The Nation Newspaper

Category: Abiodun Komolafe

Nigeria’s economy: What is to be done?
Using the phrase ‘What is to be done?’ in the headline to this analysis is deliberate. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin used the title in a brilliant 1902 treatise to outline the strategic methodology needed for a successful transformation of the state. It is a question that remains hauntingly relevant whenever a nation faces structural decay. ‘What is to be done?’ is important because out of it came solutions which, through their focus on organizational discipline and ideological clarity, continue to illuminate the path for any leadership seeking to dismantle a dysfunctional status quo.

We must now look ahead to what ought to be done in a Second Term for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Surely certainly, Tinubu will obtain a convincing victory in next year’s presidential election, but the question becomes how that victory will be turned into a consolidation of the gains of the First Term, as well as a decisive forward march towards building a new, enduring society for which history will be positively in his favour.

In a Second Term, Tinubu will have the political clout to finally face the real issue: the structural dysfunction inherent in the Nigerian state, whose genesis was the ill-advised, infantile suspension of the 1963 Republican Constitution. That Constitution was backed by the legitimacy of an era that saw a turnout of 82% of registered voters in its formative plebiscites – the highest in Nigeria’s history from 1923 to date. A Tinubu Second Term must speak to the tenor and ethos of the 1963 Constitution. The suspension of that document turned Nigeria from a country whose political economy was based on production into a consumptionist state, with predictably disastrous results. Nigeria succumbed to the tempting froth from the cup of easy oil rents, and that left a majority of its citizens outside the loop of opportunity. The data is heartbreaking!

On October 1, 1960, Nigeria was the 57th largest economy in the world. Sixty-five years later, by October 1, 2025, we had slipped to 59th. Had we maintained the 1963 Constitution, even under the most incompetent governments, Nigeria would not have been anything less than the world’s 25th largest economy. Had the country enjoyed competent leadership at all levels, there is no doubt that our dear fatherland would today be the 14th or 15th largest economy in the world. We truly lost our way, and a Tinubu Second Term must lead us back to it.

In 25 years’ time, India – whose federal model mirrors Nigeria’s 1963 structure – will likely have displaced the US as a global economic leader; and the heavens will not fall. The performance of India as a multi-ethnic, multi-racial, and religiously diverse entity should provide the blueprint for a Tinubu Second Term.

India since 1947 has faced much of the dysfunction affecting the Nigerian state, but it stayed the course with positive results because its constitution, unbroken since independence, has been anchored on production. This is why a Tinubu Second Term must focus on how political skills and modernization can be used to recreate a modern adaptation of the 1963 Constitution. Frankly, the country has no alternative.

For example, Nigeria must create at least 27 million new jobs by the year 2030. Whatever macro- and micro-economic policies are pursued by even the most competent government or an independent Central Bank, it is difficult to see how even half of this figure can be achieved without a return to the spirit of productive interface embedded in the 1963 Constitution. We ignore this path at our peril!

On January 27 this year, we had another national grid collapse – a perennial feature of our economic landscape. Sadly, no modern economy since the Industrial Revolution has been built without a cost-effective, regular supply of electricity. ‘Cost-effective’ is the key phrase!

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In the 1950s and the early 1960s, the power needs of the tin mines in Jos, Plateau State, were fully met; Jos was arguably the only place on the African continent where a 24-hour electricity supply was guaranteed. Had we stayed with a federalist constitution in which you ‘eat what you kill’, it is inconceivable that Nigeria would be generating, transmitting and distributing anything less than 70,000 megawatts of electricity, which, in truth, is still no great achievement for a population estimated at over 200 million people. For instance, Lagos State alone – if it is to be competitive against places like Hong Kong, Singapore and Johannesburg – cannot possibly be a viable economy while generating, transmitting, and distributing anything less than 25,000 megawatts. Without a constitutional revamp, no amount of ‘increased revenue’ can solve Nigeria’s problems, for that revenue will only go to fund the activities of a parasitic establishment while the citizens become more and more hapless.

In the context of the struggle for our national soul, Ayo Opadokun’s recently published book, The Gun Hegemony, is deeply relevant. It is one of the most important analyses of Nigeria in recent decades. The septuagenarian valiantly – and with patriotic vigour – debunks the self-serving deceit that the January 15, 1966, coup d’état was born of nationalistic fervour. It was not! It stood in stark contrast to the epoch-making Free Officers Coup in Egypt in 1952, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, or the earlier reconstitution of Turkey out of the Ottoman ruins by Mustafa Kemal, whom a grateful nation venerated into immortality as Atatürk (The Father of the Turks). The 1966 putsch (was it actually a coup?) did not liberate; instead, it has hamstrung the Nigerian federation and debilitated its prospects for development.

Both Atatürk and the Free Officers in Egypt had clear programmes and an ideological vision. The vacuous postulations made by those who seized radio stations on January 15, 1966, cannot in any way be described as programmes of liberation, let alone development. If there was any ideological base, it can be traced back to the 1950 Constitution of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), which called for the creation of a unitary state – a clear absurdity in a multi-ethnic entity. The NCNC manifesto of 1950 divided the Western wing of the party to the extent that notable figures like Mojeed Agbaje, A.M.A. Akinloye left to form the Ibadan People’s Party. The only person left standing was the brilliant Adegoke Adelabu (Penkelemesi).

Not surprisingly, the apeing of the NCNC fantasy about the constitution of a unitary state led to the military’s imposition of the destructive unification decree of 1966. Although later repealed, the damage had been done because the genie had fled from the bottle and has never been put back! For Nigeria, it has been downhill all the way – a gladiatorial clash between darkness and light, hypocrisy and truth. This decline reveals itself in underperformance, a lack of basic industries, and the inability to develop a productive, modern, and competitive economy.

Tinubu recently ended a state visit to Türkiye. Were it not for Atatürk, Türkiye would have remained a backward nation. Today, it is a modernized, advanced power. Beyond its status as a contemporary society, the country is built on real programmes. But what policies and programmes did Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and his colleagues actually have for Nigeria – those for which their adherents have been making noise all these years?

