The Nation Newspaper

Category: ARINZE IGBOELI

‘Navigating uncertainty: Trump’s global legacy and Nigeria’s strategic challenges’

Donald Trump’s second emergence and continued influence in American politics represents one of the most significant political developments of the 21st century, with ripple effects that extend far beyond U.S. borders. His unconventional approach to politics and policy has reshaped international relations and carries particular implications for the globe including developing nations like Nigeria.

Trump’s initial rise to power in 2016 marked the acceleration of a global populist wave that has influenced political movements worldwide. His “America First” doctrine, characterized by skepticism toward traditional international alliances, preference for bilateral over multilateral agreements, and protectionist economic policies, has inspired similar movements across continents. This shift has fundamentally altered the post-World War II international order that emphasized globalization and multilateral cooperation.

The Trump approach to governance – prioritizing nationalist interests over global consensus – has emboldened leaders worldwide to adopt more assertive nationalist positions. This trend has particular relevance for Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria, which must navigate an increasingly complex international environment while managing its own internal challenges.

Trump’s first stint as president introduced significant volatility into global trade relations through tariff wars, renegotiation of trade agreements, and skepticism toward free trade principles. For resource-rich countries like Nigeria, this shift has several implications:

1. Commodity Markets: Trump’s policies and rhetoric can significantly impact global commodity prices, affecting Nigeria’s oil-dependent economy. The uncertainty surrounding U.S. trade policies can lead to market volatility, complicating economic planning for petroleum-exporting nations.

2. Investment Flows The “America First” doctrine has influenced global investment patterns. Increased protectionism in developed economies could either redirect investment toward emerging markets like Nigeria or lead to a general retreat of international capital to perceived safer havens.

3. Trade Relations: The emphasis on bilateral rather than multilateral trade agreements could affect Nigeria’s trade positioning, potentially requiring more direct negotiation with major economic powers rather than working through international frameworks.

On immigration, Trump’s strict stance on immigration has implications for countries with significant diaspora populations in the United States, including Nigeria. The Nigerian diaspora in the U.S. contributes significantly to Nigeria’s economy through remittances and knowledge transfer. Any policies affecting immigration or visa regulations can have direct economic and social impacts on Nigerian communities both in the U.S. and at home.

Read Also: Supreme Court rejects 36 states’ suit to compel FG to account for gas earnings since 1999

The Trump administration’s inclusion of Nigeria in travel restrictions highlighted the potential vulnerability of international mobility to political shifts in Washington. This has implications for:

– Educational opportunities for Nigerian students

– Business travel and investment flows

– Family reunification

– Professional development opportunities

Again, Trump’s approach to international security cooperation has emphasized greater burden-sharing among allies and a more transactional approach to international relationships. For Nigeria, this has implications for:

1. Counter-terrorism Cooperation: Nigeria’s fight against Boko Haram and other security challenges requires international support. Changes in U.S. foreign policy priorities can affect the level and nature of security assistance available.

2. Military Aid: The emphasis on allies paying their “fair share” could affect military cooperation and assistance programs, potentially requiring Nigeria to shoulder more costs or seek alternative partnerships.

3. Regional Security: Any reduction in U.S. engagement in West Africa could create opportunities for other global powers to expand their influence in the region.

Likewise, Trump’s skepticism toward climate change agreements and environmental regulations has implications for global climate action. For Nigeria, this matters because:

– The country is vulnerable to climate change impacts

– Environmental degradation affects agricultural productivity

– Climate finance and technology transfer depend on international cooperation

– Energy sector development strategies must consider global climate policies

As Nigeria navigates this evolving international landscape, several strategic considerations emerge:

Diversification of International Partnerships

The uncertainty surrounding U.S. policy directions suggests the wisdom of maintaining diverse international partnerships. Nigeria’s relationships with China, Europe, and regional powers become increasingly important as hedges against policy shifts in Washington.

The volatility associated with Trump’s approach to international relations underscores the importance of building economic resilience through:

– Diversification away from oil dependency

– Strengthening domestic manufacturing

– Developing internal markets

– Improving institutional capacity

Nigeria’s role as a regional leader in West Africa becomes more critical in an international environment where traditional powers may be less engaged. This presents both challenges and opportunities for Nigerian leadership in:

– Regional economic integration

– Security cooperation

– Diplomatic initiatives

In conclusion, Trump’s emergence and continued influence in American politics represents more than just a temporary deviation from traditional U.S. policy approaches. It signals lasting changes in how the world’s most powerful nation engages with the international community. For Nigeria, this requires careful navigation of an increasingly complex global environment while building greater resilience and self-reliance.

The implications extend beyond immediate policy impacts to fundamental questions about the future of international cooperation, economic development, and global governance. Nigeria’s success in this new environment will depend on its ability to adapt to changing circumstances while maintaining focus on its core development objectives.

As the global community continues to grapple with these changes, Nigeria’s size, resources, and regional importance position it to potentially benefit from the evolving international order – provided it can maintain domestic stability and implement effective strategic responses to these global shifts.

November 23, 2024
Ifeanyi Ubah:1971-2024 (2)

Asides business and politics, Ubah stood tall as a philanthropist who sought to touch lives and left an indelible mark in that aspect.

Through various initiatives and schemes, Ubah through his foundation also implemented numerous community development projects, particularly in education, entrepreneurship and healthcare. His scholarship programs, programs for the physically challenged and medical outreach initiatives did also benefit many underprivileged individuals in his constituency and beyond.

Thousands of Nigerians, beyond tribe, tongue and religion, young and old were beneficiaries of his large heart, his philantrophy resonated majorly with the downtrodden while he chose to lift them to a more befitting status. Ubah not only handed fish, he also showed many how to fish, churning out numerous millionaires in such a gesture, a lot more also received funds to study within the country and even outside.

His philanthropic efforts during crisis periods, including the COVID-19 pandemic, where he provided relief materials and support to communities, highlight his commitment to corporate social responsibility and community welfare.

