The Nation Newspaper

Category: Abiodun Komolafe

  • Adewole: New Diocesan, New Diocese

    Adewole: New Diocesan, New Diocese

    On Thursday, September 18, 2025, at the Cathedral Church of Emmanuel in Okesa, Ado Ekiti, the Standing Committee Meeting of the Anglican Communion elected the Ven. (Dr.) Ebenezer Ajayi Adewole as the pioneering Bishop of the new Diocese of Lagos South West, with his seat at the Cathedral Church of the Pentecost, FESTAC, Lagos.

    Adewole was one of the fifteen newly elected bishops. He was consecrated on November 9, 2025, at the Cathedral Church of the Advent in Life Camp, Abuja, while he and the new Diocese were inaugurated and enthroned, respectively, on November 25, 2025, in the new Cathedral.

    A total of fifteen new Dioceses were created – five full Dioceses and ten Missionary Dioceses. With the latest addition, the Lagos metropolis now has six Anglican Dioceses, with Badagry and Ota Awori joining the existing ones. Nationwide, the Church of Nigeria’s total has risen to 176 Dioceses after the recent 15 Diocese expansion.

    The Diocese of Lagos was created in 1919; Lagos West, in 1999; Lagos Mainland, in 2006; and Lagos South West, in 2025. The new Diocese comprises the FESTAC, Amuwo-Odofin, and Iba Archdeaconries, with a total of twenty six churches. Crucially, the Diocese covers a fast and densely populated area with significant land allocated for further church expansion.

    Having been spiritually empowered, Adewole has since rolled out his vision and mission statements for the new Diocese. This vision is deeply rooted in the mandate to spread the faith and the promise of divine guidance, aligning with Jesus’ command that “we are called to be witnesses, starting from our own community and extending to the ends of the earth.”

    To fulfill this mandate, his mission outlines a comprehensive strategy focusing on how the Diocese intends to execute this vision. Beginning right within the Diocese itself, the strategy focuses on four key areas of ministry: Proclaiming the Gospel of Christ, Aggressive Discipleship, Growing and Empowering Church Sub-Groups, and Engagement with the Government at all Levels.

    Immediately following his enthronement, Bishop Adewole appointed Barrister Mrs. Modupe Akinwande, who previously chaired the Proposed Diocese Implementation Committee, as the new Diocese’s Chancellor.

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    Born in Kano on October 12, 1971, to parents of Ondo origin, Adewole has dedicated his life to service. He was made a Deacon in 2001 and ordained a priest a year later. He served curacy in Ifon-Osun before his brief transfer to Ekusa in Osun State.

    By 2003, his ministry started gaining recognition for its revival, spiritual depth and pastoral care, which took him to All Saints’ Cathedral, Osogbo, and eventually, to the demanding Diocese of Lagos West, Lagos. There, he worked tirelessly, first at St. John’s (the Evangelist) Church, Akowonjo.

    His commitment earned him the appointment as Administrator of Satellite Archdeaconry and Vicar of St. John’s Church, Satellite Town, under the See of the Rt. Rev’d (Dr.) James Odedeji. Following a brief stint as the Archdeacon of Opebi Archdeaconry, he became the Dean of the prestigious Archbishop Vining Church Cathedral, G.R.A., Ikeja, Lagos. He served in this capacity until his eventual election as Bishop of the Diocese of Lagos South West.

    He is married to Dr. (Mrs.) Mercy Folasade, and their marriage is blessed with children.

    A stalwart of spiritual and community life, Adewole has been doing a stellar job not only in the upliftment of souls spiritually and mentally but also in getting them to be enthusiastic about community living and contributions. It is important to state that the congregation has been enamoured of his activities.

    May the Stone of Israel grant the Rt. Rev’d Ebenezer Ajayi Adewole the courage to lead, the discernment to govern, and the humility to serve!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    • Email: ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk. Mobile: 08033614419 SMS only.

  • Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (1)

    Insecurity: Again, how did we get to this pass? (1)

    The roots of the current crisis stretch deep into the past. To truly discern these origins, one must look all the way back to the Justice Alexander Ovie Aniagolu Report on the Maitatsine Riots in Kano (1981), whose findings clearly harbingered the events that were to come. Four decades later, we are facing the fatal consequences of unheeded warnings.

    Between 1980 and 1985, the Maitatsine Riots encompassed a series of violent religious uprisings in Northern Nigeria. It was initiated and led by Muhammad Marwa (Maitatsine), whose followers belonged to the militant Islamic sect, Yan Tatsine. The conflict began in Kano and spread to other cities, resulting in thousands of deaths before it was suppressed by the Nigerian military.

    The crisis Nigeria currently faces was foretold in the Maitatsine and other Reports. The deepening poverty and woes in the North and parts of Nigeria were largely caused by the destruction of the agricultural value chain. This destruction was exacerbated by the termination of the 1963 Republican Constitution in 1966, and the irresponsible fixation on a misplaced depiction of an oil boom. The inability to reverse the destruction of the rural economy in Northern Nigeria, alongside the failure to make education free and compulsory from the age of 16, starting around 1977, ultimately led us to where we are today.

    Former Military President Ibrahim Babangida’s misconceived and now-discredited Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) also added salt to the North’s festering injury. And, as if the gods were angry, SAP deconstructed its nascent industrial base, wiping out fundamental industries such as textiles. Nobody should be surprised, in view of this, that we landed in the era of Boko Haram. Indeed, it would have been absurd had we not landed in that era. Having landed in that era, the political will to tackle the root cause was lacking. Instead, what became depicted as an insurgency opened a vast new avenue for making money by members of the connected political and military establishment.