It is early days yet, but Opadokun should be a frontrunner for ‘Man of the Year 2026.’ His book will always be a key strategic intervention in redressing the lies, concoctions, and negative revisionist perspectives which continue to distort what has led to today’s painful reality.

Kudos to Ayo Opadokun!
- May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
February 7, 2026
Oni, BAO and the mathematics of alignment

The recent realignment in the UK – where figures like Robert Jenrick are “uniting the right” – proves the “defection bug” is no longer a uniquely Nigerian phenomenon. It speaks to a global volatility where traditional loyalties are being tested against the need for results. For many Nigerians, this shift isn’t about lack of principle; it is about self-preservation.

In a system where the Exclusive Legislative List still centralizes power, swimming against the tide has not only lost its authentic ring, it is politically unwise. Therefore, to seek a new terrain for tangible progress is a fantastic offer that should not be sacrificed on the altar of reproach.

On Sunday, January 11, 2026, former Ekiti State Governor, Engineer Olusegun Oni, officially rejoined the All Progressives Congress (APC). By registering at his Ifaki-Ekiti country home, the veteran politician formally shed his opposition mantle, signaling a homecoming that significantly strengthens Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO)’s coalition ahead of the coming electoral cycle.

Oni remains something of a political enigma. Deliberately understated, he nonetheless commands a powerful reputation in Ekiti, where he is widely viewed as the embodiment of clean, steady governance. The former governor possesses a rare, non-partisan appeal that transcends traditional divides. His support is anchored more in a deep-seated respect for his person than in mere party branding. His move to the APC – bringing with him a formidable grassroots structure – will inevitably reshape Oyebanji’s strategic roadmap.

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Oni’s realignment with the progressive fold is likely to stir the indifferent, the non-aligned, and the state’s civil service into action, drawing in those who previously sat on the fence as well as those who habitually sit out election cycles. For Oyebanji, this is more than just a reinforcement; it is a strategic masterstroke that makes assurance doubly sure. With the political mathematics now heavily tilted in his favour, the governor occupies an enviable vantage point.

The Nigerian electoral system – a ‘first-past-the-post’ relic of our British inheritance – has no room for proportional representation. In this winner-takes-all arena, a fragmented opposition does little more than cannibalize its own base. Consequently, Oyebanji may not even require a simple majority to consolidate his hold. With current projections placing BAO on track to clear 60% of the vote, the remaining contenders are left scrambling just to break the 20% ceiling. We are months from the polls, yet even the most imaginative scenario struggles to see a fractured opposition staging a comeback of this magnitude. In the end, Oni’s entry sincerely serves to compound the sorrows of those attempting to swing and swerve against the administration’s current.

Without questions, Oni brings a rare patrician weight to the APC, standing more as a statesman than a mere partisan. His runner-up finish in the last gubernatorial race, achieved with a fledgling party devoid of funds or a formal machine, remains a striking reflection of his personal brand. He is more than a high-profile defector; he is a moral anchor for the administration as the governor begins his pursuit of a second term.

To Oni, the state is an intricate mechanism that demands a precise blend of logic and ethical grounding. This philosophy has often placed him in a raw, existential struggle with the chaotic, immediate demands of ‘stomach infrastructure.’ His political journey – marked by its restless, migratory nature – is not a sign of instability, but rather a tireless search for moral footing within a system he views as fundamentally flawed. By merging his moral authority with BAO’s rationalist framework, the administration has moved beyond mere political calculus, it is actively fortifying the very architecture of the state itself. In a deeply philosophical sense, Oni’s enduring legacy is one of Radical Consistency; he remains a man who would sooner lose his platform than his soul.

Tajudeen Olutope Ahmed, a legal practitioner, offers a striking reflection on this evolution: “As a pioneer councilor in 1997 and a pillar of the Fourth Republic’s dawn in 1999, my political identity was forged in the fires of partisan loyalty. I was a foot soldier for the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and later the Action Congress (AC), viewing the political landscape through a lens of infectious fanaticism.

“In that era, Segun Oni was the enemy – an opponent to be dismantled through grassroots condemnation and the legal rigours of his 2007-2010 tenure. My opposition was total, rooted in the myopic conviction that any rival to our cause was, by definition, an obstacle to Ekiti’s progress.

“This perspective shattered upon meeting Oni personally through my cousin, Ambassador Jolaade Onipede. I found not a villain, but a remarkably humble visionary who even suggested he would have brought me into his cabinet had we known each other then. Today, Oni is celebrated across party lines for his integrity and enduring projects; indeed, his gracious foreword to my 2013 book remains a point of pride. His return to our party is a masterstroke of political realignment – a significant victory for our stakeholders that effectively secures a clear path for Biodun Oyebanji’s re-election.”

• With Ahmed’s conversion narrative, the proof is settled. Q.E.D!

January 31, 2026
Agunsoye: Tribute to the deity at 69

Last weekend, the Elegboro of Ijebu-Jesa, His Royal Majesty, Oba (Engr.) Oba Moses Oluwafemi Agunsoye, clocked 69 years on this earth.

Born on January 24, 1957, Oba Agunsoye traded a thirty-five-year career at the Federal Ministry of Industry for the throne of his forefathers in 2017. Bringing the discipline of a mechanical engineer and the seasoned perspective of a former Director to his reign, Kabiyesi has quietly transformed our ‘Native Nazareth’ through steady, practical leadership.

Perhaps his greatest achievement, however, is the peace he has maintained. His ascension came without the bitter disputes that often fracture communities in Yorubaland. Instead, he has occupied the throne with a quiet dignity and a character that remains entirely beyond reproach.

At 69, rather than merely acting as a custodian of the past, Oba Agunsoye has brought fastidiousness, professionalism and a new sense of peace and progress to the land of his forefathers. He has successfully united the Council of Obas across Oriade Local Government, Ijesa North, and the wider Ijesaland, ensuring stability for all. Under his leadership, the town’s landscape has transformed with the construction of a new Palace, several modern shopping complexes, and new lock-up shops at the Ijebu-Jesa International Market.