One other trait of the late Ubah was his rugged belief in the philosophy of “Aku Lue Uno” or Think Home Philosophy which seeks to connect one’s home with the wealth from the businesses established outside. This not only helped create jobs but it attracted development and signature projects such as the games and industrial village which placed his hometown Nnewi and neigbouring Ozubulu on the global map as it was to boast of facilities such as two international standard like stadia which would have multiple training pitches, an industrial park and technology hub, a sports academy, hospital, conference centre amongst many other facilities that would boost its choice as a place for sporting events, tourism, investments and business in turn creating a boost for the local and state economy.

Ubah despite his limited form of education was a man brimming with ideas, once, I listened to him while he talked about his ideas to transform the Anambra business/economic sector with the use of data, and I must say that I was wowed and i much believe that his burning desire to govern the state would have been beneficial to the state. Ubah indeed was a visionary; one who could see the future from that time and connect the dots seamlessly.

Asides the earlier mentioned projects, another testament to Ubah’s visionary leadership remains how he was able to initiate and deploy singlehandedly a sophisticated surveillance center to help counter crime in his home town of Nnewi. The center featured an array of over 100 television monitors, each displaying live feeds from different sections of the Nnewi metropolis. Such an initiative had helped reduce the crime rate in Nnewi and its environs by allowing for the immediate review of surveillance footage, whilst identifying the perpetrators as well as coordinate effective responses. Now, at a time when the same Anambra state is at the mercy of kidnappers robbers, cultists and unknown gun men, Ubah was walking the talk on security!

Of a truth, the impact of his passing has resonated deeply across Nigeria, particularly in his home state of Anambra, where countless lives were touched by his generosity. In Nnewi, his hometown, the grief has been especially profound. The traditional ruler, Igwe Kenneth Orizu, declared a formal three-day mourning period, yet the community’s sorrow has extended well beyond this official observance. Even now, four months after his untimely and painful demise, a palpable sense of loss continues to hang over the town, reflected in the somber faces and subdued atmosphere of its residents. His untimely departure at just 52 years of age did leave an indelible void not only in the community but also amongst family, friends, associates,staff and loyalists

As Nigeria continues to evolve, Ubah’s legacy will likely be remembered for its multifaceted nature – combining business success, political influence, sports development, and community service. His journey provides valuable lessons about the intersection of business and politics in Nigeria, and the potential for indigenous entrepreneurs to make significant impacts across various sectors.

Ifeanyi Patrick Ubah’s legacy is characterized by its diversity and complexity. From revolutionizing aspects of Nigeria’s oil and gas sector to contributing to sports development and political leadership, his impact spans multiple domains of Nigerian society. While his journey includes both achievements and controversies, his ability to maintain relevance and influence across different sectors sets him apart as a significant figure in contemporary Nigerian history.

Read Also: Ifeanyi Ubah’s death left us in confusion -Anambra APC chieftain

His story continues to evolve, but his contributions to business development, sports, politics, and community service have already left lasting impressions that will influence future generations of Nigerian entrepreneurs and political leaders. As Nigeria faces ongoing challenges in economic development and political evolution, the lessons from Ubah’s journey – both successes and setbacks – provide valuable insights for understanding the complexities of business and political leadership in modern Nigeria.

Fare thee well EbubeChukwuUzo na Odejimjim, you fought a good fight and with tears amidst the cheers I salute your legacy and pray that it shines through the ages as a light to the path for this generation and future generations of Nigerians.

November 16, 2024
Ifeanyi Ubah: 1971-2024 (1)

From a humble background, this son of a school principal rose from a point of relative obscurity to becoming one of Nigeria’s most prominent business and political figures. His story is an example of the “zero to hero” narrative of entrepreneurial grit and political stardom – not a dream or fairytale, but the grim reality that one can rise to the heights of success without the advantages of birth or fortune.

Ifeanyi Ubah’s rise to prominence was marked by both remarkable achievements and controversies, painting a portrait of a modern Nigerian businessman-turned-politician whose accomplishments in the private and public sectors stand as a monumental testament.

Born on September 3, 1971, in Nnewi, Anambra State, Ubah’s early life was characterized by modest beginnings. As the son of a school principal, he surprised many by choosing to delve into the auto parts trade, popularly known as the “Spare Parts” business, rather than follow in his father’s footsteps, pursue a university education, and become a civil servant or join the booming private sector. Ifeanyi Ubah seemed determined to forge his own path, despite entreaties from his family and peers.

Bound for Lagos, Ubah’s early exposure to commerce would later prove instrumental in shaping his business acumen, perhaps more than the confines of academia could have. On establishing himself, he ventured into the spare parts business, using his energy and savvy to expand beyond his initial starting point. From these humble beginnings, he diversified into other sectors, including oil and gas. His company, Capital Oil and Gas, not only established itself as a well-known brand, but also became the flagship of his business interests and one of Nigeria’s major players in the downstream oil and gas sector.

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Under Ubah’s leadership, Capital Oil grew to become one of Nigeria’s largest indigenous oil and gas companies playing in the downstream sector. The company’s strategic location at the Apapa Wharf in Lagos and its massive storage facilities positioned it as a key player in Nigeria’s petroleum products distribution network. The facility’s storage capacity of over 190 million liters made it one of the largest privately owned depots in Africa.

However, this period also saw its share of challenges. The company faced scrutiny over fuel subsidy payments and had various run-ins with financial institutions over debt issues. Despite these challenges, Ubah managed to maintain and even expand his business interests.

Demonstrating his business versatility, Ubah further expanded beyond oil and gas, venturing into various sectors including real estate development, international trade, manufacturing, sports management (through the acquisition of Ifeanyi Ubah Football Club), and media (with Authority Newspaper, AUTHORITY FM, and plans to launch Authority Television before his demise).

