The Nation Newspaper

Category: Columnists

Okon takes to the ceiling

May you live in interesting times, the Chinese, wise and inscrutable in their ways, often note with a wry chuckle. The children of Confucius have seen it all. There is nothing new under the sun. Civilizations come and go, leaving wonderful specimens of the human species. While female soccer divas are scaling new heights, Okon has been conquering the Atlas Mountain in his own way, this time around the kitchen ceiling. Yours sincerely noticed that the crazy chap has been behaving in a strange and unpredictable manner of late. After completing his daily chores, the weird one would disappear without apparently leaving the house. Yours sincerely decided to solve the mystery for himself. After due surveillance, the discovery was startlingly mundane. One evening, Okon was caught scrambling the ceiling in the kitchen in panic and fright.

“Okon, what is the meaning of all this nonsense?” snooper screamed at him as he peeped from an opening in the ceiling.

“ Ha oga meaning na menini for dem mala language”, the mad boy snorted.

Read Also: Isreal Okon crowned National Champion on Day 2 of 2025 trials

   “Meaning what?” yours sincerely raved, beside himself in rage.

   “Ha, oga no vex, I beg. As dem yeye Yoruba people dey say, the thing wey drive monkey come climb palm tree him still dey wait below palm tree”, the crazy boy rumbled.

“I am tired of this nonsense. Lamidi please bring me my shotgun”, snooper charged at Lamidi, the half-crazed violence-prone driver, a recuperating NNDP thug and veteran of the Wetie campaign.

    “Ha beere (big master in Yoruba) mi. No need to waste agba (bullet) on this Kukuruku. Make I bring my plier make I remove him blokos and him go dey dance super kelele” Lamidi droned as he began a traditional war dance. Sensing trouble, the loony began disembarking. “Mad person pass mad person. Make I come down” Okon whined.

   “You fit?” snooper sneered.

    “Oga na killer Yoruba I dey run from. You know say dem Obonge king for Ijebu come quench and na de time Yoruba people go dey hunt people, dem go dey catch dem, dem go kill dem and dem go dey whack dem from dem big pot”, the mad boy sang breathlessly as he fell on the kitchen floor with a thud.

   “Idiot!” snooper rumbled with a prolonged hiss as he retreated.

August 3, 2025
Constitutional matters II

All written constitutions have the American constitution as a reference document against which they can be judged. This is for no reason other than because it was the first written constitutionbto have been composed anywhere in the world. However, this does not excuse the close similarities between what was produced by the Americans in 1797 and that hand picked Nigerian committees in 1998. Putting the two documents side by side the charge of plagiarism against the Nigerians stands proven for all time. That in itself is enough to disqualify the Nigerian constitution as it is to act as a template for the governance of an ambitious country, not alone the star of Africa which we all liall to think Nigeria is. No wonder the Nigerian constitution is bereft of appreciation and respect. The consensus is that we have been wishing for a new and representative constitution ever since. This constitution has always been an excuse or an explanation for the failures which have dogged the nation since our reinstallation of democratic government and is likely to continue to strangle our development as a nation.

The obvious response to the problem which is the current Nigerian constitution, at leat as far as its most implacable critics are concerned, is outright demolition and replacement as it is not fit for purpose. However, there are those who think that there is room for extensive renovation through the attachment of Amendments. After all, the American version has no less than twenty-seven amendments, acquired over a period of more than two centuries. The Nigerian constitution may have as manh as twice that number in a tenth of that length of time, provided that it is functional. In that circumstance, the tail of amendments will soon be long enough to wag the dog to which it is attached. If the truth be told however, the main problem with the Nigerian constitution is the dishonesty attached to its composition.

The American constitution had a White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) base and was written from the point of view of a shared past. The colonisation of Northern America started from 1607 with the Puritans pushed by the winds of religious dissent sailing out of Plymouth to colonise a part of Massachusetts. The Quakers also sought refuge in Pennsylvania and the Catholics went on to Maryland. They were all escaping from persecution from the newly established Church of England, the Anglican Church which exercised both religious and political power over all the subjects of the king. They also cast themselves into the wilderness of colonial America in order to make money, lots of money to slay the ghost of poverty which had haunted them all their lives. Thousands of miles across the sea however, they were still subjects of the king and paid taxes into his coffers even as they were not represented in the councils of his distant realm. They chaffed under the authority of the king and their resentment continued to grow until it finally burst into the flames of the revolutionary war. A war which ended in an unexpected victory for the American rebels and their ragtag army. This was the background to the meeting of twelve of the original thirteen states to sit down together to write a constitution which was to govern their newly independent country.

Read Also: Constitutional matters

Reading through that constitution, it is clear that they were determined to prevent the development of a monarchy in the land, to ensure that power belonged to the people and was exercised by them to their individual benefit and not to any group of power brokers. Having felt the destructive tendencies of religion which had caused their ancestors to leave the land of their birth, they were fully determined to keep it out of the public space. The other important point of discussion was the right of states to govern themselves within a Federated republic, a right which each state was to guard jealously. They also laid down the guiding rules for elections to the offices of government from the lowly dog catcher in some backwoods settlement somewhere in the back of beyond to the President and Commander in chief. These guidelines have been polished by practice over the last two hundred and thirty years. They have survived a civil war, other wars all over the world including two world wars, serious racial tensions, drug use epidemics, bouts of economic depression, episodes of deplorable leadership and other serious challenges. They started out out as a backwoods, backward and depressed country and have grown to the largest economy in the world. All their activities have been regulated by their robust constitution aided by those twenty-seven amendments. All of them severely home-grown.

Nigeria has had four distinct constitutional constructs in a little over sixty years, none of them grounded in home soil, with the people gone missing in action. In a country in wrack and ruin we are going round flinging blame like confetti. When the opportunity came for the composition of a new constitution we resorted to cheap and blatant plagiarism in the hope that the second hand constitution would somehow get out of the woods through which have been wandering aimlessly.