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Beyond infrastructure, he has influenced the establishment of the NSCDC Area Command and an FRSC Special Unit to improve local security. His reign has also re-energized our people, leading to the rise of active groups like the Ijebu-Jesa Recreation Club, Heritage Club, and their diaspora chapters in the US and UK, all working together for the town’s growth.

By rallying the community around self-help projects like solar boreholes and scholarships, he has transformed the town into a burgeoning business hub. His is a leadership rooted in integrity and humility – a crown defined not by its gold, but by the tangible progress of his people.

Our revered monarch has made a very good start! As he enters his 70th year, may the Almighty God, the King of Kings, continue to fortify His Royal Majesty, Oba Moses Olúwáfémi Agúnsóyè with the strength and divine health to lead Ijebu-Jesa for many more years!

May Kabiyesi’s years be long, his path be clear, and the Agunsoye lineage continue to flourish under the gaze of the Most High!

K’ádé pé lórí, kí bàtà pé lésè. kí esin oba je’ko pé!

Yèé ló ye ó, Oba ria!

• May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

January 31, 2026
IBEDC: When will this pain be over?

The title of this commentary reflects a question asked wherever people gather – on buses, in bars, and at parties. Modern life revolves around the reliable provision of electricity, water and mass transit. Without power, the simple task of pumping water becomes nightmarish; relying on handheld pumps is a physically exhausting struggle.

Dealing with our so-called electricity distribution companies is like living through a series of ‘tales of the unexpected’. It is a tragicomedy of the highest order! Many have endured the harrowing frustration of failing to load prepaid meters for days, even after payments have been cleared on their apps. And when the credit finally loads, there is zero guarantee that the power will actually follow. It is utterly ridiculous!

In effect, the consumer is forced to ‘gift’ these companies with interest-free loans for services they may never see. Unlike almost any other industry, these firms enjoy the luxury of idling on hundreds of millions in ‘prepaid’ funds while the customer is left unserved. The chance to squeeze easy profits out of these idle, trapped funds is irresistibly mouthwatering. Any business handed such an unusual windfall should, by all rights, be running at peak efficiency.

To put it in context, no one pays for goods at a supermarket or fuel at a station only to return a month later to finally collect what they bought. Yet, this is the ‘Eldorado’ these power companies enjoy – a dream scenario that any other business would kill for.

The Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company (IBEDC) is having a field day, acting with the typical arrogance of a monopoly that knows its customers have nowhere else to go. Right now, the consumer is holding the short end of the stick, forced to grin and bear it simply because Nigeria lacks the kind of small-claims courts that Margaret Thatcher so famously championed in the UK.

A court like that would finally give ‘David’ – the everyday consumer – the stones to take on the Goliath of monopoly power. Under that system, the state actually backs the little guy with legal aid, trials are wrapped up in weeks, and justice is swift. With the threat of heavy punitive damages hanging over their heads, these high-and-mighty firms would quickly realize that pocketing money for services they don’t deliver is a gamble they can no longer afford to take.

If, for instance, hundreds of consumers were to file individual claims or join forces in a massive class-action suit, IBEDC could find itself facing crippling liabilities that would threaten its very survival. Sadly, only Lagos and perhaps one or two other states have bothered to set up these small-claims courts. We don’t yet know how effective they’ve truly been, but their very existence is a hard-won victory for the everyday person. Every state in Nigeria must follow suit. It is the only way to finally put these broken monopolies and cartels under the microscope and hold them to account.

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In a country like Nigeria, where institutions are often weak, inept, or outright corrupt, taking on Goliath is a Herculean task. The average consumer simply doesn’t have the funds or the legal aid to survive a judicial process that can drag on for fifteen or twenty years. He or she is up against a behemoth with the cash flow to hire the priciest lawyers – experts who know every trick in the book to keep a case stuck in court for decades. It is a system that breaks the faint of heart and, frankly, is a total waste of time.

This is exactly why monopolies like the IBEDC don’t bother themselves with the fact that they are meting out such blatant injustice to people who have already paid for services they never receive. What we are seeing is a clear, painful confirmation: the entire electricity ‘privatization’ remains a catastrophic policy failure!

Take Australia, where the debate keeps circling back to public ownership as the only way to ‘reboot’ a broken system. You don’t just flip a switch; it takes years of gutting the rot from the inside before any kind of private market can actually function. In Nigeria, however, that kind of disciplined turnaround feels like a pipe dream, for reasons we all know too well! The political will to act for the people – or the consumer – is nowhere to be found.

This means the radical surgery needed to save the patient is simply not on the table. Instead, the country will keep stumbling over obstacles to real growth and job creation, held back by an electricity framework that is as incompetent as it is laughably inept. No amount of foreign investment can help a nation achieve true progress under such conditions.

While the Federal Government has made commendable strides in stabilizing the macro-economy, it must now pause and face the rot in our electricity market. It must summon the courage for the brutal, inescapable surgery the system requires. It is better late than never!

Electricity providers also subject consumers to unfair billing practices through crumbling grid maintenance and sheer operational sloppiness, leaving us to suffer through frequent, soul-crushing blackouts. In a cruel twist, we – the consumers – end up paying for this unreliability through our tariffs, effectively subsidizing the provider’s own failure to deliver the power they promised and we paid for. Worse still, these providers pass the bill for their own waste directly to us.

Whether it’s the cost of running ancient, gasping power plants or the massive amounts of electricity lost through leaky, broken transmission lines, the consumer picks up the tab through opaque regulatory loopholes. These losses – where energy literally evaporates before it even reaches your door – become a hidden tax on every monthly bill. It is a scandalous arrangement: the Nigerian customer is forced to pay for ‘ghost’ energy they never actually touched, saw, or consumed.