His football club, FC Ifeanyi Ubah, put Anambra State back on the National Football League scene, using his contacts to bring professional football to his home state and help develop young talent in Nigerian sports, including winning the prestigious FA Cup in 2016 and representing the state in continental club competitions.

His newspaper, radio and television station, under the brand name, Authority, offered the young Ubah the opportunity to afford the SouthEast and the Igbo nation an opportunity to enhance its narratives in the public sphere, challenging the long held dominance of the Lagos/Ibadan press, something a responsibility a number of top Igbos icons have shied away from save for the likes of Orji Uzor Kalu and the late Emmanuel Iwuayanwu. Not only that it produced a new crop of journalists who would go on to become household names on print and radio.

Ubah’s foray into politics at both state and national levels did not begin with his decision to run for governor of Anambra State under the Labour Party platform in 2013. He had earlier begun his political involvement by delivering Nnewi North LGA to Chris Ngige’s Action Congress, which was the local government of the then National Leader of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and former Biafran secessionist leader Dim Ikemba Odumegwu Ojukwu, in the 2010 election. This was a significant feat for a political newcomer like Ubah at the time. Ubah then went on to seek the office of governor on three occasions, proving his ability to combine his mastery in business with the art of politics. Although he remained unsuccessful until his demise, his relevance as a top political player could not be dismissed. The Labour Party’s two victories in the then Anambra State Local Government elections of 2013, where he repeatedly demystifed Governor Obi, forcing the latter to impose a sole administrator in Nnewi showed that Ubah was no longer a lightweight while his shock defeat of political titans like Senator Andy Uba and Nicholas Ukachukwu with an unknown political platform, Young People’s Party, YPP in 2019 earned him widespread acclaim. Repeating such a performance in the 2023 polls solidified his status as a formidable political force, as well as put an end to the assumption that his victory in 2019 was a merely a flash in the pan.

November 9, 2024
Gowon @ 90: Could history absolve him? (2)

Truth remains that both Gowon and Ojukwu made the resolution of the crises leading to the civil war impossible, but while Ojukwu could use the July 29 coup and the pogroms that followed as a pretext for his actions, Gowon had none, save for the fact that he was merely a “Yes” man for our British overlords. Even if Ojukwu wanted a kingdom of his own, as is mooted by certain scholars, Gowon’s haughty like obstinacy gave much fuel to Ojukwu’s decisions, as he, (Ojukwu) sought to give the East cogent reasons for its secessionist attempt.

In retrospect, Gowon had accused Ironsi of wanting to force the federation into a Unitary system, a major reason for the bloodbath of July 66, but the same Gowon was a member of the Supreme Military Council, SMC which acted as the clearing house for all of the policies and decrees enacted by the Ironsi administration, matter of fact the SMC had more Northerners in its fold than Southerners, how then the likes of Gowon could glibly talk of Ironsi imposing such a policy on him and his accomplices should baffle any right thinking human being. Ironsi, perhaps might have being a bit naive but surely the likes of Gowon cannot wash their hands totally off such a decree.

Aburi offered the nation, some promise of lasting peace. Accounts of such event as illustrated by the scholars such as John de St Jorre in his book ‘The Nigerian Civil War’, describes General Gowon again as behaving like some cavalier soldier, notwithstanding the loss of innocent lives and properties had sought simply to wish away such gory occurrences. It is believed that Gowon had expected Ojukwu to simply banter away whatever real concerns the Eastern Region had as regards the previous incidents and the security of the Easterners, to him it seemed that the lives lost didn’t really matter for as long as they were all in the saddle of power and had shared some form of camaraderie, Ojukwu, who’s Region had borne the brunt of the killing spree was definitely not on the same boat with Gowon.

The decisions reached at Aburi were expected to be honoured too but Nigerians know that General Gowon did renege on such agreement. Yes, Ojukwu may have ambushed him at Aburi, yes, Ojukwu may have outsmarted Gowon and his six other counterparts by insisting on regional autonomy and getting ironclad concessions on such and other matters, such as the exclusion of the use of force and the repealing of all decrees which tended to over centralize power at the expense of the agreed regional autonomy, however, was the flat refusal to implement what was actually agreed upon at Aburi in preference for what was never discussed nor agreed upon the way for Gowon to go? If he simply felt that the end result of what was agreed upon at Aburi was detrimental to the health of the federation then he should have initiated another round of negotiations rather than attempt to browbeat Ojukwu and the Eastern Region into submission, forcing the latter to declare the Eastern Region as the sovereign state of Biafra. Had Gowon the moral courage to seek renegotiation, even using the adhoc conference to achieve this, such an example would naturally serve as a salutary lesson for the future. Intoxicated with power he rather unleashed the civil war and the legacy of the cult of violence which has pervaded the nation’s psyche till this very day.

Today, the demand for a Biafran Nation is presently in the offing bearing strong links with its past existence, perhaps had Gowon averted such a declaration, who knows what may have followed? Definitely not a senseless civil war.

Gowon still deserves some commendation for his Lincolnesque approach after the civil war or should I say his adaptation of such. However his announcement of “No Victor, No Vanquished” remains hollow: the millions who lost their lives, properties and even savings were indeed the vanquished while Gowon and his administration in Lagos were indeed the victors.

Away from the civil war, the General Gowon administration was also to introduce corruption as an official practice in Nigeria. We first became witnesses to millionaire officers and officials in that administration. Military Governors in the various states merely enriched themselves to the consternation of the public, but then a trend had been set and successive administrations attempted to do ‘better’ than the Gowon administration.

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We remember his refusal to handover power to civilians as he had initially promised the nation by 1975(Gowon naturally reneged on so many things) without even fixing a firm date for the nation’s return to democracy. The cement armada, the gross examples of government inefficiency and the famous quote while in Jamaica stating that “ Money was not our problem but how to spend it”. At that time Nigeria’s out of school children stood at 9 million children, while nearly 69 percent of the nation’s population then which stood at 68.5 million people had little or no access to quality healthcare!

