves. They only live for themselves.

    For Alvan Hasan, “instead of Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) serving as custodians of northern aspirations, they are openly partisan”. For him, what the north needed is not infrastructure but unity. He strongly believes ACF is using religion to divide the north

    Looking Seun Okinbaloye, his host on ‘Politics Today’ show, directly in the face, he asked “as a Christian from the north, can you aspire to become governor of Kwara?” Adding without waiting for an answer, that a Muslim from Plateau State cannot aspire to become secretary to government of Plateau state just as Christian from Borno State can never aspire to become governor of Borno State.

    Although he stopped short of directly accusing  the self-appointed custodians of values of the north of sponsoring Muslim attack on Christians, the innuendo was unmistakable in his assertion that for self-preservation, those who should unite the north end up sponsoring Muslim attack on Christians while Christians’ attempt at retaliation leaves everyone a loser with even farmers unable to go to their farms.

    Hasan was saying what most Nigerians including our leaders who often play the ostrich know the truth which everyone is afraid to admit. Sheik Gumi in February 2021 admitted on Seun Okinbaloye’s ‘Politics Today’ show, that the Fulani herdsmen were victims. He defined them “as herdsmen fighting ethnic war” and for him, the solution was dialogue and teaching them Islam. If you have seen them you will discover they have nothing like civilization other than the guns they carry”.

    Today everyone seems to have forgotten Lamido Sanusi Lamido’s directive to Fulani herdsmen hosted by Benue State to the effect that they must disobey Benue State anti-open- grazing law duly passed by the state House of Assembly and assented to by the governor. We all pretend not to be aware that, the directive ’found expression in periodic harvest of death of innocent subsistence farmers who are mostly Christians in the alluring Benue trough.

    We have no evidence Usman Bugaje was ever questioned for confessing not too long ago that APC then in opposition, imported some Fulani herdsmen from the Sahel region for the purpose of 2015 election.

    But Hasan was not done. Even if we were to accept infrastructure is the problem of the north, he threw a challenge at the custodians of the values of the north and the author of “the south cannot have whatever that cannot be replicated in the north” which started with the derailment of Dr. Majekodunmi’ attempt at introducing a form of insurance cover for Lagos workers by northern back benchers in the first republic.

    Asking if the south is not part of Nigeria, he wants them to identify the equivalent in the south “of -the ongoing 1000km Sokoto-Badagry High way or Sokoto-Kano-Maiduiguri dualised over 500km expressway.

    As an aside, let me help Hassan. Apart from Lagos-Ibadan 120km expressway that has been under construction since 1999, I know of no 30 kilometres of smooth federal road from the part of Ogun, Oyo and Osun that I take to my small town, Ogotun Ekiti. In 1986, it used to take me two hours 30 minutes from Lagos to Ipetu Ijesha (when I tried it four years ago, it took me five hours). But the story is that from that border town is Awolowo’s 1959 eight kilometre scientific marvel of a narrow, dangerous, undulating road that meanders through valleys and crevices of hill to Ogotun Ekiti. At the period, it was the only road that connected Ekiti with the rest of the Nigeria as both Ilesha Ado and Ado Akure roads were in a state of disrepair.

    Seven years ago, I heard Chief Afe Babalola, the founder of Afe Babalola University complaining of those two federal roads. Last week, I saw Kayode Fayemi, the immediate past governor of Ekiti State lamenting about the state of the two federal highways.

    But let us return to the serious issue at hand. Our northern compatriots need our help and support even if it involves conceding all infrastructural projects to the north.

    First, freedom starts from being conscious of your position on the social structure ladder. Our northern compatriots have today realized that those who did not see them beyond article of political bargaining have for long used tribe and religion to exploit their innermost fears. The rest of the country have also now realised that it is no more in our enlightened self-interest to continue ignoring their plight because of blackmail of those who falsely swear in their name for power bargaining.

    instead of the competitive north of Ahmadu Bello, we have seen the northern ruling hegemonic class inspired social engineering efforts such as JAMB, quota system of admission to tertiary institutions and to our bureaucracy, all designed to slow down the rest of the country, take their toll on our bureaucracy, universities and teaching hospitals that once ranked with the best in the world.

    For a perfect union, the south needs the north more than the north needs the south. Obafemi Awolowo, a foremost nationalist and an unrepentant federalist warned in the run up to independence, that except we first solve the contradiction within the northern society, we will continue to move in circles. For over 75 years, it has been motion without movement.