This exploitation isn’t an isolated incident; it is a nationwide epidemic that raises ugly questions. Why isn’t IBEDC issuing official receipts for the massive sums squeezed out of communities under the guise of ‘replacing’ equipment? Are these levies even recorded for auditors to see? We don’t see this nonsense in the telecoms sector. MTN, Airtel, and Glo face constant vandalism, often in remote and dangerous areas. Yet, has anyone ever seen a telecom giant text customers in Ijebu-Jesa, Kontagora, or Umudike asking for contributions to fix a vandalized base station? Of course not. So why does IBEDC get a pass?

Why are consumers forced to pay for fixed assets like transformers and cables – items that belong to the company, not the people? When communities bow to these demands, they are essentially ‘gifting’ infrastructure to a private firm. They are paying for the very tools the company will use to bill them later. It is a blatant double-taxation on the poor that has no place in a civilized economy.

This isn’t just a grievance; it’s a practice that raises grave questions about regulatory compliance and consumer exploitation. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) must be granted a federal mandate to forensically audit community levies collected over the last five years.

When audits do occur, the paper trail for these unrecorded contributions remains suspiciously opaque. No reputable firm would gamble its global standing on such murky financial channels. If a functional state truly exists in Nigeria, the regulators – and mutatis mutandis, Parliament and the police – should have demanded answers years ago.

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

January 17, 2026
2026: The Alpha, the Omega and Jagaban’s mandate!

“Two roads diverged in a yellow wood,

And sorry I could not travel both

And be one traveler, long I stood

And looked down one as far as I could

To where it bent in the undergrowth.”

We start with the well-known first stanza of Robert Frost’s iconic poem, ‘The Road Not Taken.’ With 2026 already upon us, Nigeria itself stands at a crossroads, contemplating which path it must take in transitioning into full nationhood and its accompanying national ethos.

Perhaps we should take the road we have avoided for the past six decades; if we do, it may finally yield the much-needed difference. The Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, by strategic design, has chosen the path less trodden and largely ignored by past governments. Many of these reforms will be validated in the coming decades as truly game-changing.

The stabilization of the foreign exchange market, in particular, is a game-changer. It sends encouraging signals regarding the restoration of fiscal stability – the vital ingredient for attracting ‘patient’ capital as opposed to fly-by-night ‘hot money’ portfolio investments. This is a significant gain!

In addition, despite the expected resistance, the reforms spearheaded by Zacch Adelabu Adedeji in the tax sector are another example of a sensible government initiative to embark on a positive path. Leaving aside partisan politics, this is precisely what should be expected of a reformist administration.

In the motto of the elite British SAS, ‘Who Dares Wins.’ On several fronts, leaving the initial pains aside, the government has dared and is winning. However, the communication of these positive gains must be recalibrated to emphasize that the benefits are real and already yielding a trickle-down effect. The communications strategy must answer the fundamental question: ‘How has this benefited me and my family?’ The answer must be succinct and convincing to the man and woman in the ‘Korope’, the markets, and the farms across the various ecosystems and focus groups within the six geopolitical zones.

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In the pre-election year of 2026, this has become the decisive battleground. It is a pivotal crossroads because, as the Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci observed, the true essence of politics lies in the ‘war of position’ – the strategic effort to shift the very terrain of public debate in favour of one’s own vision. In light of this, the government must harness every instrument of influence to secure this intellectual ground, following the blueprint of arguably the most astute political theorist since Niccolò Machiavelli.

Gramsci is famously associated with pioneering the concept of ‘Cultural Hegemony.’ This theory finds profound applicability in a nation so multi-ethnic and multicultural – a landscape defined by a myriad of languages, mores, and traditions, and situated at varying levels of development where no universal consensus on the definition of “progress” exists. The communications strategy must be anchored in these lived realities. If the government can master this alignment, it will, in my considered opinion, achieve a position of unassailable political and moral authority.

Across the board, Nigeria must slay its demons. We find ourselves returning yet again to the illuminating thought of Antonio Gramsci. Observing the chaos of Italy in his time, Gramsci noted: “The crisis lies in the inability to jettison a system of social and economic relationships which have clearly failed. For this reason, a new society cannot be born; in the interregnum, all manner of morbid symptoms unleash themselves – we are in the age of monsters.”

In plain terms, the historic burden on Tinubu is to be the iconoclast who finally crushes the spirits of insecurity, mass poverty, and institutional decay. These interwoven challenges have stood as a barricade, stalling Nigeria while peers like India, Brazil and Singapore took their giant strides. Tinubu must be more than a reformer; he must be the architect and the builder of a reinvigorated Nigeria.

To borrow from the wisdom of Frantz Fanon, every generation – and indeed every leader – has a historic mission that must either be fulfilled or betrayed. President Tinubu possesses the intellectual depth, the economic foresight, and the political grit to see this mission through. Putting it succinctly therefore, how his administration treads across the minefields of 2026 will ultimately decide whether his name is etched in the halls of greatness or lost to the footnotes of time.

These hurdles require more than raw power; they demand tactical mastery. In this arena, Tinubu stands on firm ground. The fractured opposition has yet to produce a rival capable of grasping such complexities, let alone one with the seasoned political instincts of the Jagaban of Borgu.

But beyond the cold logic of statecraft lies a deeper reality. As we welcome this new year, we turn to the Divine. Our Father and our God, hedge us about with Your protection and cover our nakedness. Strip away every garment of reproach, silence those who would devour our progress, and stand as our Champion while we still draw breath in the land of the living.

Heavenly Warrior, You are the Strong and the Mighty, You are the One who sees wars but does not flee from wars. You are the One who remained in the fire, unconsumed, because You are the Consuming Fire. Just as You stood in the path of Balaam, stand in the way of any counsel that would lead this nation towards ruin. Open our eyes to see the unseen dangers, and redirect our steps towards the path of peace and prosperity.

Lord, heal the ancient fractures that divide us and mend the seams of our national fabric where they have been frayed by distrust and hardship. Let us not be a people of separate paths, but one nation, bound by a purpose that transcends the temporary storms of the interregnum.

