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Category: Saturday

  • Afenifere, Tinubu and 2023 polls

    Afenifere, Tinubu and 2023 polls

    The Yoruba have excellent wise sayings for every situation. The race puts you on the lane of circumspection and precautions with their apothegmatic remarks to help you take informed decisions in different circumstances. With their axioms at the back of your mind, you are never lost in taking rational decisions to guide your steps.

    One of such axioms says: “Omo eni kii se’di bebere ki a fi ileke si idi omo elomiran.” (You don’t give to another man’s daughter the waist beads meant for your own daughter on account of her big waist).

    The moral: do not cut off your face to spite your nose. It is not wise to give to someone else what your own deserves because you find a fault with your own.

    Another adage says: “Omo eni kii buru titi, k’a fi f’ekun pa je.” (However obstinate your child may be, you do not cast him to the leopard to devour).

    Again, the Yoruba teach self-restraint in times of anger. “Inu kii bi ‘ni ka gbe omo eni sinu eerun. Bi inu ba ro, inu eerun ko ni ro.” (You do not, in a moment of anger, dump your child into the colony of soldier ants. When your anger subsides, the soldier ants’ sting will not go).

    For the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, this is the time to apply the race’s axioms for the welfare of the people. It appears that the organisation has so far violated these dicta in this electioneering period. It is doing so in utter insensitivity, and without sparing a thought for the future.

    The puzzle is: should Afenifere reject a Yoruba presidential candidate and embrace an Igbo flag bearer?

    Without mincing word, the ethnic mouthpiece, posing as a national platform, has unleashed a curious contradiction by deviating from the vision and practices of its illustrious founding fathers.

    In a dimension, it smacks of ideological confusion that a regional progressive platform is protecting the interest of another region while jeopardising its own.

    The highly decimated organisation has breached its own code. It has also forgotten its glorious past: its cherished history, antecedents, struggles, travails, exploits, vision, mission and its place in the Southwest and beyond, including Kwara, Kogi and Republic of Benin, where the Yoruba have kith and kin.

    Afenifere cannot be insulated from politics. It is a regional socio-political group. All the chieftains of the group are politicians. They are expected to operate under the progressive umbrella, in accordance with the teaching of its indomitable progenitor, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

    But, in this political season, Afenifere, unlike in the past when it floated the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and later the Democratic Peoples Alliance (DPA) in the Southwest, is now “partyless.”

    It is currently pursuing a divisive agenda in the region and setting an unusual precedent by identifying with a political tendency without first building a consensus at home.

    Although Afenifere was formed principally to defend the interest of the Yoruba, and by extension, its sons and daughters, the group is trying to illogically tamper with the political interest of many of its members by assisting outsiders to attack their aspiration.

    The position of Afenifere Leader, Pa Rueben Fasoranti, on the 2023 elections is never at variance with the opinion of the vast majority of Yoruba people. A role model and mentor, the elder statesman is not a leader who can deviate from the pursuit of the best for the race.

    Fasoranti came as a unifier. He was given the mandate to deputise for the former leader, Senator Abraham Adesanya, when complaints about domination by the “Ijebu Mafia” filled the air. In post-Adesanya era, it was reasoned that the leadership of the group should “rotate” or be “zoned” to “Ekiti/Ondo axis”.

    It is noteworthy that the old man of Akure and one of the finest Yoruba breed, an accomplished education statesman, incorruptible and selfless politician, and highly esteemed, reticent community leader, once resigned as leader of the group over what he called indiscipline.

    Read Also; Tinubu: The man who would be president

    Although members prevailed on him to continue his leadership role, he finally decided to step aside last year. But, he is still acknowledged as the undisputed leader.

    If Sir Olaniwun Ajayi were alive, he would have succeeded Fasoranti. But, having passed on, the lot to deputise for Fasoranti fell on Adebanjo, lawyer and fearless activist, pioneer Action Group (AG) Organising Secretary, a loyal disciple of the late sage, Awolowo, and a hero of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) onslaught against the brutish military.

    The group he inherited had split during the controversial ‘Akure Declaration’ that Senator Mojisoluwa Akinfenwa, and not Chief Bisi Akande, was the authentic AD National Chairman because the convention that produced him in Abuja, and not the convention that produced Akande in Lagos, appeared to Afenifere to have followed the laid down guidelines.

    While Fasoranti continued to lead a section of the group, made up of leaders like Chief Olu Falae, Senator Kofo Bucknor-Akerele, Senator Femi Okunrounmu, Basorun Seinde Arogbofa, Chief Korede Duyile and Chief Segun Adegoke, his compatriot from AG days, the late Senator Ayo Fasanmi, continued to lead the second group, which had the late Senator Biyi Durojaye, Aremo Olusegun Osoba, Alhaji Olatunji Hamzat, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Chief Bisi Akande, Chief Michael Koleoso, the late Senator Sikiru Shitta-Bey and Chief Busura Alebiosu.

    Efforts by the intellectual wing, Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), to unite the two camps at a meeting in Ibadan, Oyo State capital, collapsed.