    This is why I think no sacrifice is too much in the interest of our nation if only to honour our founding fathers including Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ahamdu Bello, Obafemi Awolowo and members of their tribe who made personal sacrifices to bequeath onto us a working federal arrangement, tragically truncated by ill-educated military adventurers.

  • Anioma as sixth southeast state?

    Anioma as sixth southeast state?

    Even as the propriety of creating new states in the country remains a moot issue, some developments from the current agitations ought to be placed in their appropriate places. This is more so, to obviate complications in the trend and dimensions the current agitations are taking.

    Events from the recent zonal public hearing by the National Assembly highlighted how rancour can impact negatively on a smooth exercise at state creation. These issues hinge largely on the appropriateness of creating additional states in the face of inability of many of the present ones to sustain themselves, the areas that should constitute the new states and their places within the existing geo-political zones.

    There was also the issue of whether the six zonal structure will serve the country better than replicating states that lack financial viability. Media speculations that the National Assembly had approved the creation of a certain number of states also had a role in heating up the political space.

    This compelled the senate president, Godswill Akpabio, to issue a statement denying that senate had approved the creation of additional states. Though he acknowledged that 42 proposals for new states were received by the constitution review committee, none had scaled through the full rigours of the legislative process.  His warning to communities against organising meetings or mobilization efforts over proposed states that have not been legally established speaks eloquently of the seeming confusion in which the matter has been embroiled.

     At the public hearing in Owerri, Imo State, the disagreement bordered on whether the six geo-political zones or the states should form the basis of relationship with the central government in view of the insolvency of many of the present states.

    But at the public hearing in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, the main issue of contention was whether the proposed Anioma State should be part of the Southeast or the South-south geo-political zone. The disagreement emanated from a bill sponsored by the senator representing Delta North district, Ned Nwoko, for the creation of Anioma State from the present Delta State to form the sixth southeast state.

    The senator had sought to justify his proposal for Anioma State to become the sixth southeast state on grounds of the common ancestry, heritage, language, common culture and social life that exist between the Igbo of the southeast and the Anioma people of Delta State in the south-south zone

    According to the senator, he was propelled in the journey by the conviction of his forebears who stood for the unification of the Igbos across what now stands as more than seven states. He went at lengths to showcase the surfeit of human, material and other nature-endowed resources that attest to the viability of the proposed state.

    But at the Uyo public hearing, the Ndokwa ethnic nationality complained of not being allowed to make presentation at the occasion. In a statement by the Ndokwa Neku Union, the apex socio-cultural and economic body representing the Ukwuani and Ndosumili people of Delta North, they said their communities belong to the south-south geo-political zone.

     According to the group, “the attempt to subsume their people into the southeast zone through the backdoor of Anioma State creation is not just a geographical error but an affront to their heritage”, querying that if the goal is to create a state that unites Delta North or to forcefully realign ethnic groups based on narrow agenda, the group said they are not against the creation of Anioma State but the attempt to subsume it under the southeast zone.

    There are also reservations from the southeast zone not on the demand for the creation of Anioma State but the attempt to make it the sixth state of the southeast zone. Even as many of the issues raised by Nwoko on similarities in culture, language, affinity and social life between the people of Anioma and the Igbo cannot be faulted, the attempt to make it the sixth southeast state is bound to run into serious problems.

    The demand for the creation of an additional state for the southeast has a long history borne out of the inequities of the current state structure in the country. Apart from the Northwest that has seven states, the two other zones in the northern divide have six states each. In the south, the southwest and south-south have six states each while the southeast trails behind them all with just five states.

    So, agitations for more states since the last exercise by the military had been dominated by the demand for the creation of one additional state to bring the southeast at par with other zones in the country. It was based on the regularity and unassailable justification for this demand that the last National Conference convened by the Jonathan regime approved one additional state for the southeast to bring it at par with others except the northwest. Delegates at that conference were unanimous on that singular demand even before they finally agreed for 18 states for the country.

    In their recommendation, each of the six zones was to get three states with one additional state for the southeast to make for equity, balance and fairness. It was also designed to redress the zone’s disadvantage in revenue allocation from the federation account, poor representation at the National Assembly and other suffocating inequalities arising from being confined to five states.

     Beside this, the history of the sixth state for the southeast is inexorably linked to the pattern of state creation in the country. Under the 12-states structure, the area now known as the southeast was named East Central State. The next exercise at state creation saw it split into Anambra and Imo states.