    The military industrial complex arose out of the war against terror. Without parliamentary oversight worth the name, a never-ending war found a stool and sat comfortably in the country. Sadly, the Return on Investment (ROI) for those profiting from this war might be as high as an investment in Oil and Gas. Even a primary school student can do a Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) of the profiteering and conclude, beyond any reasonable doubt, that Nigeria has been badly defrauded in the pursuit of what is now a phantom war against terror.

    The National Assembly must now, as a way out of terror, do a forensic audit into spending on the war against terror, stretching back fifteen years. This will reveal everything and show conclusively that even if we quadruple expenditure on Defence spending, the war will go on ad infinitum. This is simple common sense, for no turkey votes for an early Christmas. We have an entrenched business encompassing the high and the mighty, and dismantling it would be a determined Herculean task. If we do not dismantle the business framework, we will be fighting the war against terror until the Year 2050, and beyond.

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    Worryingly, Nigeria does not have the much needed Unexplained Sources of Wealth Act, even though, commendably, Senator Ali Ndume from Borno South is proposing one. It is only by asking people to account for their wealth that we can really get to the root of the profiteering and racketeering industry that has arisen from the war against terror over the past fifteen years.

    In addition to the forensic audit, the country must now have the intellectual humility to admit that it’s been fighting the war in a wrong way. Faced with guerilla warfare, we need to develop a framework centered on Special Forces as well as an increase in specially-trained ground troops to destroy the terrorists. For example, it is clearly absurd to pursue fleeing terrorists on motorbikes with heavy armour. We should have developed our own Special Forces with their own specially-configured motorbikes, perhaps even using electricity, to pursue, overtake and dismantle them.

    It is clear that the development of Special Forces is not in sync with the profiteering and racketeering in Defence expenditure. We must now quickly develop Special Forces as well as strengthen the intelligence framework at the local level and use technology to monitor the movements of the terrorists. Satellite sensors could have monitored the movement of scores of motorcycles moving symmetrically. We must also investigate the failure of intelligence.

    Nigeria is in a very terrible situation and the entire sector of the war must now be configured in order to defeat terrorism. The top echelon of the Nigerian Defence system must study unconventional warfare, dating back about eighty years, to see how modern armies had to configure their methods to fight insurgents.

    A key example is Dien Bien Phu in Vietnam. Seventy-one years ago, on the paddy fields of Vietnam, a lightly-armed, barefooted guerrilla army, led by a lawyer named Võ Nguyên Giáp, not only defeated but also destroyed the French Army, which had air power, armoured tanks, and the most modern weaponry at its disposal.

    The Battle of Dien Bien Phu (March-May 1954) was the decisive engagement of the First Indochina War. Apart from changing the conception of warfare forever, it also showed that a revolutionary ragtag army can defeat one of the best armies in the world. Most importantly, it showed that guerrilla warfare is fundamentally different from state-on-state wars like Nigeria versus Ghana or Togo versus Niger Republic.

    The French surrender ended its colonial rule in Vietnam and led to the country’s temporary partition. We must therefore study this as well as other examples of asymmetric warfare to resolve the ugly situation we now face. To put it succinctly, there must be a complete overhaul, for it is now clear that the constant changing of personnel is not the issue. The issue is that the strategy must change! It means that we must have a different force structure within the army!

    It must also be noted that an insurgency movement mutates. When insurgents quarrel, which is not unlikely, divisions set in and the groups mutate, moving into different sectors. This means that, instead of fighting three groups, a country may eventually face ten or eleven. So, a country worth its vision and mission on security must anticipate this and nurture its strategic plans.

    Eni tó kàn ló mò! (Only the wearer knows where the shoe pinches!). For yours sincerely, the argument that heightened insecurity is merely a pre‑election narrative for 2027 is too lazy to sound as an excuse. Do we think the parents whose children were kidnapped care a hoot about any election? Have we counted how many of the Chibok girls’ parents are still alive? What of the parents whose children were abducted from St. Mary’s Catholic School in Kebbi: do we know how many have ended up in the hospital?  For God’s sake, when will this madness come to an end?

    Again, consider the ancient wisdom: “Àgbàrà òjò kò l’óun ò n’ílé wó. Onílé ni kò níí gbà fun.” (The intent of a heavy storm and flood is to wreak havoc, and that of those to be affected is to prevent it.) This dynamic defines all conflict. It stands to reason that nobody has ever waged unconventional, or even conventional, warfare without successfully infiltrating the security apparatus of the opposition. Unfortunately, this tactic takes a sinister turn in a religious war. Here, there are people who view it as a divine calling, making infiltration a sacred duty.

  • A tale of two states

    A tale of two states

    Charles Dickens, in his classic novel, ‘A Tale of Two Cities’, contrasted the turbulent similarities and differences of London and Paris during a time of profound change. For London and Paris, Dickens famously summed up his assessment as being “the best of times and the worst of times.”

     Ekiti and Osun are currently undergoing a deep political transition, as they present both similar and contrasting situations. In Ekiti, the incumbent governor, Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji (BAO), has accomplishments to show the people and is seeking re-election. Osun, however, presents a contrasting tale!

    Next year will be a buildup to the real, pivotal 2027 elections which could determine the nomenclature and the political landscape of Nigeria for decades to come. Osun and Ekiti States, like Anambra which had its own dose of electoral activity a few days ago, will be a test run, or a dress rehearsal for the real thing. In effect, Professor Joash Amupitan (SAN), the newly-appointed Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), will have his feet held to the fire to demonstrate his managerial competence and transparent independence. It is going to be hard on Johnny-come-lately!