The confidence in Gowon’s administration had by 1975 become so depleted that his own kinsman in the person of Colonel Joe Garba who also happened to be his Commander Brigade of Guards announced his overthrow while Gowon was attending the OAU summit in Kampala, Uganda.

The fractious state of the Nigerian nation and its purported challenges faced even in these very days all lie with the Gowon administration, had he sought some lasting solutions to what the Aburi Accord offered, even some amendments, perhaps the Nigerian nation would not be in this permanent state of wanting to self destruct!

November 2, 2024
Yakubu Gowon @ 90 Can history absolve him? (1)

It was Fidel Castro who once used such an expression while facing trial for the July 26 attack on Moncada Barracks, Castro who defended himself at that trial declared “Condenmade, no importa, la historia mi absolveria” in English it simply means “Condemn me, it does not matter, history will absolve me”.

For General Yakubu Jack Gowon , Nigeria’s Second military leader, History as well as posterity must be hearing his ‘Closing Statements’ as he clocked 89 recently, even celebrating his birthday amidst the ugly rumors of his demise just a week ago, the man who once declared that to “ Keep Nigeria one was a task that must be done” will certainly need no soothsayers or pastors to tell him that his time with his maker will surely come.

So what verdict will history pass on General Gowon, this one time Chief of Staff of the Nigerian Army and later maximum ruler for 9 solid years ? There are a number of strands of thoughts or should I say answers to this question, each possessing a different tangent to the rest, each conceived as a result of one’s perception which has been shaped probably by a number of singular and aggregate factors.

For me as an avid student of our nation’s history and politics, I very much possess a view about Gowon’s place in our history and It is my intention to share such a view here with the admonition to those who may choose to disagree to do so or even write their own!

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Yes, even though General Gowon wouldn’t naturally fit in to the description of a statesman by Mark Hatfield. Here in Africa, most especially Nigeria, by virtue of serving in some high office, even if you where thrust there and wobbled and fumbled while in office, you would naturally earn the appellation of an Elder Statesman. It is in this context that we may grudgingly confer such on the founder of the Nigerian Prayer Movement and kudos to him Nigeria recently emerged as the Second Most Prayerful country , losing the first position only to the Taliban controlled Afghanistan. I am sure the Nigerian Prayer Movement led by Gowon must have contributed its quota to such a feat!

Now asides the Nigerian prayer movement, General Gowon also has a number of enduring legacies to his name, legacies such as the National Youth Service Corps, NYSC which has sought to create avenues within the nation for national cohesion and unity.

The creation of states within Nigeria is another legacy of the Gowon administration which has much influenced the pattern and operational dynamics of the Nigerian Federation or Quasi Federation as it actually is.

The creation of more Unity Colleges is another befitting legacy to Gowon, who in his attempt to patch through the elusive threads of unity within Nigeria established more of such schools all over the Federation.

Gowon’s biggest feat would be his prosecution of the Nigerian/ Biafran War which he presided over. Notwithstanding the resultant horrors that came with the 33 months struggle, his singular mandate to keep the Eastern Region within the Federation by force of arms could be chalked of as successful and while one may not resent a number of his actions as regarding the war, since the pervading situation at that time demanded such of him, however, the same war as well as the taxing events that led the nation to that war also remain as a tarred brush to Gowon’s statesmanship stature.

General Gowon came at a period the Nigerian nation needed a leader, even after desecrating the military tradition or dictates of military command and succession, by assuming power while Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe his senior in the army was muscled away, Gowon despite his avuncular like mien and gentleman officer posturing behaved more like a member of the mob and engendered forever that indiscipline Nigerians witnessed in the military even to this present day.

At the time of his triumphant entrance to become the nation’s number one helmsman , the nation was much in crisis. The Head of State, General Aguiyi Ironsi and Governor of the Western Region, Adekunle Fajuyi were missing, brother officers were reportedly slaughtered in their numbers while Igbo and minority civilians who had no say nor participation in either of both the January and the July 1966 coups were also massacred in their numbers. Gowon had not only gone on to betray his Supreme Commander but also a number of moderates in the military then who were shocked at Gowon’s inveterate dawdling while these pogroms occurred.

Even his half hearted attempt at finding a solution to the crisis via the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference of 1966 appeared to be a ruse as it only encouraged further killings in the North under Gowon’s watch. He was later to suspend the conference after tinkering with the ideas of secession, confederation and then one indivisible unitary cum quasi federation(Another legacy of his)

October 26, 2024
On Onyejeocha’s ambitious 2.5 million jobs initiative

The Nigerian government, under the leadership of Minister of State for Labour and Productivity Nkirueka Onyejeocha, has unveiled an ambitious plan to create 2.5 million jobs. This bold initiative aims to address one of Nigeria’s most pressing socioeconomic challenges – widespread unemployment, particularly among the youth. While the proposal has generated excitement and hope, it also raises important questions about its feasibility and implementation in the complex Nigerian context.

The 2.5 million jobs initiative is part of a broader effort by the Nigerian government to stimulate economic growth and improve living standards. Minister Onyejeocha has emphasized that the program will focus on creating sustainable employment opportunities across various sectors of the economy, including agriculture, technology, manufacturing, and services.

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Key aspects of the initiative include:

1. Public-private partnerships to drive job creation

2. Skills development and vocational training programs

3. Support for small and medium enterprises (SMEs)

4. Investment in infrastructure to create construction jobs

5. Promotion of the digital economy and tech startups

The government plans to implement this initiative over a period of 4-5 years, with specific targets set for each year. The ultimate goal is not just to create jobs, but to foster long-term economic growth and reduce Nigeria’s dependence on oil exports.

If successful, this initiative could have far-reaching positive impacts on Nigeria’s economy and society such as reduced unemployment: Providing jobs for 2.5 million Nigerians would significantly reduce the country’s high unemployment rate, currently estimated at over 30%.While this may not get to Beveridge’s concept of full employment it could help move Nigeria towards an era of relatively little unemployment.