You who performed surgery in the Garden of Eden – removing a single bone to fashion a woman – You are still in the business of restoration! In Your mercy, bless our young shoulders with wisdom, cancel the invisible plots that seek to hollow out our achievements, and expose the whited sepulchers who attempt to crush our dignity. Where we are unable to receive, let Your authority prevail!

Jehovah El-Shaddai, who would have believed that Abram could become Abraham? Who would have believed that Sarai would be renamed Sarah? Or that Jacob would transform into Israel? If Naaman could believe and witness his own restoration, the Good Lord, turn the schemes of the destiny-perverters to naught and rescue us from the power of error.

This year, we take a stand against the long shadows cast by hypocrites, “notorious for their long prayers which they recite as a show.” Lord, let their hollow echoes die in the air. Let their ‘performance’ no longer block the path of our destiny or drown out the Spirit’s true voice. Bypass the theatre of the insincere; hear instead the raw, silent groans of the faithful. Tear down their religious masquerades, so the Mandate of Heaven can finally speak over this nation, clear and undisturbed.

El Olam, You are the Alpha and the Omega, the very Beginning and the absolute End! Condemn the accuser, trap them by their own words, and vindicate the just. In the New Year, deliver us as You delivered Jacob from Laban’s house, and grant us the speed to recover lost ground. O Stone of Israel, open every closed door, and let the conspirators against our national glory face the righteous judgment of God! And because You live, may we not be making noise while our mates are making points!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

January 3, 2026
Zacch, no more climbing sycamore trees!

It is unfortunate – though pleasant surprises can occasionally ‘crop up’ – that Zacch Adelabu Adedeji is unlikely to be among the recipients of the ubiquitous ‘Man of the Year’ awards. These accolades, jocularly referred to by the mischievous as being showered like confetti at a wedding, are often a poor reflection of true impact. That Adedeji – a modern reincarnation of the Biblical Zacchaeus – might be overlooked speaks volumes about the judgment and hidden motives propelling many of these awards.

A vantage strategist and fiscal architect, the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) should be a leading contender for any seriously considered award. The way things are shaping up, he is carving his way into the history books in a manner that, in our view, will be overwhelmingly positive. His work has decisively altered the territory of public discourse – and the very way we define society.

As his Biblical forerunner illustrated, taxation has always been at the heart of human evolution – from hunter-gatherer roots to the urbanization that birthed structured governance and state authority. Indeed, it confirms that old adage often met with applause from American audiences: the only certainties in life are death and taxes.

Taxation is, or certainly should be, a fundamental part of the social contract. It should be predicated on the understanding that contributions will be recognized and, in turn, rewarded with tangible benefits. This is the only sustainable way to develop a modern democracy. The alternative is the crude enforcement of the state through brutality. By shifting the territory of this debate, Adedeji has secured a legacy that will be viewed favourably by economic historians in the decades ahead.

In this age, when our politics is intense and good governance is a major factor, the Iwo-Ate, Oyo State-born technocrat remains a vital bridge between ancient wisdom and modern global discourse. He is essentially reinventing a more edifying past. As a matter of fact, President Bola Tinubu should be commended for placing tax reform on the front burner and demonstrating a positive alternative to the disappointments of past decades.

History, after all, should be both our guide and our guard. I have argued elsewhere that, in the 1950s, the Action Group (AG) government in Western Nigeria continuously suffered electoral losses because of what the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) opposition tagged its ‘high taxation’ regime. This is, of course, what any opposition is expected to do! Nevertheless, the government stayed the course, albeit at a negative electoral cost. Vindication arrived in 1961 when a succeeding government attempted to cut taxes to improve its electoral prospects. To the government’s surprise, the response to these tax cuts was widespread civil disobedience, particularly in the Ijebu and Ekiti provinces.

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According to reports in the Daily Times at the time, dozens of people were arrested and arraigned before magistrates. What the incidents of that year proved was that, contrary to the alternative reality often painted, Nigerians are not averse to the payment of taxes. Common sense dictates that the judicious and transparent use of collected revenue benefits the overwhelming majority and their families. The crux of the matter is transparency and judicious application.

The military, in an attempt to gain cheap popularity and acceptance, simply relegated taxation to the back-burner. This is hardly surprising, since authoritarian rule is at total variance with any genuine conception of a social contract. The new tax reforms spearheaded by the progressives are an attempt to build an enduring democracy based on the acceptance of the social contract as well as the concept of shared prosperity.

Of course, there will be opposition to reforms and change from the beneficiaries of the old order. Indeed, it would be astonishing if it were not so! It is to be expected that virulent personal attacks will be mounted against anyone associated with the effort to dismantle a way of life that has benefitted only a few at the expense of the majority. This has always been the case in Nigeria’s long march of history.

Imagine Zacchaeus in the Bible, squeezing through a crowd to see Jesus – just like how we struggle every day, jumping through studs just to get things done in Nigeria. For years, the ‘sycamore tree’ has represented the exhausting and often desperate effort Nigerians put in to traverse the difficult terrain of systemic bottlenecks. When messy bureaucracy blocks the way, people are compelled to ‘climb’- resorting to complex workarounds and middlemen just to fulfill basic duties. This struggle was once a necessary survival tactic in an environment where government services felt completely out of reach.

But here’s the twist: our own Zacch is tearing down those hurdles. Thanks to the 2025 Tax Reform Acts, the FIRS becomes the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) in January 2026. This transition brings one tidy rulebook instead of a jungle of papers, alongside a Tax Ombudsman to fight for us if things go sideways. It’s like saying: “We tax growth, not struggle.”

The Act is a total game-changer. It offers immediate relief for individuals: those earning N800,000 or less are now exempt from income tax, while essentials like food, school fees, and hospital bills can breathe easy – no VAT on them. The poorest among us won’t pay a kobo. To lower housing and transition costs, it introduces a 20% rent deduction (capped at N500,000) and makes job-loss compensation tax-free up to N50 million.