    Ekiti and Osun reflect different undercurrents. In Osun State, the current governor, Ademola Adeleke, is swimming against the tide where decamping to the ruling party at the centre is no longer considered, in the editorial judgment of many would-be editors, a front-page Breaking News. Unlike Ekiti, the All Progressives Congress (APC), Osun State Chapter is arguably fragmented, appears to lack a cohesive anti-Adeleke position and the perception is that the aspirants are not offering a clear alternative manifesto to rally the state around.

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    In contrasting fashion, the situation is unlike that in Ekiti State. There, the current thinking among neutrals and the discerning is that the governor, despite some contrived internal wrangling, is gaining acceptance. This acceptance, largely from the non-party-affiliated electorate, suggests that a second term would allow him to conclude a steady start to his administration.

    The opposition in Ekiti and the APC counterpart in Osun face a similar dilemma: how to successfully campaign to unseat the incumbent. This difficulty presents a fundamental flaw in Nigeria’s current political landscape. The flaw is that, despite the intra-party rivalry and maneuvering for party candidacy, parties often fail to develop and sell a clear, alternative prospectus to the electorate. In the absence of a viable alternative vision, this reveals ill-preparedness.

    Such ill-preparedness fails to provide the necessary stimulus for voters to ride an anti-incumbent wave. History shows that nobody dethrones an incumbent without first stimulating and amplifying negative public perceptions against the current administration. This is, of course, in contrast to the national level, where the current wave of decamping and the mood of the electors unambiguously point to a solid electoral victory for the incumbent president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    For the opposition at the center, and in Ekiti and Osun States, it’s going to be a very steep mountain to climb. But it is climbable because the dynamics of politics is fluid; and, as the master tactician, Harold Wilson, has been quoted a million times in observing, a week is a long time in politics. However, if the current changes, we must be prepared to seize the moment!

    In the case of Osun, we can ask questions such as: What does the surge in voter registration represent, what is motivating it, and who is going to gain from it? For Osun, APC should be well advised to answer these questions. The party should also look at the critical question of zoning. Will the issue of zoning become a decisive factor? Will it make political sense, leaving aside the moral question, to pick the candidate to run against Adeleke from outside of the West Senatorial District? Osun APC had better look at this critical factor before choosing its candidate and running for the election!

    Osun APC should also take a realistic look at the effect of the smaller parties, such as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP), and their chances. Something is almost certain: wherever the Governor successfully pivots governance into a political spectacle, the PDP will most likely vote as a bloc, which means that the smaller parties might be taking votes from the APC. In our first-past-the-post electoral system, this swing in votes will be a critical factor. One can only hope that the APC already has strategists working on various permutations to counter this.

    For Ekiti, the anti-incumbent people are so disparate that it is difficult to see them being galvanized on a common focus. The two states therefore represent contrasting dynamics. Events will unfold, and we intend to keep a continuing eye on the twists and turns as well as the possibility of tales of the unexpected. For instance, will the parties, after fractious primary elections, still be intact, or will there be decamping into other parties, further weakening the already unsteady party structures? These are the key issues to monitor!

      As far as Ekiti is concerned, the political landscape suggests the government’s strategies are working. Oyebanji, a leader of discipline and direction, has demonstrated steady, determined gains. His administration has done enough to convince the Ekitis that a second term would be in their collective interest, especially since the opposition has failed to present a clear, alternative vision. Consequently, the odds clearly favour him.

    BAO is credited with completing every General Hospital within three years and successfully connecting all Ekiti towns to the national grid. Good for the governor and the state. He must now focus on improving this transformative vision and developmental strategies, as leaders who tap effectively into the electorate’s aspirations and sense of identity tend to fare better.

    Speaking generally, electoral success is often elusive for candidates who place partisan loyalty above the practical concerns and lived experiences of voters. What’s more, mere endorsements do not win elections, as the 2014 presidential election has shown. Similarly, defections alone rarely deliver victory, as the 2022 Osun governorship election has revealed. But purpose does.

    Before the 2014 Osun governorship election, I asked my son, who was barely four years old at the time, the name of the then state governor. As young as he was, Abiola was able to mutter something very close to the answer I had in mind. Last year, I asked him the name of the Minister of Information as one of his birthday tests which I had promised would attract a gift. My boy started struggling with his phone! The contrast reflects the current decline in political awareness in the land.

    Again, James Carville’s strategic approach in Bill Clinton’s campaign highlights the fact that Osun APC has much work to do if it aims to achieve an upset in the 2026 Osun guber election.

    One of the tragedies of Osun is that the present governor is focusing largely on misplaced priorities which, unfortunately, the opposition has not done enough to capitalize on. In our very eyes, the standard of the social contract has fully collapsed, even as we are in a state of very complex ethnic and regional dynamics, and it is as if real intellectuals or names that could inspire confidence and hope are in short supply!

    For example, given the lack of significant or imaginative improvement in the health and education sectors, how do we classify local government workers who have abandoned their duty posts since February 2025? Consider also the judiciary workers who have been on an industrial action with the state government practically looking away! For God’s sake, what is the percentage of the citizens of Osun State who’d never have the opportunity to become governor?

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    • KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only)

  • Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School at 70! (2)

    Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School at 70! (2)

    According to Michael Afolayan, a US-based Professor of Education and Linguistics, what is happening in IJGS “is a systemic problem – the aphorism of the crooked top. Today, we have a pseudo-leadership that has no value for education. Imagine such a great school you just appraised here having only 10 permanent teachers!

    “Just imagine the IJGS in the days of Oba Joseph Ajayi Palmer, when every trained teacher wanted to come and serve there. I recall the late Mr. E. Adegbola, owner of Surulere Bookstore in Ile-Ife and Ijebu-Jesa, who was a headmaster where I taught at the time. He would contribute any amount and donate a stockpile of books to IJGS.”