2. Economic growth: Increased employment could lead to higher consumer spending, stimulating economic activity across various sectors.

3. Poverty reduction: Steady employment opportunities could help lift millions of Nigerians out of poverty.

4. Skills development: The focus on vocational training could help bridge the skills gap in the Nigerian labor market.

5. Reduced social unrest: High unemployment, particularly among youth, has been linked to social unrest and crime. Creating jobs could help address these issues.

6. Diversification of the economy: By focusing on multiple sectors, the initiative could help reduce Nigeria’s overdependence on oil

While the initiative’s goals are laudable, several factors could impact its feasibility and success, such as Economic instability; Infrastructure deficits; Skills mismatch; Corruption and governance issues; Security challenges; Funding constraints; the Informal economy and Population growth could in one way or the other negatively impact such lofty plans.

For the 2.5 million jobs initiative to succeed, careful planning and execution will be crucial. Some key strategies could include:

1. Targeted sector development: Identifying and prioritizing sectors with the highest potential for job creation and economic growth.

2. Improving the business environment: Implementing reforms to make it easier to start and operate businesses in Nigeria.

3. Enhancing vocational education: Strengthening partnerships between educational institutions and industries to ensure skills alignment.

4. Supporting entrepreneurship: Providing access to finance, mentorship, and business development services for startups and SMEs.

5. Leveraging technology: Promoting digital skills and supporting the growth of the tech industry to create high-value jobs.

6. Regional focus: Tailoring job creation strategies to the specific needs and potentials of different regions within Nigeria.

7. Monitoring and evaluation: Implementing robust systems to track progress and make necessary adjustments to the initiative.

Nigeria can draw lessons from other countries that have implemented large-scale job creation initiatives: such as Ethiopia, South Africa and india

These cointries deployed a number of strategic polices which did attract foreign investment and created thousands of manufacturing jobs, but has faced challenges related to working conditions and skills development.

These examples highlight the importance of focusing on sustainable job creation, skills development, and addressing structural economic challenges.

In conclusion, the 2.5 million jobs initiative represents a significant opportunity for Nigeria to address its unemployment crisis and drive economic growth. However, its success will depend on overcoming numerous challenges and implementing well-designed, context-specific strategies.

To maximize its chances of success, the initiative should:

1. Set realistic, phased targets

2. Focus on sustainable, quality job creation rather than just numbers

3. Address underlying structural economic issues

4. Ensure transparent implementation and regular progress reporting

5. Adapt strategies based on ongoing monitoring and evaluation

Ultimately, while creating 2.5 million jobs in Nigeria is an ambitious goal, it is not impossible. With strong political will, effective implementation, and a conducive economic environment, this initiative could mark a significant turning point in Nigeria’s socioeconomic development. However, it will require concerted efforts from government, private sector, and civil society to overcome the numerous challenges and turn this vision into reality.

October 19, 2024
Soludo, Anambra and the disillusionment of intellectualism (2)

In recent weeks, the conduct of local government elections in Anambra State under the leadership of Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo has come under intense scrutiny and criticism. What should have been a routine democratic exercise has instead become a focal point of controversy, raising serious questions about the state of grassroots democracy in Anambra.

The Controversial Anambra Local Government Elections Under Governor Soludo’s Administration further justifies my case. While we all know that LG elections in Nigeria are nominally a sham save for the one conducted in 2020 by former Governor Nasir El Rufai of Kaduna State which saw members of the opposition party winning Chairmanship positions a far cry from what ia obtained in tye so called LG elections. My take remains that even if other governors are playing dirty muat Soludo follow suit? With what language will he be able to speak out should he find himself at the other side of the corner?

The controversy began with the delayed scheduling of the elections. Soludo, readers had recalled had promiaed to conduct the local government elections in less than 6 months into his administration if he was elected, time reach and our Professor began to sing Shaggy’s ” It wasnt me” hiding under all given shenanigans to maintain the status quo, this is despite the fact that

constitutional requirements for regular local government polls, and Anambra had not held LGA elections since 2014, long before Soludo took office. However, as that self-imposed deadline passed, criticisms began to mount over the continued use of caretaker committees to run local governments instead of democratically elected officials.

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Then came the epoch making Supreme Court judgement of July 11th 2024 which affirmed the financial autonomy of the 774 local government areas and put a stop to the nefarious piggybacking of the LG funds.

However, when the Anambra State Independent Electoral Commission (ANSIEC) finally announced election dates in July 2023, it stood logic, fairness and common sense on its heads when it fixed the date for elections in less than a month whereas the laid down process as stipulated by Section 103(3) of Electoral Act of 2022, which calls for 150 day notice period and also ought to give all parties a level playing field particularly in areas such as timing for proper conduct of primaries, appeals from such primaries as well as the purchase of forms for such, Soludo and his leprous members of the ANSIEC, headed by one Mts Genevieve Osakwe conducted the elections even worse than Area Boys would. This prompted the boycott of the elections by major political parties like the APC and Labour reducing whatever credibility the elections were primed to have.

The opposition parties were not alone in their vehement criticism of the already flawed polls, civil society groups raised alarms. This rushed timeline, they argued, conferred an unfair advantage to the ruling All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) party and undermined the ability of opposition parties to effectively campaign and organize.

The election day itself was marred by numerous reported irregularities that cast doubt on the integrity of the entire process. Widespread allegations emerged of voter intimidation, no result sheets, ballot box snatching, and the use of thugs to suppress turnout in opposition strongholds. There were reports of polling stations opening late or not at all in certain areas, while other locations allegedly saw cases of over-voting and result manipulation.

Perhaps most damning were accusations that the Soludo administration interfered directly in the electoral process to favor APGA candidates. Opposition parties claimed that ANSIEC officials were pressured to declare results favoring the ruling party, even in areas where voting had been disrupted or where opposition candidates appeared to be leading based on initial results.