    Anambra and Imo were further split into Enugu and Abia states. While Anambra gave birth to Enugu State, Imo gave delivery to Abia State. Enugu and Abia states were later to enter into marriage and delivered Ebonyi State in the last state creation exercise.

    Incidentally, the way states evolved in the southeast had a key role in the pattern of agitations for a sixth state from that geo-political zone. That demand is also linked to the structure of the local governments of the five states. The two oldest states of Imo and Anambra have the largest number of local governments because; after giving birth to Enugu and Abia states, they have remained in their original forms. But Abia and Enugu have since been split to form Ebony State.

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    A breakdown of the number of local governments in the five states will drive this point home. Imo has 27 local governments, Anambra 21, Abia 17, Enugu 17 and Ebonyi 13. These figures are highlighted because in the initial demands for the creation of an additional state for the southeast, the main consideration was that it should be carved out of Imo and Anambra states based on the history of states’ creation in the zone in addition to the size of their local governments.

    That was why the initial agitation for the creation of the sixth state from the southeast revolved around Orlu and later Njaba states from Imo on account of the size of its local governments. These were to give way for Anim state -amalgam of some local government areas in Imo and Anambra states in view of their high numbers. They were later joined by Adada and Aba State agitations when the tempo took an upward swing.

    This historical background to the agitation for the creation of an additional state for the southeast is highlighted to demonstrate the absurdity in current campaign by Nwoko for the creation of the sixth southeast state from outside that geo-political zone. That is the daunting challenge the senator has to face in the attempt to subsume Anioma State as the sixth state of the southeast.

    Not only does it run contrary to the current calibration of the six zonal structure, it is bound to throw spanners in the quest by the southeast to redress years of inequity in states’ structure. It will further widen that inequality with more grave consequences for the people of the zone.

    Anioma is currently within the south-south geo-political divide irrespective of the affinities their people share with the Igbo in the southeast. There are also Igbos sharing the same similarities in culture, religion and language in other zones. Even then, other major ethnic groups in the country somehow, share in similar challenges.

    Unless we recalibrate the six zonal structure or reconfigure other governance constructs guiding relations between the centre and its constituents, Anioma as the sixth southeast state cannot fly. But the campaign for Anioma State is not new. It was one of the states explicitly recommended for the south-south by the last Constitutional Conference. Their people are still entitled to that demand.

    It is improbable the current National Assembly will successfully midwife the creation of new states before their tenure elapses. Where that is possible and Anioma satisfies the standards, it should be created without delay but as part of the south-south geo-political zone where it rightfully belongs.

  • Beyond security statistics

    Beyond security statistics

    Statistics presented by the Director General of the National Orientation Agency (NOA), Lanre Issa-Onilu, were intended to reassure Nigerians that the Federal Government was not only dealing with the country’s insecurity burden but was also winning the fight. However, the reality belies the statistics.

    Speaking at a joint security press briefing in Abuja, on August 4, he gave an account of 326 police operations carried out in the previous month, saying, “2,901 arrests were made, 175 kidnap victims were rescued, 78 terrorists were neutralised, and six arms trafficking rings were dismantled.” 

    The NOA boss also said the Federal Government “has escalated security operations nationwide, merging tactical enforcements with intelligence-led interventions,” adding, “Banditry, insurgency, trafficking, and other crimes are being tackled through seamless interagency cooperation, resulting in major arrests, rescues, and asset seizures.”

    According to him, “From the northeast to the Niger Delta, our security forces are reclaiming the peace, one operation at a time. Nigeria is fighting back. Decisively and collaboratively, we are taking back our country from people who are involved in these nefarious activities. “

    In an ironic coincidence, two days after this effort to reassure Nigerians troubled by insecurity in the country, a report published in Daily Trust said bandits had kidnapped 150 people in attacks on several communities in Zamfara State over a period of four days. The spokesperson for the state government, Mahmud Mohammed Dantawasa, was said to have confirmed the attacks to the BBC. The affected villages included “Sabon Garin Damri and Dakko Butsa (which borders Sokoto), as well as Tungar Abdu Dogo, Tungar Sarkin Daji, Sadeda, and Tungar Labi,” the report said.

    The disconnection between the NOA’s positivity and the negative experiences of kidnap victims and their families is disturbingly obvious.