Small businesses also see the “heavy hand of the state” lifted. Companies with turnovers under N100 million and assets below N250 million are now exempt from Company Income Tax (CIT) and Capital Gains Tax (CGT). By eliminating multiple taxation and simplifying compliance, the reform allows entrepreneurs to focus on growth over paperwork.

Ultimately, the impact is twofold. According to fiscal analysts, the Act will bolster government revenue through a broader tax base while simultaneously incentivizing investment and job creation. It is a strategic move to foster a more inclusive and expansive economy.

By focusing on “taxing the fruit rather than the seed”, Adedeji is clearing away the bureaucratic ‘crowd’ that encouraged the climb in the first place. Through simple digital tools and new protections, the government is finally coming down from its ivory tower to meet people where they are. This changes the entire relationship between the state and the people. It signals that in a modern Nigeria, progress should be visible from the ground, without anyone needing to be a ‘hero’ just to be seen.

Tax reforms are the most realistic way in a democracy to dismantle Nigeria’s debilitating rentier state. For this country to make progress, we must move away from parasitic relationships towards a system based on production – one that leads to higher revenue which can be equitably shared. Unfortunately for reformers like Adedeji, the rentier state has created a host of parasites; and as every student knows at JAMB-level Biology, the parasite, as it feeds on the host, often begins to assume its very features.

The parasites in Nigeria have long been feeding fat on the host of a rentier state, and both must be dismantled. Those attacking Adedeji’s valiant efforts are the primary beneficiaries of this old order. They must be stopped in their tracks through vigorous and sustained public enlightenment. Such enlightenment can never be a one-off effort in the face of a determined, self-preserving opposition. It must be continuous – a marathon, not a sprint.

To that end, Happy New Year in advance to Dr. Zacch Adelabu Adedeji and all those of a progressive bent, both at home and abroad!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

December 27, 2025
From farm to freight: Ekiti’s agro-allied cargo advance

It was a privilege to witness the commissioning of the Ekiti Agro-Allied International Cargo Airport last week. It was a momentous, uplifting occasion – truly an experience of being part of history in the making, for reasons that go far beyond the tarmac. Key for me is that Ekiti is finally ready to become a logistical hub for the region.

What was witnessed on December 10, 2025, in Ekiti State, when Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO) inaugurated the N49.77 billion airport, was a reconfirmation. It reconfirmed that a deliberate economic programme is essential to achieving economic prosperity in the near term.

For historical accuracy, former Governor Kayode Fayemi’s foresight in initiating the project must be commended, but in a country riddled with childlike rivalries and repudiations, Oyebanji has shown great maturity and tactical élan by seeing this initiative to fruition. This should be a sobering lesson for all.

The cargo airport is not just another vanity of the type condemned by the French Agronomist and later politician, René Dumont, in his 1962 groundbreaking seminal work, False Start in Africa. The present Ekiti State Government has clearly heeded the advice (largely ignored by others) that the essence of development must be to achieve consistent, self-sustaining growth with development as opposed to ‘growth without development’.

Ekiti Cargo Airport is not a prestige project. It is the core of a plan to achieve sustainability in Ekiti. Its essence is to have a transformative impact as the state develops its agro-industrial potential. This will create a synergy that will shift its agriculture from large subsistence into commercial farming. The airport will then act as the fulcrum of its transformation into a much-needed, increasingly export-oriented ecosystem. The verdict of history, when economic historians will dispassionately write it in 50 or so years’ time, will give deserved plaudits to the foresighted governor’s efforts.

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As an economic zone, the new airport will give the credit risk analyst used by potential investors the data needed to advise that Ekiti deserves an investment opportunity. It will also have a significant influence on inducing inward-bound investments into the state for a host of agricultural and agro-processing ventures.

In today’s economic world, logistics and data interwoven drive an economy. The new airport will combine both attributes into a critical mass for an advanced thrust for the Ekiti economy. The result will be reinvigorating. In the next five years, the anticipated inflow of investments will be massive, with the airport acting as a logistics base that will have a ripple effect across, at least, four states in the South West and, perhaps, as far as Edo and Delta States.

Ekiti State Government itself might be cautiously playing down the cargo airport’s effects. To maximize this impact, the administration should establish an Ekiti State Commodities Exchange, with the long-term goal of transitioning it into a publicly quoted entity. A public-private partnership (PPP), similar to the Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) framework, provides the ideal blueprint for this transition.

A commodities exchange will act as the feeder, guaranteeing continuous and growing output into the cargo airport, thereby maximizing its potential. The commodities exchange will modernize agriculture by providing the much-needed guaranteed minimum farm gate prices, which will in turn lead to higher productivity output and a bourgeoning revenue base for the state. Guaranteed output levels will, as we have seen, in particular, India and Malaysia, induce investments in agro-processing and distribution, which will continuously feed activity in the cargo airport. Done properly, out of obscurity, the Ekiti cargo airport could – and should – become a foremost logistics base for much of the South West.

The Ekiti State Government must therefore exploit the synergy involved in this project. Adeptly handled, it will transform Federal allocations to the state into a reserve for the protection of future generations and strictly to develop the social and physical infrastructure. Within years, the state’s ever-increasing internally generated revenue (IGR), with the cargo airport acting as the engine room, will cater for all expenditures. It will still have a surplus to invest in the social and physical infrastructure, in conjunction with Federal allocations.

Oyebanji, in our considered opinion, is doing what development economists have been advocating for over seventy years, that economic development is not about ego-serving, vanity projects but about investing in a project such as the Ekiti State cargo airport which will act as the engine room for the overall, self-sustaining development. With presidential approval for the extension of the railway line from Osogbo to Ado‑Ekiti and the reconstruction of the Itawure‑Aramoko‑Iyin‑Ado‑Ekiti Road, it is evident that Ekiti, under BAO’s leadership, has only glimpsed the horizon.

December 20, 2025
Oládèjo Afoláyan: A national treasure at 71

On December 15, 2025, Professor Michael Oládèjo Afoláyan celebrated his seventy-first year on the Planet Earth.