The lopsided official results, which saw APGA win chairmanship races in all 21 local government areas, only fueled suspicions of widespread rigging. Such a clean sweep for the ruling party defied political realities on the ground and historical voting patterns in the state. It strained credulity that opposition parties such as the People’s Democratic Party, PDP and Young People’s Party, YPP, which had performed strongly in recent national and state elections could be so thoroughly routed at the local level.

Even the conduct of his own party’s primaries would have left Chairman Mao and Stalin grin with envy, as APGA could have been mistaken as a Communist Party, popular candidates were ordered not to be returned while the unpopular and unscrupulous were returned!

However, Soludo’s dismissive attitude towards the serious allegations leveled against the electoral process has only intensified criticisms of his handling of the situation. Which has cast a shadow over his administration’s commitment to the ideals of intellectualism, fairness and democracy. Soludo has merely demonstrated that the Nigerian academic is no different from a yahoo-yahoo boy.

Many observers have expressed disappointment that a leader who came into office promising transformative governance has instead presided over an election that represents a step backwards for Anambra’s democracy.

The controversy surrounding the local government elections threatens to undermine Soludo’s broader reform agenda and erode public trust in his administration. It has provided ammunition to his political opponents and disappointed many of his erstwhile supporters who expected better from the professor-turned-politician.

Moreover, the disputed elections raise troubling questions about the health of Nigeria’s democracy at the grassroots level. Local governments are meant to be the tier of government closest to the people, providing essential services and fostering political participation. When LGA elections are compromised, it weakens the entire democratic system and alienates citizens from the political process.

As the legal challenges to the Anambra LGA elections play out, the Soludo administration faces a critical test. How it responds to the controversy will shape perceptions of the governor’s commitment to democratic principles and good governance. A willingness to acknowledge shortcomings in the process and work towards a more transparent and inclusive electoral system could help rebuild trust. Conversely, a stubborn insistence on the legitimacy of the flawed elections risks further erosion of public confidence.This i much doubt.

For the people of Anambra, the consequences of this electoral controversy extend beyond mere politics. Functional and accountable local governments are essential for addressing the everyday concerns of citizens – from maintaining local infrastructure to providing basic social services. The installation of leaders through a tainted electoral process undermines the ability of LGAs to effectively serve their communities.

As Anambra grapples with the fallout from these contentious elections and the disillusionment of intellectualism, such an episode erodes the confidence of the average Nigerian in the academia, one should then wonder what fate awaits Nigeria if the academia can wobble and fumble as witnessed here, where will our hope then come from? Soludo’s misadventures in power serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing challenges facing Nigeria’s democratic evolution. It underscores the need for continued vigilance and advocacy to protect the integrity of governance and the credibility of the Nigerian academic or intellectual. A sad tale it really is.

October 12, 2024
Soludo, Anambra and the Disillusionment of Intellectualism (1)

When Professor Charles Chukwuma Soludo was elected governor of Anambra State in November 2021, there was indeed a palpable sense of excitement and optimism among intellectuals and progressives both within and outside the state. Professor Chukwuma Soludo, a renowned economist and former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria CBN, seemed to represent a departure from what Anambra had been stuck with, you know from the gangsters and the cowboys to the traders and then the hedonistic, while Anambra, save for the Mbadinuju era had never had it as bad as her sister state, Abia, before the emergence of Alex Otti, yet the state still lacked that leadership ethos in which the Academia would leave their theory dreaming, ideas brimming classrooms and join the fray with their “uniformed” counterparts leading from the front and paving the way for the state to emerge as one of the top four states in Nigeria, becoming a hub for excellence as well as the exegesis of the Igbo Nation.

The home state of Zik, Alex Ekwueme, Ajie Ukpabi Asika, Pius Okigbo, Kenneth Dike, Chu Okongwu, Emeka Ojukwu(An Intellectual in every sense), Chuba Okadigbo, should like James Aggrey’s Eagle not be clucking with chickens and though i never supported Soludo, i would in private gatherings, devoid of sentiment and whatsoever bias i held against him and his party placed him as a good man to steer the ship. Readers will recall that in a number of writings, i have always advocated for some form of synergy between the Academia in Nigeria and the political class, such clarion call seemed to have been answered by Soludo’s emergence- one with the intellectual heft and the technocratic experience to potentially transform governance and development in Anambra or so we thought.

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Many saw Soludo’s election as a watershed moment and a chance to demonstrate how an academically accomplished leader could leverage evidence-based policymaking to drive rapid socioeconomic progress. There were high hopes that Soludo would be able to harness Anambra’s human capital and entrepreneurial spirit to create an innovation-driven economy and position the state as a model of good governance in Nigeria.

However, as Soludo’s tenure has unfolded, a growing sense of disappointment and disillusionment has set in among many of the intellectuals who initially championed his candidacy, including those of us who didnt support him but felt comfortable that an intellectual would be in the forefront for the state’s manifest destiny. Now, while many may argue that it is premature to render a definitive verdict on Soludo’s tenure, there is a perception and growing one, that he has thus far failed to live up to the lofty expectations that accompanied his election.

A number of factors have contributed to this sense of disappointment among intellectuals, and these are not factors manufactured from the blues; they are direct and stare coldly at the hopes of firing Anambra from where Soludo met the state to a point where it breaks the holds on its total development.

Take the state of insecurity, Anambra has never had it this bad, on a weekly basis, either the state is reporting killings and unknown gunmen attacks or a number of persons have been reportedly kidnapped , with many ending up dead in captivity while Governor Soludo takes up the new fad of dancing Mike Ejeagha’s ‘gwogwogwomgwo’ with the panache of Nigeria’s foremost content creator, Brain Jotter. One would have expected Soludo to hit the ground running with bold, transformative policies aimed at addressing Anambra’s most pressing challenge of insecurity, if possibke declaring a state of emergency, somewhat, the situation however seems to project the Soludo administration as clueless in terms of security.