    Another recent instance of kidnapping for ransom gave the lie to the NOA’s inventive claims on improved security. Six Nigerian Law School (NLS) students travelling in a public vehicle from Onitsha, Anambra State, to resume studies at NLS Yola campus in Adamawa State, were kidnapped on July 26. Five of them regained freedom on July 31 after paying a ransom of N10 million each, according to one of the victims, David Obiora. He said one of them was “released earlier” without paying a ransom: the kidnappers said “he looked like a minor because of his baby face.”

    Obiora gave a gripping account in an interview with Vanguard: “We were six law students on the bus with the driver, three other passengers heading to Cameroon, and a woman, who works in Anambra State, who was going on holiday to Yola.

    “We were kidnapped about 9pm on July 26. The incident happened between Zakibiam and Mukari, near a town called Jootar. We were taken 20 kilometres into the bush by about 10 armed men, four wielding AK-47 rifles, the others with machetes and daggers.

    “They drove the bus deep into the bush until it got stuck. They then called for reinforcement and more members arrived on motorcycles.

    “We were moved deeper into the forest before arriving at a halt, where we met four other victims, a non-teaching staff member of Federal University Wukari, a youth corps member named Dauda Wisdom, a pastor, who had just undergone surgery in Benue State, and another unidentified man.

    “We were held for six days before we were released after each of us paid N10 million in ransom.

    “Let the record be clear, the Nigeria Police did not rescue us. The Law School did not rescue us. The Council of Legal Education did not rescue us. We were released after our families and friends raised and paid the ransom.”

    He said: “I thought we would be killed, but they assured us they wouldn’t kill us.

    “When we met the earlier abductees, they had been there for 22 days and also confirmed the captors didn’t kill.

    “That was when my mind calmed down. The conditions were terrible.”

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     After they were released, they trekked for hours through the bush from Benue to Taraba, he said. They eventually got a public vehicle to take them to Yola. 

    Significantly, his account contradicted the statement issued by Benue Police Command spokesperson Udeme Edet, who said the police had “successfully rescued” six law students and they had been “safely released and united with their families” on the morning of August 1. The statement added: “Police authorities confirmed the rescue, assuring the public of their commitment to ensuring the safety of lives and property.”

    Rescue or ransom payment? This question comes up regularly regarding the resolution of kidnap cases in the country. Official narratives claiming kidnap victims were “rescued” by security personnel are often not credible.

    Against this background, the NOA’s claim that “175 kidnap victims were rescued” in July is unconvincing, especially because it was not supported with evidentiary details.  Also, the claim that “our security forces are reclaiming the peace” is far-fetched in the light of ongoing insecurity.  

    It is unclear how much impact has been made by the Special Intervention Squad inaugurated by the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, last year. He said it was created “to confront the most formidable challenges that beset our nation today — challenges like kidnapping, banditry, and other violent crimes that have sown discord and fear across various regions.”  Egbetokun also said the officers had been trained for “advanced tactical operations, intelligence gathering, crisis negotiation, and community engagement,” among others, and described their work as a “critical national assignment.”

    Interestingly, Issa-Onilu was reported saying the joint security press briefing will now be done monthly. In that case, the agency must ensure that it improves on the last one. It is not enough to reel out unsubstantiated statistics to arrive at undemonstrable conclusions.     

    The gravity of the country’s security crisis certainly demands more than official statements designed to reassure Nigerians about the government’s efforts. It’s not about claimed efforts but about results that are obvious and undeniable.  

    Established in 1993, NOA has the responsibility of “communicating government policy, promoting patriotism and providing a feedback channel on the mood/pulse of the Nigerian society to the government.”  It should, therefore, let the government know that Nigerians are unimpressed by the official statistics on the fight against insecurity, which do not match the observable reality.   

  • The Doyi(e)n

    The Doyi(e)n

    There are few personages in the history of journalism, or any profession, like Dr. Doyin Abiola. Yet in her hoary years, few media houses or journalists set her up as a reservoir. When she died though, we all drool with eulogies as to what loss she was.

    This essayist reflected on that when she paid a courtesy call on The Nation’s editorial board before the Covid-19 pandemic, and it was a fest of about an hour. Slight in build but inhabiting a dynamo and grace, Dr Abiola spoke modern media and journalism with us, and one takeaway I recall was her insistence that a media house should not operate without an ideological backbone.

    “Make sure you stand for something,” she barreled out in a thin voice.