No doubt about it, Afoláyan has led a life of profound meaning, a life defined by discipline and a steadfast commitment to the “straight and narrow”. His sterling contributions to linguistics and education are not merely academic milestones, they are essential blueprints for Nigeria’s national development.

Born in the cocoa-growing community of Oke-Awo, Aba Irosi – fifteen miles east of Ile-Ife – Afoláyan remains deeply defined by his roots. The eighth of eleven children born to James Ogunremi and Abigail Adenihun Afoláyan, he was raised in the rich tradition of his father, a farmer and the village Head Hunter. This dual heritage of terrestrial labour and intellectual curiosity remains his bedrock.

Afoláyan was educated early in life through indigenous Yoruba worldview at the feet of village elders before attending the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and Yale University. In a remarkable feat of academic continuity, he eventually taught at every institution where he once studied.

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After a distinguished forty-year career teaching Yoruba, Linguistics, and Anthropology, he retired as a Professor of Education and Linguistics from Southern Illinois University, Edwardsville. His administrative expertise further led him to the Illinois Board of Higher Education, where he served as Assistant Director overseeing 613 degree-awarding institutions.

Currently, as an independent scholar and President of M & P Educational Consulting International, the erudite professor shuttles between Osogbo, Nigeria, and Springfield, Illinois, with his wife, Dr. Precious Afoláyan. His recent 350-page translation of Joseph Odumosu’s Iwe Iwosan (Book of Healing) reflects his enduring commitment to cultural preservation.

More importantly, in this era of global educational tide turning back toward the mother tongue, events have shown that students absorb complex concepts more deeply when taught in their native language. Indeed, this makes Afoláyan’s expertise more relevant now than when he first entered the profession. In the age of Artificial Intelligence and Coding, the ability to teach Mathematics and STEM subjects through initial deductions in the mother tongue is no longer a luxury, it is a competitive necessity.

Whereas it’s a strategy that has propelled countries like India and China to the forefront of global innovation, one of Nigeria’s historical missteps was failing to introduce Science and Technology in indigenous languages. So, while Afoláyan may be retired, his intellect must not be allowed to ‘tire’. Instead, the government should bestow upon him one of the highest national honours and enlist him as a Special Adviser, Consultant, or Roving Ambassador.

Language is the decisive battleground of the next century. Nigeria must deploy its finest ‘generals,’ like Afoláyan, to lead the charge. This involves embedding mother-tongue instruction into the foundational first six years of schooling across all levels of government. Anything less would be a national tragedy.

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

December 20, 2025
Osun APC, Tinubu’s hand and the Ides of March

Ahead of the 2026 Osun governorship election, it is incontrovertible that a consensus candidate has been chosen for the All Progressives Congress (APC). He is Asiwaju Munirudeen Bola Oyebamiji (AMBO).

While Oyebamiji’s emergence signals a strong, focused start for the APC, it might be interpreted – or perhaps, misinterpreted – that the disqualification of seven out of nine aspirants during the December 5, 2025, screening exercise is, without doubt, an indication of a wobbly institutional mechanism within the party. A revamp of the procedure used is worth undertaking to prevent a recurrence. A repetition should be prevented, going forward, to lessen the possibility of disaffection, which could lead to unintended consequences. As the Good Book warns, “… lead us not into temptation” (Matthew 6:13).

We must account for personal sensitivities, commitments, and bruised egos. These are human beings, not robots. Every serious aspirant has gone the extra mile in pursuit of what he or she perceived as a legitimate ambition. Consequently, the APC must initiate a damage control act – and do so very urgently and unpretentiously!

One particularly contested line of reasoning centres on the importance of a leader’s strong mandate in the governance structure. To this end, one must commend the party’s titular leader for using his influence as a soothing balm. So, the ‘kì-í-gbó-kì-í-gbà, (I-no-go-gree) aspirants who wear their egos on their sleeves should go and sit down! Yes, they should find something else to do!

But what are the consequences of President Bola Tinubu’s endorsement of a consensus APC candidate? The answer is clear: it will be an overwhelmingly positive development for the party, mainly by consolidating power and silencing internal dissent. The sheer weight of a presidential intervention means those who had hitherto been contemplating leaving the party will no longer have the courage to do so – after all, who would dare challenge a decision backed by the ultimate power brokers?

It will therefore be in the best interest of the less influential aspirants to quickly accept their fate and move on. If one or two juicy appointments, or contracts, come their way, they should swiftly accept and thank God. To do otherwise is to risk incurring the wrath of Aso Rock – and that’ll not be too good to contemplate!

But that’s not all; and that’s not where I am headed! The governorship election in Osun is likely to be a three-way horse race and the possibility of a runoff cannot be discarded. For its own good, Osun APC must go into the race, which is just months away, as a united front. Complacency will be dangerous to the party. Nothing must be taken for granted in the twists and turns of a very unpredictable political situation in a politically savvy state.

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Beyond all efforts, there must be intellectual humility and moral circumspection in the current sequence of events. To put it succinctly, the victor must demonstrate profound magnanimity. He must embrace genuine unity over triumph. It is to the eternal glory of Umaru Yar’Adua that he accepted that there were flaws in the process that threw him up as Nigeria’s 13th president and Head of State. He said so publicly and started to make amends, and Nigerians forgave him, even before death took him away.

For Osun APC to stand strong against any challenges that might come its way, unity is paramount. The most critical lesson from the 2022 defeat was the devastating cost of internal wrangling, which, if repeated, guarantees loss of victory at the polls. Since only a fool gets burnt twice by the same fire, the party must be prepared to rise up against internal discord and destructive rivalries, for no organization thrives or wins a battle where there is division. A seed does not bear fruit unless it is rooted deep into the ground. Unity is not optional! It is foundational!

In the Yoruba wisdom, “Kàkà kí eku má je sèsé, á á fi se àwàdànù” (Rather than the rat not eating the hard beans, it will waste it). A conciliation strategy is very key for the Tajudeen Lawal-led Osun APC, for some of the disaffected have influence in the local governments and the areas of contagion. The disaffected can, if not pacified, exact revenge, and that may be too toxic for the overall health of the party. The meaningful hymn is that the consensus candidate will be reconciling from a position of undeniable strength. It is left for those contacted to choose between the carrot of inclusion and the stick of isolation.