If the truth be told it is apparent that we are yet to build a country fit for the talent which we have in abundance. Under present circumstances a new constitution is never going to be fit for use until we can find the bases for our existence as a country within which we can fulfill our undoubted potential. We are yet to come to terms with the demands of a federated state and are yet to start to apply our intellect to chart a course for our development.

Ask most people about the desired complexion of our federation and you are likely to be told that we should go back to the regionalism which was shredded by the military way back in 1966. My memories of that period does not chime with the expectations which are now ringing round our collective ears. It is becoming clearer that the minor successes of regional government which are being touted abroad now were due to the after taste of colonial inheritance rather than any intrinsic characteristics of the structure of our governance. Even at that time most of our leaders were on the track of their respective personal ambitions. They were therefore determined to secure their regional fiefdoms whilst poaching some underhand support from some parts of other regions. As in the days of frank colonialism the regions were still dependent on agricultural products for whatever was needed to run regional economies at a time when cocoa, Palm oil and groundnuts were fetching premium prices on the world market. The military could hardly believe their luck when crude oil was turned to black gold on their watch and the indigenization of the commanding heights of the economy went on furiously to the detriment of real economic development. With the sound of petrodollars ringing in their ears, they were reluctant to leave the stage to their civilian counterparts to take their share at what was left in the national feeding trough. When they were finally persuaded to leave, they left behind the overly expensive presidential system which was, as with a lot of other stuff, imported lock, stock and barrel from the USA. All efforts to domesticate this beast has failed woefully. The Americans devised that system of government in order to curtail the power of their president and subordinate the operation of the state apparatus to the people. In the case of the Nigerian state, the power of the presidency is out of all proportion to what is available to the people. Furthermore, the perquisites attached to the Nigerian presidency are so attractive that the heavy responsibilities of the office are no longer a deterrent to adventurers looking for thrills. It is looking increasingly clear that only old men, with any hope of becoming the president are those who are past the age of retirement from all other forms of useful employment. This is why there is a long line of geriatrics queuing up for what is essentially a job for the young and agile. The American president, tied up as he is by the bounds of the American constitution, must be casting envious eyes across the sea at the unfettered powers at the disposal of his imperial majesty, the president of Nigeria.

August 3, 2025
My dream Ekiti on the bounce – Thanks to BAO

No, Ekiti streets are not paved with gold nor are all the roads yet what Ekitikete desire as that is work in progress.

But what today is the use of a glittering 8 – lane express road to Gazans in the face of a ferocious, murderous Netanyahu and his killing armada or to Libya, Afghanistan or Yemen where peace has long taken flight? For me peace trumps infrastructure, necessary as they are.

Although the chaos which politics engendered in pre- BAO Ekiti may not have been comparable to the utter chaos in the afore- mentioned countries, it was enough to gift Ekiti a one- day governor, an inchoate, and therefore, totally meaningless impeachment, several assassinations and attempted assassinations, not to mention the sheer impossibility of accomplishing the necessary socio- economic development those many years would have witnessed.

These are the negativities BAO’s ingenuity, and good breeding, not a prophet or any divination, has seen banished from Ekiti in a short space of two years.

One is not suggesting here that there should hsve been no political opposition or contestation, but no state, no matter how well endowed, could have prospered with the completely atrocious inter and intra- party politics which predominated Ekiti in those years when some senior members of the same party, talk less of opposing parties, were not on talking terms and every election cycle was the equivalent of war, as former President Obasanjo famously defined the elections over which he superintended.

Read Also: Ekiti 2026: INEC warns against underage, multiple voters’ registration

To properly situate the period under review, and the rationale for the caption of this article, I crave the reader’s indulgence to go back all the way to my article of 3 April, 2014 which, I believe, succinctly described the archetypical socio-political conundrum which predominated the state.

Titled ‘Of Impunity and Lies as Campaign Strategy” (slightly edited), it reads:

“Fehingbepon and ‘Tipa ti kuku’ are two Yoruba words that not only have the same etymology but, indeed, mean about the same thing – i.e impunity. They are words that best describe the PDP attitude to elections in Nigeria, especially in Yoruba land, with Ekiti as the cynosure.

That was what President Obasanjo deployed in having PDP declared victorious in elections in the state just as it underpinned ‘Mama Ayoka’s macabre dance of ‘conscienceless conscience’ in the Bye -election of 2009. It was the same philosophy which underpinned the late Buruji Kashamu’s ‘I will make Ekiti an example’ speech in Ibadan. They were equally the days when the shoeless President Goodluck Jonathan, having bought into Obasanjo’s ‘Tipa ti kuku’ satanic strategy, made elections in the entire Southwest, not just Ekiti, a killing fiesta as we saw in the election that produced Olagunsoye Oyinlola as governor of Osun state.

There were many more of such Jonathan’s schemes against mainstream Yoruba interests, an example being his deployment of his two new ministers, of Yoruba extraction, to security portfolios.

By then, he had already begun a massive funding of his captured wing of Afenifere for overt purposes to which elements of Labour and Accord were also allegedly financially induced.

Arrests of APC leaders and supporters in Ekiti by the police on spurious charges are most likely to begin ahead the elections, just as the PDP intends to embark on a massive buying of voters cards. This, in particular, should tell Nigerians where the billions being daily stolen are headed.

As earlier mentioned, PDP is relying on ‘Tipa ti kuku’ which is being stream rolled, like a war machine, direct from the Villa. What to expect: courtesy the presidency, INEC and all the security agencies will now kowtow to the PDP. The President has started that process by making the ministry of Police Affairs hereditary to the Southwest.

The compromised man in charge will do just about anything he is directed to do. In collusion with INEC, they will do everything to rig in the remote areas, the police and other security agencies will have instructions to overlook their evil machinations. On election day, APC strongholds will be deprived of ballot papers and when materials come at all, they will arrive late, and in insufficient numbers. Even at its topmost level, PDP will not shy away from asking INEC to simply announce its candidate the winner, boasting: ‘nothing will happen”.

I was not going to remain silent in the face of this sheer cruelty and approaching danger confronting ekiti

in an election year.