    This legacy of excellence and community support is a microcosm of the much larger educational landscape of Nigeria today. Nigerian education parades more than 270 universities, over 160 Colleges of Education, and roughly 145 Polytechnics. This tertiary system is supplied by an immense basic education sector, including approximately 129,600 primary schools and over 43,000 secondary schools.

    At the best of times, those who hold the view that secondary institutions act as the foundational pipeline by preparing students academically and morally, and providing the required SSCE certification for university admission, are not far from the truth. After all, universities, in turn, influence the secondary system by setting minimum academic standards and by training the teaching manpower for the schools.

    Beyond the cloak of deniability and euphemism, the voices and forces of the competition between public and private secondary schools have become so severe that, during SSCE periods, public school students often gravitate towards private schools, aka ‘miracle centers’, over their own institutions. The significant increase in the number of schools compared to the past, when secondary schools were scarce, has also contributed to the woes.

    The truth we ignore is that Nigerian parents are no longer holding public education in high regard as they once did. As things stand, many Nigerian parents even prefer sending their children to schools with inadequate facilities, simply because they are labeled as private institutions. Added to these problems is the dearth of qualified teachers and essential teaching facilities.

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    Evidently, the 1955 noble vision has become a trickle, proving that parents will always seek the best available educational life raft. To put it in succinct terms, IJGS’s stagnant enrollment is an indictment of the state’s negligence of the education sector. Unfortunately, there has been no focused opposition to expose these fatal flaws, thereby leading to a dangerous normalization of misplaced priorities. Or how do we situate the building of urban flyovers over the building of rural roads? This lack of scrutiny surrounding these decisions has been normalized as political sagacity across the states and only God can help us!

    To rise out of this quagmire, governments across the board must stop using public schools as political dumping grounds for unqualified staff. For my alma mater, there’s an urgent need for an immediate cash injection to hire trained teaching, even non-teaching, staff to effectively compete with the glossy façade of the private sector. Otherwise, the school risks becoming a historic relic.

    There’s no need to reinvent the wheel; the current efforts of Nigeria’s oldest school, CMS Grammar School, Bariga, Lagos, serve as a powerful example. Founded in 1859, former students of the school have laid the foundation for a $2.5m ICT centre to prepare its students for the future of technology. Similarly, Ilesa Grammar School’s distinguished alumni, including Wole Olanipekun SAN, and Obi Daramola, provide funding for resources and facility upgrades.

    The Government College, Ibadan, Old Boys Association (GCIOBA) now manages its alma mater, following its government handover. India, Malaysia and Brazil have also demonstrated that alumni associations play a critical role in achieving sustainable development. Efforts such as this must not just be acknowledged but actively emulated by IJGS. This emulation would be the greatest acknowledgment and appreciation of the great community who planted the seed for this enduring institution seventy years ago.

    To achieve this, IJGSOSA should set up an endowment fund to attract funds from home and abroad, towards bringing the institution to the cutting edge of modern society and meeting the needs of the next 50 years. This focus on capacity building represents the biggest expression of the ultimate concept of acceptable empowerment. We can go on and on, but handing out perishables or things that have no lasting economic impact should be out of sync with true empowerment.

    On a day like this, we remember Bayo Okunmuyide, one of the authors of Champions Mathematics, published by MacMillan, and an inaugural graduating student. His son, Tayo Okunmuyide (’89 set), currently works with TotalEnergies SE.

    We also honour Mike Awoyinfa (HSC, ’71 set), the Pioneer Editor of Weekend Concord and the founding Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief of The Sun Publishing Limited. Another prominent alumnus is Lanre Arogundade (1976/77 set), the man who famously described IJGS as a “university of high standards”.

    Olukemi Babatunji, the Otun Iyalode of All Souls Anglican Church, Ijebu-Jesa, belonged to the ’84 set. The younger sister of Bishop Babatunji, she’s currently the Manager of Nursing Services in an Oil and Gas multinational concern.

    We also remember the many dedicated academic staff members who guided us during those formative years at the school. These include:  Pa Joshua Agunsoye, Mr. & Mrs. D.D.W. Chandratilleke, Mr. & Mrs. P.J.D. Thanasingh and Chief (Mrs.) Hannah Babatunji.

    Further names include: S.K. Tsipotey, Y. Ofori, Kofi Agyeman-Duah, C.A. Fasina, S.F. Obisesan, and many others like I.D. Hayibor, Nana Osei, Soula Pani, C.A. Afouda and Mrs. P.O. Ayoade.

    Our remembrance extends beyond the classroom staff to honour the valuable administrative and supporting personnel, including: J.O. Dagunduro (Librarian), Akin Adejuwon (Bursar), Miss Bintu Asimi (Typist), and Biodun Kato (Clerk). We also remember Asimi Sanni, Josiah Obileye, Samuel Fajemisin, and Sunday Loye (Gardeners); Mustapha Atanda, aka ‘Kosepo’ (Driver), and Gabriel Ikotun (Night Watchman).

    Still in the spirit of commemoration, Isaac Aderogba, aka ‘Kammy-Cut’ and ‘Baba Olomi’, comes to mind. Pa Aderogba was the ever-ready, always-smiling, happy and ‘no-dull-moment’ tailor who made the School’s uniforms and house wears until the late 1970s.

    As I have argued earlier, IJGS’s alumni commitment is demonstrated through various renovation projects. I stand by it! For instance, in 2016, Class ’76 renovated the school’s Assembly Hall to mark its 40th anniversary. Professor Oyewole Ajifolokun (’82 set) renovated a classroom block while Class ’80 renovated the Principal’s Lodge to serve as the ‘Corpers Lodge’.