A good historical precedent is the outcome of the contentious primary election of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in 1992. Angered by what they thought was imposition, the members revolted, and the party imploded, which ultimately led to the election of Sir Michael Otedola as the Governor of Lagos State. No betting man could have thought in his wildest dreams that any National Republican Convention (NRC) candidate would have come close to being elected as the Governor of Lagos State, not even in a Nollywood movie.

Otedola won because of a mass rejection within the rank and file of the SDP. So, APC would be well-advised to learn the critical lessons from the SDP’s debacle of 1992. History does not repeat itself. The problem is that human beings do not learn the lessons of history. At a time like this, Osun APC must save itself from a potential debacle. The preponderance of the Osun electorate is at the moment in a state of mind akin to what the late Bola Ige famously described as ‘siddon look’. There is everything to play for, and complacency will be ill-advised.

Oyebamiji has to act with a strategic focus. First, he must, without hesitation, initiate a genuine peace accord with the disaffected to prevent the possibility of mutually assured destruction (MAD). Second, he must have a clear, effective media strategy to rally the support base of the unhappy members and, simultaneously, the electorate of the state around a programme offering a pro-people alternative to the present Dance-a-Thon contraption in the state. The media strategy must provide the medium to present the APC candidate as the champion of a hard-pressed people, suffering from an economic downturn and disenchantment.

This means a strategic, data-driven, and creative media thrust is vital for the consensus candidate, replicating the successful model recently deployed by the APC in Ekiti State. That instance not only ensured immediate stability but also allowed the party to swiftly pivot and focus its energies, in earnest, on the core objective: rescuing Ekitis from the doldrums of degradation.

The candidate must tailor the media message to specific focus groups across the three senatorial districts and the thirty local government areas (plus one area office). There cannot be a universal media campaign. The message must directly address the demographic bases of voter registration and be customized to ensure a maximum turnout. Furthermore, the choice of medium is key; the candidate has to work out which one will convey the message to maximum effect.

Again, to dig up a Yoruba aphorism, Èhìnkùlé lòtá wà, inú ilé laseni ńgbé” (The enemy lives in the backyard, while the evil doer lives within the house). Those who do not – and will not – leave the party could be more dangerous operating as a fifth column to undermine the party from within. Beware of the Ides of March! Julius Caesar ignored the forewarning about the Ides and the enemies within to his immortal peril!

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

December 13, 2025
Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (2)

A school of thought contends that Nigeria’s current crisis is rooted in three interrelated factors: the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, the expansion of Sharia law in several Northern States, and the abandonment of Sir Ahmadu Bello’s vision of a secular penal code. Proponents argue that this shift coincided with a period in which some strands of international Islam turned towards militancy. A good example was the emergence of Osama bin Laden and the broader “war on terror” that reshaped global alliances.

This school of thought, which includes figures like Ayo Osunloye, also points to the perceived alignment of NATO members with Israel’s policies towards Arab and Muslim peoples. They suggest that such external dynamics have reverberated within Nigeria’s borders. According to this view, the 1999 Constitution imposed a largely unitary system that concentrates power at the centre.

=Furthermore, they argue that the dominance of a particular religious and ethnic bloc in government, the weakening of independent intelligence institutions, and the absence of egalitarian principles have further eroded the social contract. The result, they say, is a cascade of symptoms – insurgency, poverty, religious intolerance, ethnic oppression, and discrimination – that have failed to – and cannot – be solved by security measures alone.

The tragedy of our situation is a complex one, as it finds expression in the failure to address key allegations, such as the “clear sabotage” claim raised by Governor Bello Idris of Kebbi State regarding the Maga matter. This silence forces a deeper question: Are we content to remain paralyzed by inaction?

Well, those whose flexible heels have been oiled by the speculative notion that Donald Trump’s ultimate interest was Nigeria’s oil exhibited their hypocrisy by overlooking the fact that our country was a disaster waiting to happen. Trump, in fact, merely drew attention to the calm before an inevitable storm. Had Nigeria acted with the required political will years ago, we would have already tackled the social miasma currently threatening the national fabric. Now that the consequences have materialized, the focus must shift entirely to domestic defense and reform, not to seeking external saviours or breeding scapegoats.

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In his Farewell Address on January 17, 1961, former President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned against the military-industrial complex – the immense, intertwined power of the defense industry and the military establishment. Eisenhower cautioned that its unwarranted influence could threaten democratic processes and liberties. He urged an alert and knowledgeable citizenry to maintain balance between security and freedom.

After Eisenhower’s speech, John F. Kennedy, who succeeded him, decided that the only way the country could have an effective Defence budget was to bring in Robert McNamara from Ford Motors as Secretary of Defence. McNamara was not a General in the American Army, but he was one of the best managers of his generation. At that time, leaving Ford Motors as President/CEO to become the Secretary of Defence (a post he held from 1961 to 1968) was a pay cut of around 99%. But McNamara accepted the offer.

Remember also General Sir Frank Kitson, formerly the Commander-in-Chief, UK Land Forces, who authored the influential book, Low Intensity Operations. This work details the complexities of guerrilla warfare and describes the various functions the British Army employed to contain insurgencies in different theaters. Because of its practical insights, the book is strongly recommended reading for Ministers Christopher Musa and Bello Matawalle, and, indeed, the entire rank and file of the Nigerian Defence Forces.

A lasting solution, Nigerians argue, requires a new constitution that guarantees equal citizenship regardless of religion or ethnicity and that fully embodies federalism – not in garb but in reality; both in letter and in practice. Such a framework, they claim, would address the underlying structural imbalances rather than merely treating the outward manifestations of the crisis. Even at that, the nation must seek, first, superior strategic thinking to manage the ongoing security crisis.

● Concluded.

December 6, 2025