    Due to the factionalisation, Afenifere became fragile and its media and public ratings as a formidable and united front for Yoruba diminished.

    The crux of the matter now is the position of Chief Adebanjo, who is acting for Chief Fasoranti, on next year’s polls. The deputy leader’s preference is in public glare. He has declared support for the presidential candidate of Labour Party (LP) and former Anambra State Governor Peter Obi.

    Observers say the elder statesman is entitled to his opinion. He has the inalienable right to mobilise for any candidate of his choice.

    But, what is puzzling is whether the combative Acting Leader has the moral right to brand his personal wish and present it as the collective agenda of the Southwest.

    Many children of Oduduwa are asking: Is it proper for Afenifere to declare support for Obi, an Igbo, at a time an eminent Yoruba son, one of the chieftains of the group and former Lagos State governor, Asiwaju Tinubu, is the presidential candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Would Ohanaeze Ndigbo, led by Prof. George Obiozor, ask Afenifere to support Asiwaju Tinubu while castigating Obi, an Igbo son?

    Is it not better under the present circumstance for Pa Adebanjo to maintain a dignified silence instead of villifying Tinubu and heaping praises on Obi, while leaning on the umbrella ethnic mouthpiece?

    How will Afenifere resolve the contradiction? When was it resolved in Afenifere that the organisation should turn its back against a Yoruba man and support an outsider?

    Many Yoruba leaders subverted Awo. He never realised his dream of ruling Nigeria. Some Yoruba also undermined the late Chief Moshood Abiola. He won the 1993 election but never assumed the reins. Why should Afenifere wage war against Tinubu, another Yoruba icon?

    The old political warhorse, Action Grouper and warlike deputy leader is an experienced politician. He is aware of the organisation’s strengths, weaknesses or limitations. He is also aware of the fact that his stand on 2023 is not representative of the popular yearning in Yoruba land. The question is: why the gamble?

    Pa Adebanjo has tried to justify his controversial position, although his arguments lacked persuasion. Neither is his remark conciliatory at a time the politically distressed organisation is yearning for unity and harmony, which have eluded it for almost two decades.

    Pa Adebanjo has been attacking Tinubu for supporting Muhammadu Buhari since 2015. He has transferred his hostility to the APC candidate, saying that if elected in next year’s election, his administration will be a continuation of Buhari’s government.

    The Acting Leader said he knows Obi very well. It is debatable. The claim has to be further interrogated. Pa Adebanjo insinuated that the LP candidate is better than Tinubu. But he never attempted a comparative analysis of the contributions of the two candidates to substantiate the doubtful claim. He said: “Ahmed Tinubu will only give continuity to Buhari’s incompetence. We know Peter Obi very well. That is why we endorse him. He will not disappoint Nigerians. Let’s put tribal sentiment apart and vote for right leaders.”

    The outburst may have compounded the challenge of disunity in the fold and reduced the prospect of reconciliation, now and in the future.

    Some issues may be deduced from Pa Adebanjo’s comment. A case of transferred aggression is clearly established. His Afenifere only reenacted the Awoist’s hostility towards Buhari, whose administration humiliated Awolowo by seizing his passport after the December 31, 1983 military coup. This may be justifiable.

    The Yoruba elder never said Tinubu is incompetent. But he committed a fallacy of easy generalisation by insinuating that if elected as president, Tinubu will continue what he called “Buhari’s incompetence”.

    What incompetence has Tinubu exhibited that made the chief to think that he will preside over an incompetent government in post-Buhari period? Was Tinubu an incompetent Mobil treasurer, senator, governor, NADECO activist, opposition arrowhead, or an incompetent National Leader of the ruling party?

    Adebanjo claims that he knows Obi, probably as a former banker, former governor, member of All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), defector to Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), former running mate to a PDP presidential candidate, and a serial defector by virtue of his defection to the LP.

    One thing that Pa Adebanjo, a man of principle, dislikes – and this is public knowledge – is jumping ship. He prides himself as a consistent progressive from the days of Awo, who has shunned conservative platforms.

    By supporting Obi, who could as well be assessed within the context of serial defections, the eminent Yoruba chief seemed to have reviewed his stand on the virtue of consistency, which has now been sacrificed by his preferred candidate on the altar of survival.

    The Acting Leader said it was time to downplay tribal sentiment. Those who disagree with him may be quick to point out that Nigeria, with its quota system, federal character, catchment area, rotation and zoning struggles, is not one. It is thirsty for unity in diversity. Adebanjo himself has often retorted that national unity is negotiable. It is because Nigeria is not one; it is an amalgam of incompatible social formations.

    Cross-regional political collaboration is good. But, should the terms not be spelt out and mutually understood?

    If people should forget ethnicity, as Pa Adebanjo has counselled, where do we now place Awo’s admonition that you must first of all be a good indigene of your town, your state and your region before you become a good citizen of Nigeria?

    Afenifere’s position on 2023 means the organisation has never learnt from its past mistakes. Yet, the lessons are very instructive.

    In the past, the organisation exhibited the tendency for forging a questionable alliance with strange bedfellows, thereby mocking its puritanical posturing.