    The ’89 set has been sponsoring the Chemistry teacher since September 2022, and the results of this effort have been fantastic. This set counts two professors among its members. The first is Professor Oloyede Bolaji, who is currently the Head of Department, Medical Microbiology and Parasitology, at the College of Health Sciences, Osun State University, Osogbo.

    Professor Bolaji is the President of the Class ’89 and also serves as the Global Assistant General Secretary 2 in the current IJGSOSA Executive Committee. The second is Professor Olumide Longe, currently the Vice Chancellor of West Midlands Open University, Lagos.

    Although he didn’t attend the school, retired Army Colonel Wole Ogunseemi made a significant contribution to its infrastructure. During his time as a member of the Osun State House of Assembly (2003-2007) and as the Executive Chairman of Oriade Local Government (2008-2011), he constructed three blocks of nine classrooms in the school. Wole Oke, the Member Representing Obokun/Oriade Federal Constituency in the National Assembly, also renovated a block of classrooms as a constituency project.

    Felix Septuaginta Annorum Celebratio ad IJGS!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

    • KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only)

    ●Concluded.

  • Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School at 70! (1)

    Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School at 70! (1)

    Paying tribute to a respected institution as it marks three scores and ten of sustained success and brand excellence shouldn’t feel routine or simply like a chore. Instead, it ought to serve as a genuine moment to reflect deeply on its past achievements and the potential it may have missed.

    The spirit and community efforts that led to the establishment of Ijebu-Jesa Grammar School (IJGS), Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State in January 1955 are worthy of remembrance and high commendation. The founding fathers were driven by a clear understanding of the consequences of inaction. Their determination was to align with the enlightenment and opportunities provided by Western education to uplift an incoming generation. They must be commended, not just for their pioneering efforts, but for their strategic astuteness.

    IJGS is a result of the original blueprint by the Ijebu-Jesa Union Conference (IJUC), which initiated the concept circa 1936. That year, during the presidency of D.B. Aloba, the IJUC sent a delegation to secure the support of the chiefs and people of Ijebu-Jesa. The delegation included: S.A. Fatiregun, T.T. Ojumu, A.A. Esugbongbe, S.K. Ogunseemi, I.O. Fajuyigbe, J.O. Famakinwa and J.O. Aloba.

    The principals who have served the school include: C.O. Komolafe (1955-1962); Z.A. Ogunmola (January-December 1963); P.O. Orunmuyi (1964-1972); E.A. Iyanda (1973-1975); S.A. Adewole (1975-1982); I.O. Orolugbagbe (1982-1984); and Olu Olowokure (1984-1999).

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    Others were: G.A. Adesina (April-December 1991); M.O. Saseun (1992-1994); B.A. Fakankun (1995-2000); M.O. Fadare (2001-2005); P.O. Oyewale (2008-2012); J.O. Ayeni (2012-2017); I.O. Dagiloke (2017-2018); J.D. Olanipekun (2018-2020); C.B. Adeoye (2021-2024); and Bolanle Aderemi (2024-date).

    Currently, IJGS boasts ten permanent teaching staff, three Teaching Practice teachers, and seven corps members. Additionally, there are fifteen PTA teachers whose wages are covered by the Old Students Association (IJGSOSA). Class ’71 has, for the past four years, employed and paid a Physics Teacher for the school and is willing to continue this generous commitment. Thankfully, the student beneficiaries have responded with outstanding performances.

    To paraphrase what was said of Christopher Wren, the architect of Modern London, whose epitaph reads, “Si monumentum requiris, circumspice” (If you seek his monument, look around you). In the same powerful way, if you seek to know what those who conceived the idea of establishing IJGS achieved, look around you. The school has since provided a remarkable array of professionals and technocrats who have elevated the community and extended their reach beyond it.

    IJGS opened with more than seventy students. This first set included Babajide Jayeoba, Patrick Agbara, Saka Sanusi, Jide Oluwi, and Oladapo Aloba, who served as the pioneer Senior Prefect. Among others were Gideon Oni, Dapo Olatunde, Ezekiel Ogundele, Theophilus Obisesan, and Koya Olubiyi.

    An interesting part of the IJGS story is that its inaugural graduating class comprised only eleven students. Originally an all-male secondary school, the institution also admitted its first female students in 1966. They graduated in 1970.

    The first student who made distinctions at the Cambridge examination (equivalent of today’s Senior Secondary School Examination, SSCE) was the late Professor Olaniyi Ayoade (1962 set). The first football goalkeeper of the school was the late Lere Adigun, aka, Maja. Adigun is fondly remembered for reportedly riding a bicycle all the way from Germany to Nigeria. The late Adepoju Onibokun, the first Professor of Urban and Regional Planning in Africa, was also a distinguished product of IJGS (1961 set).

    The reigning Elegboro of Ijebu-Jesa, Oba Moses Olufemi Agunsoye is a 1976 product of the school. Oba Adesuyi Haastrup (Ajimoko III), the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland, also attended IJGS for a year (1963-1964). Among other notable alumni is Francis Fadahunsi, the Senator Representing Osun East Senatorial District, who earned his Higher School Certificate (HSC) at IJGS between 1972 and 1973.

    The list also features Olusola Famuyide (Class ’71), a retired Research Director and one-time Provost of the Forestry Research Institute of Nigeria (FRIN). Another notable alumnus is Kolawole Kazeem (1976 set), a Professor at the University of Ibadan, current IJGSOSA Global President, and last substantive Provost of the former Osun State College of Education, Ilesa (2017-2021).

    The list continues with Olutise Adenipekun (’77 set), former Registrar and Head of the Nigeria National Office of WAEC; Ambassador Adedayo Adefidipe (Class ’74); and Tony Igbaroola (Class ’76), owner of Sambeatz Hotel and Suites, Ilesa.