I therefore wrote to Ekiti’s leading members of the senior bar (SANS), namely, Chief Wole Olanipekun, Elder Dele Adesina and Mr Femi Falana, all of who I had intended to bring under the leadership of Professor Akin Oyebode, urging them to take some urgent, pro active steps to ensure that Ekiti avoids the looming catastrophe, a catastrophe which seems inevitable should election take place under current circumstances.

To the last man, they all demurred, not wanting to intervene in an Ekiti politics that had become brutally toxic.

As patriotic and respected Ekitis in their own right, I agreed with their position and, therefore, no longer contacted Professor Oyebode.

In fairness to the three distinguished gentlemen, politics in Ekiti had become so cantankerous there was no way they could have left unblemished, no matter what they told the feuding politicians.

Nor would that be my last effort at trying to bring a modicum of peace to Ekiti politics.

On 7 June, 2015, consequent upon the crisis that erupted after the 2014 elections which Fayose won, but ACN members of the state House of Assembly were insistent on impeaching him,

I wrote again as follows: “I therefore did not stop at just writing the article but went ahead to contact, not less than 15 highly regarded Ekiti leaders and distinguished individuals, whose names I need not mention here, to help in facilitating a ‘modus vivendi’, an entente of sorts, between the warring politicians for the sake of Ekiti in general. Underpinning this move was my belief that four years is not eternity, and that governor Fayose would not rule for ever, nor will Ekiti vaporize at the end of his four years.

One direct result of the contacts was the joint meeting of the Ekiti Elders committee and the rump of the Committee for the creation of Ekiti state, convoked by Chief Deji Fasuan to address the issues raised in my article.

Also, Aare Afe Babalola would later, but on his own, call another Elders meeting which, unfortunately got stalemated.

From that point on, the pugilists were left to their own devices but with the swearing in of the new PDP controlled House of Assembly, impeaching governor Ayo Fayose by the now former APC – controlled House of Assembly, had become an impossibility.

But for all Ekiti stakeholders -the political parties and Ekiti people at large, it would have been the very height of an illusion to think that was the end of our problems in the state.

Which was why I again counseled as follows in another article: “Honestly speaking, effective from today, given the Supreme Court decision, I will candidly advise as follows: Let everybody, party and individuals, reach a consensus that governor Fayose would run his full term. Let him in turn climb down from his high horse and promise that henceforth, he will conduct Ekiti affairs peaceably. Let him try everything to return peace to Ekiti.

On the other hand, let the G.19 drop the impeachment process completely in the full knowledge that four years, even ten, is not a life time. We cannot fight one another forever as we have done for the last 10 years at the expense of the state’s overall development. It is time to sheath our swords.

The governor must genuinely set out to restore peace to Ekiti.

He should use his victory at the Supreme court to usher in peace in Ekiti. Ekiti has lost a lot. We have become the butt of jokes all over Nigeria.

Let him initiate a rapprochement, first with all the former governors, and then, with Ekiti leading lights across board. Let the interest of Ekiti take centre stage. He must make the first move for others, our Obas and leading lights in commerce and community as well as the people, in general, to join him in starting a new era of peace and understanding in Ekiti.

I have been a constant critic of Governor Fayose but all that is now in the past. We must now put a closure to all that for the sake of Ekiti. Indeed, as a result of my many articles on Ekiti, my colleagues on The Nation’s commentariat nick- named me the Ekiti columnist. For me it was all worth it. Today that dream has become a reality as BAO has united all his predecessors and they are all now, together, focused on the state’s development.

As God would have it, Governor Fayose can, with considerable justification, be described as the cheerleader of Governor Oyebanj’s ramifying peace momentum.

I have gone to all this length to show that my commendation of BAO’s gritty peace efforts is not a flash in the pan; rather it comes straight from my heart and, without a scintilla of doubt, I believe that he will achieve sustainable peace in Our Land of Honour during his imminent secopnd term.

August 3, 2025
Hearty congratulations to Erelu Bisi Fayemi

Even while not unduly perturbed at Dr Kayode Fayemi’s absence at the endorsement rally in Ado- Ekiti for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Biodun Oyebanji last week because I know he attended an earlier one for the duo in Ado – Ekiti, I still reached out to him to ask why?

This was largely because of the spurious things I was reading on social media.

Read Also: Erelu Bisi Fayemi: Senior Advocate of the women fold

The truth of the needless brouhaha, however, was that while tongues were wagging ignorantly in Lagos, and elsewhere, but certainly not in Ekiti where those who should know already knew – both Otunba Niyi Adebayo and Governor Oyebanji announced his apologies – Dr Fayemi was in Cairo, Egypt, to witness his wife, Erelu Bisi Fayemi, proudly receive the award of Africa’s most prestigious prize in philanthropy – the African Philanthropy Lifetime Achievement Prize at the African Philanthropy Conference in Cairo, the day after the endorsement rally. This was in recognition of Erelu’s over three decades of exceptional contributions to social change philanthropy on the continent and globally but especially for her pioneering work in co-founding and running the African Women’s Development Fund (AWDF) twenty five years ago. Although the recipient of several honours in the field of philanthropy, including the David Rockefeller Bridging the Gap Award of the Synergos Institute, USA, and the Sigrid Rausing Foundation prize in the UK, this award represents the crowning glory of all her years in social change philanthropy. And with this recognition, she joins a stellar list of winners since the establishment of the prize in 2019 including Mrs Graca Machel, Dr Akwasi Aidoo, Dr Gerry Salole and Dr Tade Aina – all well known exemplars in the field of philanthropy.

I heartily congratulate both her, and her very supportive husband on this August occasion

August 3, 2025
Mai Gaskiya: The life andtimes of Muhammadu Buhari (2)

It is not in doubt that many of us had the impression of a Buhari as a leader driven by genuine concern for the nation’s welfare, one naturally reinforced by his lifestyle and personal conduct. Unlike many political figures who accumulated wealth and lived ostentatiously even under his watch, Buhari’s approach to life contrasted such and combined with his military background and reputation for integrity, created a unique political persona that resonated with millions of Nigerians who had grown weary of corruption and misgovernance.