    She knew about standing for something. In the hurly-burly of June 12, she was a sort of submarine in the struggle. She was not just the editor-in-chief of the Concord group of publications, she was an activist at war with atavists, against carriers of a foul tradition of fiefdoms and hegemonic thralldom, of entitled cabals who rewrote history with gunfire, and feuded with feudal rights.

    She looked contented that late morning in our boardroom, the same look I saw a few years earlier at an event at NIIA when she said the saga of the Concord newspapers was over, and new papers were on board, and we all should move on. In the language of Alfred Lord Tennyson, “though much is taken, much abides.”

    As a submarine, she had stopped firing. The major quarry, the man IBB and his cohorts, had fallen in the smoke.  It was a battle of a generation, and she played her role as a general.

    Few knew that she deployed the resources of the newspapers for the man’s election. The Concord was a fearsome campaign machine before and after the fabled polls, and she brought together the cream of the stable, on top and below, to play roles.

    She once boasted that her own organisation was as formidable and legit as any one deployed by the Hope ’93 organ, that is, Abiola’s campaign. The war chest was the Concord purse, and she did not have to borrow a kobo. She was running a media house awash with cash. She was not only a success as editor but as a manager. She knew her onions and she cut it so the scent rent the air.

    The adventure was to pauperise the organization since the military banned the paper, locked up her husband and scared a timid public of businesses and advertisers from patronizing an institution that fought for all. It is a lesson in Nigerian fickle faith and loyalty that must one day fancy historians of that era. If Concord fell, it was not Dr. Abiola’s doing. She made the sacrifice. She should belch with joy in her grave.

    That explains why she gave us that message about standing for something. She appointed me managing editor of Abuja Bureau during the election. Indeed, I passed the information of the annulment to her after our state house correspondent handed me the annulment “note” that had no letter head or signature. I called editor Nsikak Essien and he asked me to convey it myself to the editor in chief, perhaps because he felt it too hot for him or because he wanted her to hear it from the source.

    She insisted, after I told her, that I should read out the release. I could hear her heart sink. She blamed me the messenger for waiting for the release before letting her know. She knew the implication of the news. A struggle lay ahead. A fight of fury, a rumble of a military caste against a people’s case, of state power of craven men against the rage no one knew we could ever see in our civil society.

    Maybe because she was involved, the Dr. Abiola I knew before then showed only a little hint of the defiant. I recall when the same IBB proscribed the newspaper a few years before June 12, 1993, she never begged.

     When it was unbanned, she spoke in a note of granite feminine charm, “it is business as usual.” Nobody ever spoke back to the army in that tone. In the army, such rhetoric equals mutiny, and it came in a small female package.

    In the runup to June 12, she presided over a few editorials over IBB’s transition rigmarole. Her take was to guide, not condemn, and I saw the editorials as naïve, because they gave the army general a benefit of the doubt.

     In one of the editor’s meetings after one of such outings, she asked the editors in a tone of satiation what we thought of the editorial.

    The editorial board had the great Tom Borha – alias Tombee – as chairman and the members like Nnamdi Obasi, Segun Babatope, late Chike Akabogu as members.

     To her reply, most members on the editors meeting, which comprised editors of the major titles like Dele Alake of the Sunday paper, Mike Awoyinfa of Weekend Concord, Tunji Bello as political editor, and of course their deputies. I, perhaps, was the most junior at the meeting as deputy political editor before I was promoted as managing editor at Abuja. I often  raised my quiet reservation that was often explicit in my fulminating writings.

    In spite of my sometimes turbulent writings, she handled me with grace. Once I wrote a piece ribbing Awo’s daughter, Dr Tokunbo Awolowo-Dosunmu, for eyeing Lagos governorship  chair for the only reason that she was the sage’s daughter. The lady fumed, and called Dr. Abiola. Ever the diplomat, Dr. Abiola did not condemn my piece. She only said to leave the matter alone.

    A few days later, I was at the Law School graduation of my friend and now former director general of the Nigerian Governors’ Forum, A.B. Okauru. Senator Femi Ojudu, then of the African Concord, was with me. With a whiff of mischief, he told me he had sighted Dosunmu with our M.D., Dr. Abiola. He suggested we said hello to them. We did.

    “So, you are the Sam Omatseye,” she said looking at me from head to my shoes. She repeated the same words. A clever Abiola put her arms around her friend, and said, “We must resolve this issue today between you two.” She said those words while pulling her friend away. That was the end of the matter, although Awo’s daughter kept looking back at the brat who twitted her.