Likewise in terms of unemployment, the result is there for all to see and that is the fact that his administration has been marked more by continuity than by the type of disruptive change that we had anticipated. Promises made by the governor to tackle these social issues such as unemployment, touting which were blazoned in his manifesto and was trumpeted at every camapaign gathering. Save for the employment of near 9000 teachers, critical areas in which the teeming youths ought to have been absorbed into in order to take their minds away from the devil’s workshop franchising are a shadow of themselves, rather the Soludo administration has employed more of these able bodied youths to harass the likes of bus and keke drivers as well as petty traders. Ndi Anambra have been made viewers of such gory scenes where these touts harass and manhandle these persons, acting like they are above the law and below the culture of decency, even newspaper vendors seem not to be spared this nauseating display of machismo, same has been the lot of petty traders who cannot afford to pay for shops in a number of areas within the state. If the problem is revenue then, the simple thing for a development economist in Soludo would have been to establish a number of mini markets across the state rather than the brazen destruction of such goods, particularly when these women can barely eke out a living from such trade.

If the administration with an intellectual as its helmsman in Soludo can unleash its stormtroopers against the poor in society that should likely speak volumes of the depth of authoritarianism as his style of governance, yes I must concede that Soludo is a.man of ideas but his arrogance and contempt for the slightest of opposition to even the basset of his whims and caprices should make the average intellectual shudder whilst the rest may have only God to be their guide. A number of examples are there to lap in, such as the resignation of his Commissioner for Finance, Ifeatu Onejeme, the recent sack of his Commissioner for Information, Paul Nwosu and the shameful suspension of the traditional ruler of of Neni, Igwe Damian Ezeani for conferring a title on Soludo’s then political nemesis, the late Senator Ifeanyi Ubah.

October 5, 2024
Remembering Chuba Okadigbo: 1941-2003 (2)

While other politicians would go into hibernation or grovel to the heinous establishment or structure set up by the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency , Okadigbo understanding that Nigeria was heading into a personality cult sort of leadership joined ranks with other politicians to stop the nation’s drift into a pseudo democracy. While this failed with Obasanjo rigging his way to a second term, Okadigbo was justified as the Obasanjo administration bared its fangs that it even sought to shove down the throats of Nigerians his desire for a third term. Other demonstrations of such fascism could be seen in the seizure of funds meant for Lagos State LG’s, his tacit approval of the carnage and brigandage in Anambra, the spurious impeachments against the governors of Oyo, Plateau and Anambra, where 18 out of 32 legislators impeached Governor Rashidi Ladoja, while in Plateau, the impeachment of Joshua Dariye commenced at 6 A.M in the morning. What about the forced resignation of Chief Audu Ogbeh and Vin Ogbulafor as National Chairman and Secretary of the People’s Democratic Party or his humilation of his Vice President, Atiku Abubakar. His deployment of the EFCC against political opponents whilst he looked the other way as his co travellers looted Nigeria blind and the mockery of an election he supervised in 2007 proved Okadigbo right.

Understanding that a solidified opposition was a requirement if the opposition was to wrest power from the Obasanjo administration, Okadigbo jettisoned the idea of his running on a smaller platform or what was perceived as a regional party as a presidential hopeful, rather teeming up with General Muhammadu Buhari in the reinvigorated All Nigeria People’s Party, ANPP.

In 2003, Okadigbo joined forces with Muhammadu Buhari as his running mate in the presidential election under the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). This alliance highlighted Okadigbo’s national appeal and his ability to bridge regional and ethnic divides in Nigerian politics.

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In that historic convention, Okadigbo in his usual brilliance added to the nation’s political lexicon the term ” Political Arithimetic”, a combination of political probabilities, sums and subtractions within the Nigerian political topography required by any political party to dislodge a behemoth in the then ruling PDP. Asides such, Okadigbo brought value to the Muhammadu Buhari ticket, his intellectual gamut, progressive political views and his advocacy for true federalism in Nigeria added a level of allure to that ticket.

Despite the controversies that sometimes surrounded him, Okadigbo made significant contributions to the development of Nigeria’s democratic institutions.He was a strong proponent of restructuring the Nigerian political system to ensure more equitable distribution of power and resources among the country’s diverse regions and ethnic groups as well as the strengthening of the democratic institutions in the polity.

He was also a vocal advocate for the independence of the legislature and worked to strengthen the National Assembly’s oversight functions.

His political philosophy was deeply rooted in his academic background. Okadigbo often employed philosophical concepts and historical analogies in his political discourse, earning him the admiration of Nigerians at home and abroad.

Endowed with the gift of garb, Okadigbo was also known for his oratorical skills. His speeches whether it was at academic , political, cultural and even on the floor of the Senate were often naturally laced with nimble wit, sarcasm, and deep historical references, making him a formidable oratorical jouster and a crowd favorite who’s speeches are still referenced today in the academic and political circles of Nigeria.

Sadly, Okadigbo’s colourful life was to be cut short following the inhaling of teargas shot into a gathering of ANPP faithful in Kano by the Nigerian police who had attempted to disperse the crowd, Okadigbo was said to have developed respiratory complications and died shortly after receiving treatment, marking an end to an illustrious era. In Okadigbo’s death, the nation lost a fearless fighter for democracy, one built on the supremacy of ideas, freedom, bridge buidling and tolerance. Okadigbo’s defiance of Obasanjo’s attempt to dictate to Nigerians strengthened many, it helped shape the face of the opposition which together with progressive forces dealt Obasanjo’s unbridled desire for a third term in office a death blow, Okadigbo’s contributions to the ANPP was to much later crystallize into the All Progressives Congress, a party which was to wrest power from the PDP with Buhari spending 8 years as President.

Chuba Okadigbo’s life and career embodied the complexities and challenges of Nigerian politics in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. His journey from academia to the highest echelons of political power serves as a testament to the potential for intellectuals to shape the political landscape.