Sadly his war against corruption was much truncated with Nigerians not getting much the results they had been promised. First, certain persons in the Buhari administration tinkered with the administration’s resolve by using their office to shield or frustrate attempts to properly prosecute those with charges of corruption. Likewise, the courts rather than serve as grounds for obtaining justice gave those charged adjournments, entertained frivolous appeals, and allowed one or two technicalities to determine cases with judgements that let off one too many persons who siphoned the nation’s resources.

On insecurity, Buhari had talked tough whilst campaigning in 2015, on assumption of office the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast had reached alarming proportions, with the terrorist group controlling significant territory and creating a humanitarian crisis. The administration’s military strategy, combined with improved intelligence gathering and regional cooperation, succeeded in degrading Boko Haram’s capabilities significantly. While the group remained a threat throughout his tenure, the restoration of government authority over previously lost territories represented a meaningful achievement.

However, Buhari’s presidency also witnessed the emergence of new security challenges, including escalating farmer-herder conflicts, banditry in the Northwest, and separatist agitations in the Southeast. These multifaceted security issues proved more complex than anticipated, revealing the limitations of purely military solutions to problems with deep socioeconomic roots. The administration’s response to these challenges was often criticized as inadequate or biased, highlighting the difficulty of governing a diverse nation with competing interests and historical grievances.

Read Also: Buhari: Gambian President Adama Barrow pays condolence visit

The economy served as Buhari’s most complex challenge. His administration inherited an economy heavily dependent on oil revenues and facing significant structural imbalances. The commitment to economic diversification, while conceptually sound, faced implementation challenges that limited its effectiveness. The administration’s emphasis on infrastructure development, particularly in transportation and power generation, represented genuine attempts to address fundamental constraints on economic growth.

Also the introduction of social intervention programs, including conditional cash transfers and school feeding programs, demonstrated awareness of the need to address poverty and inequality directly. However, economic growth remained sluggish for much of his tenure, unemployment increased, and Nigeria experienced two recessions. Critics argued that some economic policies, particularly the administration’s approach to exchange rate management and trade restrictions, hindered rather than helped economic recovery.

An honest assessment of Buhari’s life as an officer, military ruler, politician and civilian president must acknowledge that despite his good intentions for the Nigerian people he by virtue of being first a human had significant shortcomings. Again, the man was unjustly perceived as an ethnic and religious bigot and some of his actions lent credence to them such as his appointments in office as a civilian leader and some of his utterances, however to cast Muhammadu Buhari in such mould is to be unfair to a man who in the aftermath of the civil war treated his Biafran comrades at arms with the utmost form of dignity and this was at the height of the war, one who looked twice to the SouthEast region whilst shopping for running mates and one who gave every region a sense of belonging in his eight years.

Buhari’s approach to civil liberties and press freedom as a military head of state contrasted deeply with his time as civilian president, though there were a few infringements the general on much occasions played by the rule book.

Despite these challenges, Buhari’s presidency left a substantial infrastructure legacy that will benefit Nigeria for decades. The completion of major railway projects, including the Lagos-Ibadan and Abuja-Kaduna rail lines, represented significant achievements in transportation infrastructure. I cannot forget to mention the Second Niger Bridge and a number of interventions by the Buhari administration in the SouthEast region, this is a bridge that the Obasanjo, Yar Adua and Jonathan administrations had gyrated about for 16 years with little or nothing to show for it , a man unfairly trolled as a hater of the Igbo nation started and completed in eight years. Similarly, improvements in power generation capacity and the construction of roads and bridges across the country created a foundation for future economic growth.

The administration’s focus on agriculture, while not achieving all its objectives, helped reduce Nigeria’s dependence on food imports and improved food security in several sectors. The Anchor Borrowers’ Programme and other agricultural initiatives demonstrated a recognition that economic diversification required deliberate policy interventions and sustained investment.

What ultimately distinguished Buhari’s presidency was the consistency between his personal values and his public service. Throughout his tenure, there were no credible allegations of personal enrichment or corruption against him personally. This integrity, while sometimes accompanied by rigidity in policy implementation, established a standard of conduct that contrasted sharply with many of his predecessors.

Future leaders can learn from both Buhari’s successes and failures. His anti-corruption efforts showed the importance of institutional reform, while his communication challenges highlighted the need for better public engagement. His infrastructure achievements demonstrated what focused government investment could accomplish, while his economic struggles revealed the importance of comprehensive policy coordination.

The man who repeatedly sought the presidency out of genuine concern for Nigeria’s welfare, who maintained his integrity throughout his tenure, and who ultimately respected democratic norms by peacefully transferring power, leaves a legacy that transcends partisan politics. Muhammadu Buhari may not have solved all of Nigeria’s problems, but he approached them with sincerity and determination that future leaders would do well to emulate. His greatest contribution may ultimately be the demonstration that principled leadership, even with its limitations, remains possible in Nigerian politics.

August 3, 2025
Resurgent PDP

It can be safely claimed that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has finally re-established its bearing as a consequential party. This was amply demonstrated in the Consultative Conference of PDP Founding Fathers and Stakeholders which held at the Nigeria Airforce Conference Centre, Abuja, on 23 July, 2025, and was convened by Professor Jerry Gana, a member of the Board of Trustees (BoT) of the party who is also a former Minister of Information and National Orientation in the PDP-controlled administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo. The theme of the conference was “Reclaiming our Legacy, Renewing our Collective Vision.”

In his welcome address, Professor Jerry Gana invited the party stalwarts “very graciously, on behalf of all of us who are Founding Fathers representing our elders here, to kindly join me to really thank the Acting National Chairman for bearing the burdens. … Put your hands together for the Acting National Chairman and the Acting National Secretary. … Thank you very, very much.” The conference was also an occasion for reliving PDP’s glorious days and expressing commitment to repositioning the party.