    Olukayode Abe (’77 set) is a renowned administrator and a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Personnel Management. He maintains key roles in various organizations and serves as a Facilitator and Senior Lecturer in Rome Business School in Rome, Italy. His younger brother, Oluwaseyi Abe, mni (’83 set), is a multifaceted professional whose expertise spans banking, insurance, finance, and solar energy. He’s the 9th President of the Chartered Institute of Stockbrokers and sits on the boards of several companies.

    Tayo Abogan (Class ’78) is the Chairman, Committee of Deans, and the Dean of the Faculty of Environmental Studies at the Osun State College of Technology, Esa-Oke. Before his current roles, Abogan served as the Acting Deputy Rector and, from 2010 to 2019, as the Head of Urban and Regional Planning Department.

    Among the Class ’84 were: Sola Fasoranti, a US-based Petroleum Engineer; Professor Wole Ajayi (LAUTECH, Ogbomoso); Bank Executives Olufemi Fasoyin and Abayomi Fadare; and Adebowale Adeduntan, a Dublin-based Mechanical Engineer. The set also includes Rt. Rev. Olugbenga Babatunji, the Lord Bishop of Osun Diocese (Anglican Communion), and Pastor Femi Faseru of the KICC, Lagos. Femi Faseru’s younger brother, Babalola Faseru (1987 set), is a Professor of Population Health at the University of Kansas Medical Center (KUMC).

    I belonged to the 1985 set, and I was the Chapel Prefect Boy. The set showcased a superb team, including: Akinyemi Adu (Senior Prefect Boy), who sadly died on October 21, 2025, and Onifade Toyin (Senior Prefect Girl). Falola Moses served as Labour Prefect Boy; Ajayi Ige (Agriculture Prefect) died on December 11, 2023. The late Ajayi Olamide was the Chapel Prefect Girl, while Ekundayo Temitope and Aworele Kehinde held the Social Prefect roles.

    ​Fasoyin Oluropo was the Punctuality Prefect while Faseyitan Dada (Boy) and Dada Margaret (Girl) served as Health Prefects. Komolafe Oluwaseun was the Library Prefect Boy. Olugbade Ebenezer (Boy) and Agbedu Elizabeth (Girl): Games Prefects; and Agbedu Emmanuel (Boy) and Ekundayo Ayodele (Girl): Food Prefects. Among the House Prefects were Olagunju Julius (Agigiri, Boy), Arojojoye Adejare (Agigri, Girl), and Anakali Pius (Yoloye, Boy).

    IJGS presently has 327 students. The current leadership team includes Adeosun Boluwatife (Head Boy); Ajayi Sharon (Head Girl/Health Girl); Ojelabi Michael (Assistant Head Boy/Punctuality Prefect Boy); and Oladipupo Favour (Assistant Head Girl/Punctuality Prefect Girl). Other prefects are Swardart Samson and Giwa Omotola (Labour Prefects, Boy and Girl respectively); Akinsola Emmanuel (Social Prefect Boy); Adedayo Precious (Social Prefect Girl); and Taiwo Ayomikun (Games Prefect). The team is rounded out by Omilegan Lekan (Time Keeper), and Chapel Prefects Tofunmi Ademilolu and Olanipekun Khadijat.

    Not unexpectedly, the alumni have been instrumental in significant infrastructural developments for the school. For example, Engr. Folorunso Esan (Class ’81) secured Federal Government funding for the complete renovation of the Administrative Building, and Senator Fadahunsi funded the construction of an ICT Centre. Class ’73 sponsored the renovation and equipping of the Science Laboratories with modern facilities.

    IJGSOSA facilitated the establishment of a School Clinic and a Games Block, while Class ’85 renovated four classrooms within the Administrative Building. These examples represent only a fraction of the alumni’s contributions.

    We might ask: Why is a school with such great potential still struggling with enrollment and related issues, seventy years on, with the student figure currently standing at less than 350? Of course, the challenge lies not with the school itself but with the powers and principalities in the current societal climate.

    ● To be concluded.

  • Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (2)

    Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (2)

    The detail makes the difference! In 1961, the regional government in Western Nigeria made tax cuts to shore up its dwindling electoral prospects, largely caused by a drop in commodity prices. There was, however, an unexpected resistance to the tax cuts in some provinces, particularly in Ekiti, Ijebu and Ondo. Over 300 people were arraigned before magistrates across the region for unruly conduct and bound over. The key point here is that people, after an initial resistance in the middle of the 1950s, had come to accept the benefits of paying taxes. Even by today’s standards worldwide, this is real political sophistication.

    Obviously, this new paradigm is the basis for the laudable, very well-thought-out tax reforms of the Tinubu administration. Fifteen years down the road, the political maturation fostered by these reforms will definitely manifest as resistance to proposed tax cuts, which will be interpreted by the populace as an attempt to undermine their economic rights, even their right to life. This cultural shift would be the highlight of the president’s very important thrust to redefine Nigeria’s political economy, and the verdict of history will ultimately be very favourable to him and his endeavours.

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    For years, Nigeria has been basking in the euphoria of a revenue economy, but where has that taken us? As we speak, Nigeria holds a complex position in World Bank assessments. In terms of national income per person, the country faces significant challenges, as evidenced by its recent ranking of 146 out of 191 countries on GDP per capita. However, when viewed by overall economic size, the Bank acknowledges Nigeria as the largest economy in Africa by Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Despite its status as Africa’s economic giant, the World Bank officially classifies the country as a Lower Middle-Income Economy.