While his time in office was relatively short, Okadigbo’s impact on Nigerian politics and democracy was substantial.

Today, Chuba Okadigbo is remembered as a brilliant mind, a charismatic leader, and a political maverick who dared to challenge the status quo. His legacy serves as both an inspiration and a subject of study for those seeking to understand the intricacies of Nigerian politics and the role of intellectuals in shaping a nation’s destiny.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with issues of governance, federalism, and national unity, the ideas and legacy of Chuba Okadigbo remain relevant, ensuring that the “Oyi of Oyi” continues to buzz in the nation’s political consciousness long after his passing.

September 28, 2024
Remembering Chuba Okadigbo: 1941-2003 (1)

Asides Zik and Awo, no other Nigerian politician, possessed the intellectual prowess of a Chuba Wilberforce Okadigbo, two time Senator, a one time Senate President of the Nigerian Senate and one time running mate to Muhammadu Buhari under the then All Nigerian People’s Party, ANPP. Okadigbo was a prominent Nigerian politician, philosopher, publisher and academic who left an indelible mark on Nigeria’s political landscape.

Born on the 17th of December 1941 in Asaba, then under the Western Region of Nigeria, but now situated in present day Delta State as its capital, Okadigbo like the Homeric character, Odysseus began his journey from the bucolic settings of Asaba traversing through the classrooms of number of prestigious universities where he studied and also taught as a lecturer before venturing unto the corridors of power in Nigeria’s capitals of Lagos and then the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

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Renowned for his intellectual prowess which he evidently displayed at an early age, Okadigbo attended St. Patrick’s College, Asaba before heading to Eastern Germany for his higher education with the Karl Marx University. Following the commencement of the Biafran War and the pro- Lagos position of the Eastern European Bloc of which East Germany was a member of, Okadigbo in a protest of sorts moved to the Catholic University of America obtaining both a degree and a masters in Political Science before attaining two doctorates in Philosophy and Political Science in the US. Okadigbo’s thirst for knowledge led him to build such a solid academic foundation which would later much influence his approach to politics and governance.

Starting an impressive career as an academic, Okadigbo was to feature in a number of universities either as a full time scholar or a visiting one. Such universities did include, the Catholic University of America, the prestigious Howard University and the University of Nigeria Nsukka,UNN. Okadigbo’s academic thrusts focused more on political science as well as philosophy from the African Perspective. Thus, one of his major works was on the topic of Consciencism in African Political Philosophy in which he , Okadigbo challenges Nkrumah’s proposal of communism as a fourth dimension to resolve the crisis of African conscience, arguing that Nkrumah’s approach is flawed due to inadequate analysis of African consciousness, biased examination of competing influences, and inconsistent merging of Marxist and African principles.

With his return to Nigerian shores Okadigbo was to rapidly transition from the academia to active politics emulating the likes of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, however for reasons best known to him, he was to perch with the National Party of Nigeria, NPN rather than Zik’s Nigeria People’s Party, NPP and ran for the ticket of Governor of Old Anambra State on the NPN platform but unfortunately lost to the late C.C Onoh who was to eventually lose the election to Jim Nwobodo’s NPP in 1979.

However, with Shehu Shagari’s controversial win, Okadigbo was appointed as political adviser to Shagari, a position he was to hold for Shagari’s first four years before the overthrow of the Second Republic. This role marked the beginning of his active participation in Nigerian politics and provided him with immense insight into the workings of government at the highest level. Okadigbo was to build a network of relationships which spanned the entire country.

By 1989, the IBB administration had given the nod for a return to democratic rule. Okadigbo teamed up with the likes of General Shehu Musa Yar Adua’s Peoples Front which was to coalesce with other political groups and movements in the Social Democratic Party, SDP. By 1992, Chuba was elected to the Senate of the Third Nigerian Republic representing Anambra North senatorial district on the platform of the SDP, but lost the contests to become the Senate President twice to Senators Iyorchia Ayu and Ameh Ebute respectively.

With Abacha’s death and the emergence of the Fourth Republic, Okadigbo was again elected to serve as Senator, again he was denied the opportunity of becoming Senate President owing to the employment of sly politics which saw Evans Enwerem defeat Okadigbo. Not comfortable with an Okadigbo as Senate President, the then President Olusegun Obansanjo used a number of opposition senators and some from his party to foist Enwerem on the Senate.

However, a majority of Senators went on to impeach Enwerem and in a suprise move unanimously elected Okadigbo as Senate President. Okadigbo was to bring his years of experience as an academic and savvy politician to bear upon the Senate. It is still accepted that asides the Okadigbo leadership of the senate, no other Senate leadership since the inception of the 4th Republic demonstrated the intellectual rigour in the quality of debates as witnessed during the Okadigbo leadership

Combining his eloquence, sharp wit, and a mastery of the legislative processes, Okadigbo was to rattle certain elements in the Obasanjo presidency, including Obasanjo who saw Okadigbo as a cog in the wheel of the President’s unbridled desire to undemocratically dominate the political landscape by any means neccesary.

Okadigbo, a scion of warriors would have none of such and thus the flurry of impeachment plots encouraged by the presidency which spared no amount in terms of cash nor moral limitations in its efforts to goad fellow senators to impeach Okadigbo. Resorting to selfhelp, Okadigbo was to on many occasions take measures to avoid the ‘banana peel’, even making away with the mace and allegedly hiding it in a cave in Ogbunike, such though comical was perhaps the only way , Okadigbo thought he could tame the overbearing nature of the military turned civilian president in Obasanjo, something Nigerians were to later witness fully in the years to come.

By August 2000, Okadigbo was to resign as Senate President following the controversy over his granting of anticipatory contracts for the services to the National Assembly, an act within his purview as Senate President, thus bringing to an end the Okadigbo era and with it the Senate lost its lustre going forward.

September 21, 2024