Professor Gana then said, regarding the crises rocking the party and the defections to other parties by some erstwhile members: “We are pleased to reaffirm to all of you and to Nigerians that the Peoples Democratic Party is alive, is flourishing, is mobilising, is moving. … The PDP is alive. … We are remaining in PDP. We are progressing in PDP. We are mobilising in PDP, and we are going to win in PDP.”

He continued: “In forming the Peoples Democratic Party in 1998, the Founding Fathers were profoundly moved by timeless principles, deep-rooted values and fundamental objectives. Those leaders [did] not gather just to capture power. That is what other people do. They just gather to capture power. We were not gathering to capture power. We had very clear ideals and values and principles.” He specified these as follows: “The first two were really to terminate military rule in Nigeria and to restore democracy. … And the second part of it was really to ensure that civilian rule can be authoritative … so that the people can really enjoy.”

Read Also: 2027: PDP shops for viable candidate against Tinubu

Furthermore, Professor Jerry Gana said: “Hope is not lost. A new PDP is emerging. A new PDP is being reformed. It’s going to be responsive. It’s going to give excellent leadership. It’s going to move things forward. We shall not rest until Nigeria is rescued, until our economy works, until our schools and hospitals function, until security is restored, until our democracy thrives, until our national economy transforms and really creates wealth so that poverty is banished from the Federal Republic of Nigeria. By the grace of God, we shall rise again…. And we shall triumph.”

In his remarks, the Acting National Chairman of the PDP, Ambassador Umar Damagun, said: “This gathering is more than symbolic. It is an affirmation that the Peoples Democratic Party is alive, resolute, and focused on reclaiming its rightful place at the centre of Nigeria’s political life. … Like any living institution, we have faced internal rifts, betrayals, and moments of national disappointment. In 2013, we witnessed one of such practices that shook us to our very core. A group of party leaders walked away from our party seeking new alliances. Today, we witness yet another. But history reminds us that splinters may form, but they do not define the tree.”

Ambassador Damagun continued: “We are not easily shaken, because our roots run deep. The PDP offers more than a political structure. It embodies ideological clarity, resilience of spirit and the staying power to stand and overcome turbulent winds. But we must also confront the hard truth. Much of the injury the PDP has suffered has been self-inflicted from the Obasanjo era to this moment. We have often jettisoned ideology in favour of personal ambition.”

He then reassured: “However, let it be said and known that our doors remain open to those who wish to return. … Our past has proven that self-inflicted wounds can be healed. If we return to our core and rise above personal interest, there remains a bright and redemptive future for the PDP and Nigeria. I want … to tell our members, ‘PDP is one.’ If you belong to PDP, you belong to PDP. You can’t have two parties at a time. You either stay or leave us in peace.”

Bauchi State Governor, Bala Muhammed, who is also the Chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum, also said: “Even our elders that have gone, we don’t want to diminish them. We don’t want to denigrate them or abuse them. We we are telling them with humility, ‘Come back.’ That’s what the National Chairman has said. ‘Come back. This is the house we have built where there are governors, where there are senators, members of the Houses, Speakers, offices, Local Government Chairmen. You are going to a party that has no office. How is that smart?’”

Governor Bala Muhammed continued: “But certainly, as the Chairman has said, we cannot take indiscipline to a level where it becomes contagious. If you are in PDP, you are in PDP. You cannot be in PDP and be in the coalition or another party. … You cannot belong to two places. You cannot be a hermaphrodite. You cannot be a man and a woman at the same time. PDP is a man, and we are moving.”

Governor Muhammed also noted: “But we will still give you opportunity to have a [rethink], because you are our leaders. But if you are going, don’t demarket us. Demarketing the PDP is not fair. Most of you actualised your political aspirations through this party. Some of them left us and caused our loss in 2015, and yet we accommodated them and they left and came back. Some of them became governors and some of them took tickets. This is PDP for you. It is only in PDP you get that [kind of accommodation].”

In his goodwill message, former Senate President Bukola Saraki said: “I think it was Victor Hugo who said that there’s nothing like an idea whose time has come. This meeting has come at the right time and that is why I thank you all for organising it, because it is time for us to write our own story. It is time for us to provide direction for this great party. For many, they have already buried this party before now. But your presence here speaks volumes that nobody is going to bury this party. We are going to rescue this party.”

Senator Saraki continued: “Yes, the party will have its challenges and is having its challenges. But the question we should ask is ‘Should we abandon this party because of these challenges?’ Yes, mistakes have been made in the past, but the question still is: ‘Should we abandon this party?’ I stand here as someone who has experienced being in this party and not being in this party. I stand here as somebody who left this party with anger. Anger does not provide purpose to leadership. A lot of people who are leaving the party now are leaving with anger. … Yes, we have problems. But the other parties we’re talking about also have problems. … So, what are they offering Nigerians that PDP cannot offer?”

The former Kaduna State Governor Ahmed Makarfi, who is also a former Senator and a former National Chairman of the PDP, in his remarks, provided the following perspective: “You see, we had internal issue, not because we hate each other, [but having] to do with the office of the National Secretary. It took legal issues [and] INEC regulation issues. Leaders said: ‘Look, let’s not walk into a trap. What does the law say? What does INEC regulation say?’ And when we saw it clearly, we said: “Let’s bury the hatchet. Let’s move to our convention united, and elect new national officers that will drive the party.’”

The former Niger State Governor Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu also remarked: “… many a time, if you don’t look at your little history, you would be repeating the same problem. And I heard both the Chairman and the Chairman of the Governors’ Forum [being] very diplomatic, and [saying] ‘Come back. Come back.’ No, you don’t invite nomadic politicians back to your place. These were people with the history of nomadism. … We cannot keep on knowing that the black sheep in the family keeps on destroying whatever we’re building and then [keep saying] ‘Come back.’”

He also pointed out: “Our party is not just to win elections. The party is also to ensure the culture of sane, real, principled politics. So, even if we don’t win elections but we are one united, principled party, we will be recognised. Please let us pay attention to what we should be doing rather than looking at those people who will never, never, ever think of you, but only think of themselves.”