    Another editorial moment was when she ordered the press to stop one weekend after she read an article I wrote arguing that Nigeria had no founding fathers. She thought it was subversive. She never discussed it nor summoned me over the piece. I only heard of it from Bello, who, of course, saw nothing wrong with it.

    Yet, she was always ready to commend. I had in Abuja appeared on live television and posed a knotty question at a political event in which IBB and the top military brass were present.  The question that poked politicians and the transition programme resonated to my surprise. When I returned to Lagos, editor Essien told me the M.D. saw it and was impressed, and it was not long after I covered the military air crash at Ejigbo when soldiers gave me the Amakri treatment. She asked the personnel department to write me a commendation letter with a huge cash gift.

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    I cannot forget her empathy when she heard that two journalists, Chris Imodibie and Tayo Awotusin of the Guardian and Champion were missing in Liberian war zone. She had approved my travel. She asked Tombee if I had  traveled. If I hadn’t, the trip should be canceled. I had fantasies about writing among others, a story in the mould of my hero Roger Rosenblatt’s prize-winning Children of war. She saved my life.

    No one can talk of weekend journalism without Mike Awoyinfa, but it was a testament to her vision and her eye for talent. During editors’ meeting when she saw a fault in the paper, she would say, “Mike, you know Weekend Concord is my baby.” The same eye for talent made her pick Alake, a young 30-year-old as Sunday editor and Tunji Bello, even younger, as political editor. When she called Bello to her office to offer him that position, she had wondered whether he was not too young for it. Bello shot back with historical insight referring to William Pitt, who became prime minister of Great Brittain at 24. That was it.

    She loved intellectual exchanges. Quite a few times, she would see me in the hallway and would ask a few questions on the state of the political affairs, and we could stand for up to 30 minutes. At one time it was three of us, herself, Bello and I.

    After the paper was banned over June 12, I returned to Lagos, and I visited her at the Abiola residence on Bello’s suggestion. It was my only private visit to her one-bedroom apartment, tasteful and understated. I sat and we spoke on the roiling politics and the implication for the country. The big man suddenly materialized.

     “Sam, Sam,” he belched out in his deep voice, and he joined in the intellectual affray until I left. That was the last time I would stand with the June 12 patriarch, before that being when I was in Abuja and was about to walk into a lift, and viola, it was him and his security man coming out. “Sam, Sam,” he had bellowed out, and I became his hostage throughout the day. And he introduced me as “Concord landlord in Abuja” to his political guests of governors and senators all huddled in his Hilton suite.

    It was during the meeting in her home she hinted that I was the irritant voice always warning that IBB was not to be trusted and that he wanted to perpetuate himself in office.

    She said I was vindicated. Bello had informed me of her remark made in an editors’ meeting in Lagos.

    That was the quality of the gem we just lost. Some editors had a problem casting the headline: Was she Abiola’s wife or a doyen. No question, she was both, and that reinforces her mystique. As Poet Tennyson wrote, “I am part of all that I have met.” She was blessed to meet Abiola, and so was Abiola to have met her Doyin.

  • SNAPSONG 265

    SNAPSONG 265

    When NEPA kills the light
    It kills the Nation’s Light

    It is seven days now
    Since NEPA* last remembered our address
    We have wondered through its darkness
    Stumbling like a leaderless herd

    A sunless sky disabled the solar option
    As massive clouds sabotaged the refuge
    Of the lucky rich from gated condominiums
    To the haven of Eating Chiefs

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    Here like abandoned hordes we are
    Mouthing helpless supplications
    To Nigeria’s God of Darkness, our knees
    Bruised and blemished by listless begging

    A bedlam of roaring generators
    Belching fumes and toxic tar
    From factory-size monsters
    To I-beta-pass-my-neighbour junkies

    Generating more noise than light
    As the nation loses it hearing
    And its rulers’ golden edicts are
    Smothered by the chaos of long-time incompetence

    Dark nights, damaged days
    Humless factories, lightless labs
    We stumble through the chaos
    While blaming History for our millennian blindness

    NB: I composed this poem in Ibadan, like most of its ‘NEPA’ counterparts, on a darkness-disabled night, with the light of an imported torch.

    NEPA: National Electric Power Authority – the former name of Nigeria’s power ‘authority’.