    Again, the question is: do we need the World Bank to tell us that all is not well with Nigeria? Of course, stepping onto the streets will reveal the gravity of the mass misery ravaging our land. If we look at the faces of the people, and evaluate the children who daily trek to their schools with practically nothing in their stomachs, and simply because their parents want to save the N200 or N300 cost of Korope, then maybe we can have better words to situate our predicament.

    In the 1960s, things were not this bad because there was a real state. The simple truth is that the political leaders of that era were adequately prepared for leadership roles. Those leaders went into politics because they believed in something, and they pursued it diligently. Since they had a clear agenda for development, their focus was fundamentally different from what obtains these days.

    But what can we say about our latter-day leaders? A majority of them are in politics purely because of limited economic opportunities. Since they’re driven only by the fear of personal poverty, they’re bereft of any ideological base. They are not developmentalists because they’re not in politics to build or develop anything. They are children of entitlement, simply dancing away their people’s sorrow. If this were not the case, when was the last time a major factory was established in a town like Ijebu-Jesa in Osun State?

    The Agent General of Western Nigeria in London during the First Republic was the de-facto Minister of Export, coordinating the sale of exports like cocoa, palm oil, rubber and the like. It was he who would negotiate markets, shipping and insurance. He always had strong targets, so he was always a very busy man. If we may ask, what is Nigeria’s High Commissioner to the UK selling to the outside world and how much is he remitting to Nigeria as proceeds from the sale of our exports? What’s his target and how is he coping with it?

    Yes, personal charisma might win an election, but, while the principalities and powers of the past cannot be reversed, it offers a barometer for learning. Consider Obafemi Awolowo’s 1952 speech to the Western Region House of Assembly on the establishment of the Cooperative Bank; it reads as if the late sage were delivering a Nobel Prize in Economics Acceptance Speech. Characteristically, Awo’s speech was a display of deep, powerful and dialectical thinking. Unfortunately, the majority of those in power today have neither that depth nor the intellectual interest. This critical lack of clear direction and intellectual leadership is one of the primary reasons why Nigeria struggles to survive.

    Admittedly, what grows a country are not men but the system. However, the system is always put in place by men. More importantly, the matter isn’t about the absence of documents, but about the presence of a functioning, ethical state. Across the ‘parties’, and frankly in most states of the federation, there are dozens of aspirants who are not distinguishable from one another. They are just vying for access to power and resources, rather than the upliftment of the people and upholding the legacy in the Western Region that affirmed the very purpose of governance and indeed of politics itself: ‘To make life more abundant’.

    Who knew about the Port of Singapore in the 1960s? So, what exactly went wrong, and where exactly did our leaders lose the plot?  More critically, where is the substantive plan to bolster security, the very foundation upon which all other state activities must rest? Tragically, the situation is deteriorating so fast that some institutions of higher learning have had to issue curfew timetables for when their students are allowed to move or are forced to go on empty stomachs for the fear of bandit attacks.

    With Tinubu now in the saddle, the optics may be looking good. Who knows?

    • Concluded.
  • Forthcoming …

    Forthcoming …

    I had the privilege of witnessing the Ekiti APC governorship consensus ratification on October 27, 2025. At this event, 885 delegates endorsed Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, aka BAO, as the consensus candidate for the June 20, 2026 governorship election.

    On Tuesday, October 28, 2025, I also joined the governor’s entourage to the commissioning of the reconstructed Itawure-Okemesi-Ekiti Road, the lighting of Okemesi-Ekiti, and the reopening of the equipped General Hospital in Okemesi-Ekiti.

    Reflecting on these events, I’m led to ask: Was the outpouring of support for the governor genuine, or a carefully crafted display? Did the crowds that lined the streets, chanting ‘BAO’, act of their own accord, or were their voices procured? These questions linger, even as they invite us to ponder the complex interplay between power, perception, and reality.

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    Unarguably, Oyebanji’s achievements speak for themselves, and the people’s happiness is evident in their enthusiastic response. This contradicts opposition claims and highlights the dynamic relationship between leadership and public perception.

    With politics also in a state of flux in the State of Osun, it is now compelling to put the beamlight on the state of play in a highly sophisticated swing state.

    Bola Oyebamiji! Akin Ogunbiyi! Dotun Babayemi! Benedict Alabi! Iyiola Omisore! Kunle Adegoke! And other APC governorship aspirants! Osun State, stretching back in time, has always been electorally competitive. It is not a state to be taken for granted, and upsets can never be ruled out. With an off-season governorship election scheduled for August 8, 2026, political activities will intensify, oftentimes with maneuvers that will defy logic.

    Surely certainly, all eyes will be on Ekiti and Osun States, as the twists and turns of the political drama will be more than worth watching for pundits, analysts, and anyone who appreciates political theatre.

    As the days go by, we will focus on the personalities, the trends, the currents and anticipate tales of the unexpected.

    It will be a treat!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (1)

    Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (1)

    The great British Rock Band, ‘The Beatles’, eulogized ‘Yesterday’ in one of its most memorable hit songs. In the lyrics of the song, the past is framed by the line, “Yesterday, all my troubles seemed so far away,” culminating in a definitive “longing for yesterday.” This is the melancholic interpretation of that great band who defined an era which was a combination of tumult and hope – quite a bizarre cocktail! On the contrary, in Nigeria, only those into self-abnegation, interpreted as a craving for punishment, long for yesterday.

    Yesterday was not very edifying in the Nigerian experience, and the statistics are frightening. On the day of independence, October 1, 1960, Nigeria was the 27th largest economy in the world. Fast forward 65 years, and the country is the world’s 30th largest economy. This must be one of the greatest examples of retrogression in the economic history of mankind.

    For all manner of reasons, yesterday was a catastrophe for Nigeria, and there can be no longing for it, because it was an era of underachievement, the ‘development of underdevelopment’, as well as ‘growth without development’. Yesterday for Nigeria was a nightmare scenario that has turned into an existential crisis.