The major test of the strength of the resurgent PDP would come in the form of how the leaders address “the Wike issue”. There is the tendency for some people to declare, without discernment, that the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, Barrister Nyesom Wike, is the problem or main problem of the PDP. When on 11 July, 2025, an impassioned young female ARISE News interviewer, expressed impatience with PDP’s handling of the Wike issue ‘with kid gloves’, the elderly, experience-rich Chief Bode George, a member of the BoT of the party, responded: “He is also a member of the Board of Trustees. So, you just don’t fire people of that status. … We had had to bend over backwards.”

Moreover, in a 31 July, 2025 Arise News interview with former Governor Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu, he noted with respect to indiscipline within the party: “There are many people in the PDP we should have suspended or dismissed. But we are so incapable, because they have been able to use money to penetrate all the organs of the party, and now we are trying to get it back together. And our frustration is that the people that would have joined hands together to get this party in a better form are the ones who are running away.”

From all indications, the resurgent PDP seems to be a party of the future, with that future, all things being equal, starting from 2031. In the interim, the capacity of the current leaders of the party to stay the course would be put under sustained test. At present, PDP is a dazed party, but given how upbeat key participants at the Jerry-Gana-convened conference were, it is a stupor with an expiry date; and even that date can be brought forward with focus, tenacity and self-sacrifice.

August 3, 2025
Tinubu has built the runway, now governors must let the people fly

It began with celebration and ended with conviction. From the emotional highs of the Super Falcons’ historic 10th WAFCON triumph in Morocco to a decisive week of statecraft in Abuja, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu sustained a hectic but profoundly symbolic week of leadership. It was a week where he moved from encouraging sporting excellence to institutionalising grassroots economic empowerment, all while pressing Nigeria’s governors to shift from political posturing to practical delivery.

While Monday was reserved for adulation and joy, Thursday was about reckoning. The President, in full command of both the emotional and policy arenas of governance, met with the National Economic Council (NEC) and did not mince words. He tasked the governors—many of whom had enjoyed soaring revenues in recent months—to match his administration’s macroeconomic victories with tangible action at the lowest levels of society. His charge was direct: let the wealth flow down to the wards, to the very soil of the republic and let the poor breathe.

The outcome was the formal endorsement of the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme—a bold, sweeping initiative designed to drill the gains of Nigeria’s recovering economy directly into the country’s 8,809 wards. This was not mere policy theorising. This was Tinubu forcing the hand of the political class to embrace real federalism through shared economic responsibility.

Governor Hope Uzodinma of Imo State, speaking after the NEC meeting, captured the moment succinctly: “The President came up with a programme that will fast-track the process of this additional money creating a bigger impact on Nigerians by making sure that it trickles down to the grassroots.” That is Tinubu’s central thesis—economic reform means little unless it is felt in homes, farms, workshops, and marketplaces across Nigeria.

To be clear, President Tinubu’s economic reforms are no longer speculative theories—they are validated and praised by global institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), in its 2025 Article IV Consultation, applauded Nigeria’s post-subsidy macroeconomic recalibration. Higher federation revenues, a stabilised naira, and increased oil output are signs of renewed strength. But Tinubu knows what the people feel is more important than what analysts write.

So when he stood before governors last week, it wasn’t to revel in progress—it was to press for delivery.

And that’s where the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme breaks the mold. Anchored by the Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, this plan targets 1,000 economically active individuals in each ward, empowering them to drive local production, generate employment, and combat poverty from the bottom up. This is the economics of empowerment, not entitlement. This is Tinubu saying: “I have built the runway; now let your people fly.”

As Minister Atiku Bagudu rightly observed, “Having stabilised the macroeconomy, the next step is to drill down development to the lowest levels.” And there’s no lower and more foundational unit in Nigeria’s political structure than the ward. If democracy must serve, let it begin at the roots. This is the constitutional vision that President Tinubu is resurrecting, inspired by Chapter Two of the 1999 Constitution which mandates all governments to ensure the prosperity and welfare of the people.

Read Also: Onuesoke faults Kwakwanso’ claim on Tinubu’s alleged marginalisation of North

But Thursday’s NEC meeting was only the climax of a persistent campaign that had begun even before Tinubu became President and recalled just a week earlier at the APC National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting. There, President Tinubu spoke bluntly to the governors elected under the ruling party’s platform. “Nigerians are still complaining at the grassroots,” he declared. “You have to wet the grass more”. In one poetic turn of phrase, he laid bare the imbalance between macroeconomic gains and microeconomic experience.

He has been consistent in this. From urging states to deploy new federal revenues more creatively to calling for more state-level investment in food security and security infrastructure, Tinubu has never hidden his view that Nigeria’s true development lies beyond Abuja. It lies in the hinterlands—in places often forgotten once elections end.

Last week, the President took one more step in closing that governance gap. He made it clear that the era of “federated aloofness” is over. Every tier of government must co-own and co-drive development. The federal government alone cannot bear the burden of revitalising the nation.

Yet, amid all the weighty statecraft and strategic reform, President Tinubu did not forget to celebrate national excellence. If his Thursday at the NEC was about lifting people out of poverty, his Monday was about lifting the nation’s spirit.

When the victorious Super Falcons landed in Abuja fresh from their dramatic 3-2 WAFCON final win in Rabat, it wasn’t just a football team returning—it was national inspiration on parade. And Tinubu gave them a welcome worthy of history. Not only did he fulfil his promise to receive them personally at the State House, but he also institutionalised a reward culture that recognises achievement and inspires future greatness.

Each of the 24 players and 11 coaching crew received the national honour of Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON), a three-bedroom apartment under the Renewed Hope Housing Scheme, and the Naira equivalent of $100,000 and $50,000 respectively. That’s N4.5 billion worth of appreciation (for the cash gifts)—not just in cash, but in the value it signals.

“You have inspired millions,” Tinubu told them, his voice thick with emotion. “You have inspired me, too. It’s great for a nation to have assets that are the hope of today, tomorrow, and the day after. You represent that hope”. This wasn’t just a reward; it was a cultural statement. In this administration, excellence is no longer overlooked.

He joked about his own nerves during the match, how he almost couldn’t bear to watch, and how the First Lady nearly abandoned his dinner for the final. But in those light moments, the gravity of his leadership shone through. He had not just celebrated a win; he had elevated the team into enduring symbols of national pride and possibility.

His Unyielding Commitment to Reform and Inclusion

Meanwhile, last week, President Tinubu demonstrated once again that his brand of leadership is rooted not in rhetoric but in deliberate action. From celebrating excellence in sports and youth service to tightening the bolts of institutional reform and national inclusion, the President kept faith with his Renewed Hope Agenda and did much more.

For instance on Monday, besides honouring victorious Super Falcons, Tinubu also celebrated seasoned Lagos politician, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro, praising his decades of dedication to public service. On Tuesday, he gave a historic lift to youth development by awarding automatic federal employment, ₦250,000, and PhD scholarships to 200 outstanding NYSC members—an unprecedented move that speaks volumes about his belief in generational renewal.

Wednesday took a political turn, as the President received Hon. Abdulmumin Jibrin, an ally of Kwankwaso, in what may be the opening act of a broader realignment ahead of 2027. Yet, Tinubu showed no sign of pausing for political drama. That same day, he activated the leadership machinery for the Ogoni Federal University, empowering a long-overlooked region with transformative education infrastructure.

By Thursday, governance took centre stage. He extended the tenure of Customs CG Bashir Adeniyi to consolidate reforms, chaired a consequential FEC meeting that greenlit ₦213.7 billion in electrification projects, and kickstarted a bold ₦900 billion aviation overhaul. Before these these, he had swore in Hon. Nnana Uzor Kalu as National Assembly Service Commission (NASC) Commissioner and mourned a fallen statesman; Caleb Olubolade, who served at different time, in different capacities, in the Federal Executive Council.

And on Friday, the President turned to Nigeria’s most vocal generation—digital influencers. He challenged them to build, not break; to verify, not vilify. His message was clear: the future is now, and it is theirs to shape—with truth, unity, and responsibility. Tinubu isn’t merely governing—he is leading with purpose.

Indeed, it is this duality—policy reform and human celebration—that defines Tinubu’s governance. He understands that numbers must walk in tandem with narratives. That a government must both feed the body and lift the soul. In one week, he led an economic transformation agenda and made sports heroes of our daughters. That is the balance of leadership.

But now the governors must step up. President Tinubu has opened the door to wealth redistribution by stabilising Nigeria’s macroeconomic landscape. He has secured federation revenues, liberalised forex, and begun correcting the country’s fiscal posture. But if the wards—the beating hearts of Nigeria’s communities—do not benefit, the gains will ring hollow.

The Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme is not just another federal policy. It is a clarion call to state governments: the era of blaming Abuja is over. The President has brought Nigeria to a turning point, but the states must walk the people across it.

No governor, no local council chairman, no party leader has an excuse anymore. The roadmap has been drawn. The resources are flowing. The people are watching.

As the President said “we must invest more. Not just in infrastructure, but in our people.” He is doing just that—one ward, one policy, one celebration at a time.

So, whether it is through rewarding the Super Falcons or realigning national revenue to touch the poor, Bola Ahmed Tinubu is proving that governance must be both compassionate and consequential. He has moved the conversation from politics to performance.

And now, the rest of Nigeria’s political class must catch up. The time of excuses is over. The age of delivery has begun.

Dr Leon Usigbe: A Torchbearer Now at Rest

In the often unforgiving world of journalism, where deadlines chase by the minute and truth must be pursued through storms, Dr Leon Habby Usigbe stood tall—a dependable compass of clarity, courage, and quiet conviction. News of his passing on Friday, July 25, at the age of 62, struck a chilling chord through the corridors of the State House and among colleagues nationwide.

‘Dr Leon’, as he was fondly called by those who knew him—whether colleague or President—was more than the Bureau Chief of the Nigerian Tribune in Abuja; he was the embodiment of principled reporting. Sharp-witted and ethically grounded, he chronicled power not to flatter it, but to question it, always in service of the people’s right to know.

He was a familiar and respected presence in the State House Press Corps. One of the oldest among us, yet the fastest on the keys, Leon showed that professionalism never ages. He typed with the urgency of a cub reporter and the wisdom of a newsroom elder. His spirit was undimmed by time.

Beyond the beat, he was a family man, disciplined, health-conscious, and personable—a standard many of us quietly admired. That his departure came amid a perplexing battle with unclear ailments only deepens the ache of our loss.

For me, his death is personal. From Port Harcourt to Abuja, we shared more than bylines—we shared a bond.

Sleep on, Dr Leon. The newsroom mourns, the nation remembers. And we, your friends, will not forget.

August 3, 2025
SDP sensationalises el-Rufai’s expulsion

WHEN he finally makes up his mind to say something on his expulsion from the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and 30-year ban for antiparty activities and impersonation, former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai should dismiss his tormentors’ presumptuousness and follow it up by accusing the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) as the chief instigator of the disciplinary action purportedly taken against him. After all, it is in his nature to look for scapegoats anytime he is cornered, since he does not ever accept responsibility for his actions. Some members of the Kaduna chapter of the party have come to his aid, arguing that he properly registered as a member in the state; but it is not clear that their efforts will be far-reaching enough to offer him the relief he seeks. When he peremptorily defected to the party from the APC months ago, he had hoped that his co-travellers, former vice president Atiku Abubakar and Rotimi Amaechi, among others, would follow suit. But those ones were more cautious and calculating than Mallam el-Rufai was angry.