    Observing a similar era in Italy, as Benito Mussolini marched on Rome to seize and then consolidate power, the brilliant Italian philosopher, Antonio Gramsci, noted in his prison notes that “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.” Unfortunately, Gramsci died in Mussolini’s prison due to poor health, as he was indeed opposed to the dictator.

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    As in Italy in that era, Nigeria went through an interregnum in which morbid symptoms of decay and self-immolation appeared alongside the demons that had to be slain. Warts and all, the Bola Tinubu government must be given acknowledgement for understanding that the monsters released in decades of underachievement had to be contained, then slain. In an existential crisis, there’s no alternative!

    Actually, there’s an alternative, and that is, the government could, British-style, attempt to muddle through. The critical difference here is that Britain has very strong institutions to act as a backbone as well as a shock-absorber. Disturbingly, Nigeria is bereft of strong institutions, which means that the very concept of a shock-absorber is fragile.

    The Tinubu government has shown great political skills in its attempt to break decisively – and, hopefully, irreversibly – away from a dismal past. One key element here is to go back to Gramsci again! Apart from being renowned for introducing the concept of ‘Cultural Hegemony’ into political philosophy, he also derived from Cultural Hegemony a position that political discourse and parties must define the territory of thoughts and actions in favour of one’s own position.

    In this vein, the Tinubu administration has altered Nigeria’s political hegemony, supportive of the position that an emphasis on production-inducing taxation must replace revenue sharing as the operating grundnorm and the engine room of the political economy of the state. This is a breakthrough as well as a breakaway from the root causes of Nigeria’s underdevelopment. We do not need a crystal ball to forecast that fifty years down the road, economic historians would give this administration massive credit for this change in perception, theory and action.

    To put things in context, it can also be interpreted as a throwback to a more edifying past. In the 1950s and the 1960s, the economic forward thrust, which, for example, made the Eastern Region of Nigeria the fastest growing subnational entity in the entire British Commonwealth, was predicated on this. A moment that can now be seen as defining and a justification for Tinubu’s intervention in the political economy can be taken from the Western Region of Nigeria in 1961.

    •To be concluded.

  • Morgan Omodu: The measure of a life

    Morgan Omodu: The measure of a life

    I was a year ahead of Temidayo Morgan Omodu at the University of Ilorin. We were from separate departments: Morgan, Mathematics Education, and I, Statistics, in the Faculty of Science.

    Prior to our meeting, I had been invited by Bashir Tayo Lawal, then President of the National Association of Statistics Students (NASS), Unilorin Chapter, to help revive its editorial platform, a role I gladly accepted.

    Omodu was fascinated by my writings on the board, particularly ‘The Man from Essex’, a piece on Professor I.O. Osungade, who died on June 15, 2024. He approached me to express his interest in writing and seek my guidance. I accepted, and our lifelong friendship began.

    Together with Abayomi Akomolafe, now Professor of Statistics at the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA), Femi Adebola, now Professor of Statistics and current Dean, Faculty of Physical Sciences, FUTA, Remi Gbaremu, and others, the NASS Editorial Board, aka NASSEB, achieved great success. These achievements, and other matters, are topics for another time.

    When the Faculty of Science Students Association (FOSSA), Unilorin Chapter, led by Gbenga Adebayo, invited me to help rebuild its media arm, I brought Omodu along. We also worked together on the Unilorin Students’ Union Government (SUG) Editorial Board. Kehinde Agboola, a former member of the House of Representatives, was the SUG President at the time.

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    I graduated from Unilorin in 1996, and our paths diverged until sometime in the 2000s, when we reconnected in Ilorin. Omodu even introduced me to his mother, and I spent the night at his house.

    We lost touch again until 2010, when we met at the Lagos City Hall during the ‘Odu’a, Know Thyself’ programme, organized by the Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), a sociocultural organization where I served as its pioneer Administrative Secretary. I learned, much later, that Omodu was part of Rt. Honourable Dimeji Bankole’s delegation as his Special Assistant on Student Affairs and Legislative Matters to the event. I had remained unaware of this, of course, for reasons not unconnected with the pervasive influence of the I-am-of-Paul-and-another-I-am-of-Apollos political dynamics of that era.

    Last year, Omodu invited me to join AljazirahNigeria newspaper as a non-stipendiary ‘Backpager’, but I declined due to other commitments. Nevertheless, he continued to feature my writings, and I was saddened to learn of his passing on Thursday, October 16, 2025, at the age of 52.

    Some months before his demise, Omodu had reached out to me and raised concerns about some disturbing political developments in his native Ondo State. Together, we explored options and concluded that something needed to be done, urgently, to salvage the situation. He promised to get back to me. Unfortunately, whatever his efforts were are now lost to history.

    At the time of his passing, Omodu was the newspaper’s Managing Editor.

    While he was alive, Morgan Omodu would call me ‘Great Komo’ while I would address him as ‘OluwaMorgan’.

    ‘Mortuus sed non oblitus!’ (Gone but not forgotten!). As I reflect on our diverging paths and networks, I realize that while we often find ourselves at the mercy of circumstances, we must remember that we have the power to shape them, rather than simply being shaped by them. This realization brings me to the measure of a man’s life: his network. In life, a man is as good as his network. But what if his network turns out to be ineffective or a letdown?

    A tool is useless if it can’t serve its purpose. Omodu was truly blessed: he had a knife that could cut bread, a supportive network that helped him achieve success. It is only his death that snatched an example of good manners and selflessness away from us too soon!

    May the Stone of Israel rest the soul of the faithful departed and comfort those he left behind!