More and more, it is beginning to look like the problem is personified by the controversial Mallam el-Rufai, the Kaduna gadfly who flies off the handle at the least provocation. He is reinforcing the suspicion, if not conclusion, that whatever he touches becomes controversial – indeed, that his very presence anywhere is tantamount to controversy. Even though the former Kaduna governor has dithered in his association with the much-ballyhooed African Democratic Congress (ADC) as the final special purpose vehicle destination for Alhaji Atiku’s presidential ambition, the acrimony within the SDP has all but made it clear that the so-called mega coalition to fight President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 election will never berth in the SDP. ADC may be rife with its own legal conundrums and administrative lacunae, but the SDP is now in obviously much worse condition than probably any other fringe party intent on prostituting itself for the next polls. The reasons are not far-fetched.

Read Also: SDP disowns El-Rufai, says ex-Gov not a member

When he began associating with the SDP, Mallam el-Rufai immediately postured as the soul and nerve of the fringe party. He dictated what they should do, and because he is naturally outspoken and glib, he said to the world and the media what he thinks the party should say. A few thoroughbred politicians in the party resented his audacity and impertinence, but they bided their time until his cup was full. Even before his arrival, the SDP was not quite the somnolent organisation its long history of electoral misfortune indicated. It required calmness, maturity and perception for a new ‘intake’ to navigate the party, let alone chivalrously thrust himself forward as their conscience and saviour. Mallam el-Rufai had no such virtues, and thanks to him, the SDP is now in full-blown rebellion. On July 25, the party’s National Executive Committee (NEC), including some 23 state chairmen, reportedly met and sacked the party’s feuding factions led by Chairman Shehu Gabam and Secretary Olu Agunloye. Mallam Adamu Modibo became the acting chairman of the party’s National Working Committee.

While Mallam el-Rufai was transfixed by the turn of events, some three days later, the party upped the ante and engaged him in a street combat by fingering him as one of the agents provocateurs in the party and going ahead to expel him and ban him for 30 years. In a statement disseminated to the media last Monday, the SDP national publicity secretary, Araba Aiyenigba, indicated at length that the former governor was unwanted in the party. Here is what he said: “El-Rufai never registered with the SDP at his ward level as required by the party’s constitution, yet falsely declared on social media that he had joined the party. He further forged documents claiming membership and took photo opportunities with suspended party leaders to reinforce this falsehood. In line with the constitution of the SDP, the ideology, manifesto, principles and practices thereof, and in consonance with the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the Electoral Act pertaining to the exclusive right of a political party to determine its membership, the National Working Committee deliberated on the controversial membership status of Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai from Kaduna State who has in recent months been parading himself as a member of the SDP despite the assertion of the Kaduna State executives that he has not joined the SDP, but has instead been promoting the activities of other political party in the state.”

Continuing, and barely able to conceal their contempt for the former governor, the statement added: “At the initial stage, this individual Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai was given the benefit of the doubt, given his status as an elderly person, a former minister and state governor who should know the implications of false representation and impersonation… However, upon thorough inquiry, it turned out that the Kaduna State SDP was right, and this individual had not joined the SDP…El-Rufai was confronted by serious eligibility problems, given an unpleasant history of intolerance and persecution of the SDP as an opposition party during his time as the Governor of Kaduna State under the APC. Having confirmed that he publicly declared for the ADC and continued to act in a manner contrary to the principles and practices of the SDP, the party has no option but to disassociate from and excommunicate him…”

Mallam el-Rufai must be livid. But this time, he is not just transfixed, he is also probably dumbfounded. No one, not to say a man of his political pedigree, had ever been so summarily booted out and banned for decades. Alas, the former Kaduna governor becomes the first politician to enter the SDP Valhalla. Did they manage to embalm him before interment, seeing that there does not seem to be any cadaverous scent around him? But even if he is appalled by this riveting soap opera at his expense, he will simply sneer at them, blame the APC for his ordeal, and with as much conceit as he can muster, dismiss their fury with a casual and idiosyncratic wave of the hand.

August 3, 2025
The Charly Boy brouhaha

It is a sign of the vulgarisation of Nigerian politics that the renaming of bus stops in Lagos, particularly the one involving Charly Boy, the irreverent and infamous anti-establishment agitator and undistinguished musician, became news. All his life, whether it relates to his claptrap music or slapstick television shows – now all distant memories – he was never outstanding. So, he chose agitation, achieved renown, and confused that little publicity with legacy. For years he imposed himself on everyone he came across: his neighbours and neighbourhood, and the yokels entertained by his lewd theatrics. How he managed to have a bus stop unofficially named after him is still difficult to explain or imagine.

Read Also: How ‘Charly Boy’ bus stop was named after me – Charly Boy

Even if it was official, the local government/local council development area whose remit it is to make edicts on such matters as street names and bus stops has finally woken up to its responsibility of sanitising its operations. Some have said the actions of the local government bore resemblance to hate speech and ethnic bigotry, and agitator Omoyele Sowore and civil rights lawyer Femi Falana have tried to draw a distinction between local council development area and local government area as the final authority on naming bus stops. But they are simply tilting at windmills. The change is popular, though it may take a long time to get used to. More, this matter is one clear case where common sense has triumphed over legalism. The public should get used to it, because there will be more such interventions and symbolisms.

August 3, 2025
SNAPSONG 264

When NEPA kills the light

It kills the Nation’s Light

It is seven days now since the sun

     Beamed its blessing

On our shy, expectant brows

     The clouds stand still in nonchalant distance

Like airy sentries between

     The sky and our wondering eyes

A strange, unseasonable cold has stolen

     The warm imagination of our night

As trembling dreams mock the truth

     Of our fraying blankets

Read Also: Sani distributes free fertiliser to 100,000 farmers, launches crop insurance scheme

And frigid fabulations unnerve

     The motions of wingless yearnings

Idle window panes burn my fingers

     With their cold, immutable temper

Even as the hinges crick and crack

     Between the posts and their swinging doors

Lightless labs, humless factories

     Merciless markets, aching pockets

Forbidding threnodies; the frightening

     Rhyme and un-reason of Hunger and Thunder

But a thousand hilarious hurrays

     For the priceless Super Falcons whose honour

Scored countless goals and warmed a billion hearts

     Beyond the orgy of dizzying dollars.

August 3, 2025