    It appears that Afenifere leaders, particularly members of the “Controlling Leadership,” are experiencing boredom outside power, having been left in the cold. That was the fallout of the mismanagement of its political achievements and opportunities in the Southwest between 1999 and 2003.

    What has led Afenifere to serious deviation and turbulence was its weak crisis resolution mechanism and lack of forgiving spirit. Two unresolved crises – the Bola Ige/Olu Falae rift at D’Rovans in Ibadan during the historic AD presidential primary and the protracted feud in the Lagos AD/Afenifere chapter between Tinubu and Alhaji Ganiyu Dawodu – laid the foundation of an enduring friction, distrust and division among the Awoists of Yoruba land, who, in post-Awo era, legitimately craved greater political relevance.

    After visiting former military President Ibrahim Babangida (IBB), the late Awo warned his disciplines to always learn to eat with the devil with a long spoon. When he died, they refused to heed his prophetic advice.

    Many of them participated in the elusive search for a new order in the aborted Third Republic, which was packaged to fail by IBB. At the end, they were terribly disappointed.

    Again, Southwest Awoists on the joint platform of Afenifere/AD erroneously struck a deal with former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2003. The end was catastrophic.

    Members of Awo political family forgot that Obasanjo’s meddlesomeness in the Ige/Afolabi rift aggravated the tension in Oyo State chapter of defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in the Second Republic.

    Twenty-one years after, they fell into another trap by sealing an inexplicable pact with trickish General Obasanjo, who they later accused of political betrayal. A political earthquake swept across the poll-confident Southwest. The five AD governors supported by Afenifere-Lam Adesina(Oyo), Akande (Osun), Osoba (Ogun), Adebayo Adefarati (Ondo) and Niyi Adebayo (Ekiti)-never survived it. Only Tinubu of Lagos, who was rejected by the organisation, survived.

    Afenifere never recovered from the political tragedy. That loss of political control in its traditional stronghold marked the eclipse of regional relevance. By the time a section of the progressive bloc bounced back in Ekiti, Ondo, Oyo, Osun and Ogun, without the backing of Afenifere, it was evident that the group could only hold on to old glory.

    Majority of Afenifere chieftains, who can really mobilise for election and win power, share a contrary opinion to Pa Adebanjo’s group. Can the Adebanjo camp mobilise for political action with success more than the Afenifere group, to which Olusi, Osoba and Akande belong?

    Could it be said that in the last one decade Afenifere under Pa Adebanjo has contributed to the development of Yoruba land more than ARG, which has designed and mobilised for the implementation of sound educational, cultural, socio-economic and political programmes for the benefit of Yoruba land?

    Observers believe that Afenifere has been battling with a fading influence and losing its potency, following its unresolved protracted crisis.

    It got to a climax when the group started looking for new friends outside its ideological circle. Afenifere supported former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. In 2019, it gravitated towards Alhaji Atiku Abubakar. Both contested on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    On both occasions, the two candidates lost, based on the results declared by the independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and verdict of the Supreme Court.

    In its Southwest base, Afenifere could not spring any surprise.

    In retrospection, the group’s support for Jonathan and Atiku amounted to an avoidable ideological summersault.

    Afenifere was uncritically carried away by the carrot dangled by Atiku, who campaigned four years ago on the borrowed platform of restructuring, which is one of its priorities and proposed solutions to the defective and lopsided federal structure.

    But those who disagreed with the organisation raised a question: what effort did Atiku make as Vice President along the line of restructuring to rekindle hope that he would push for true federalism, if he captures power in 2023?

    It may also be asked: Why has Afenifere abandoned Atiku for Obi?

    The former Vice President, at least, promised restructuring. What has Obi promised Afenifere?

    In 2023, it is doubtful if Afenifere will be a factor in winning or losing the presidential election.

  • Atiku and Muslim-Muslim ticket

    Atiku and Muslim-Muslim ticket

    IT is instructive that the kidnappers that attacked an Abuja-Kaduna train on March 28 killing some and holding 63 others hostage and demanding a ransom of N100 million Naira for each of the victims to gain their freedom, have most disturbingly threatened to kidnap the Commander-In-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces, President Muhammadu Buhari, as well as governor Nasir el-Rufai of Kaduna state if their demands are not urgently met.  The bandits have been releasing the hostages in batches presumably after the families of those involved had paid the ransom demanded. They have threatened to marry some of the women off to fellow kidnappers and terrorists while selling others into slavery the way they claimed to have done with the kidnapped Chibok female students. There are still at least 35 kidnap victims with the terrorists. These threats were made in a recent video recording in which the Bandits were featured flogging the men among the victims with the women and children weeping and looking on in helpless agony.

    The attacks by bandits on an advance presidential convoy on the way to Daura, Katsina state, during the last Sallah festivities, the daring raid on Kuje Medium prison in Abuja during which hundreds of prisoners were rescued with the attackers withdrawing without suffering a single casualty and then the ambushing of a detachment of the Presidential Guard in the Bwari area of Abuja with the latter losing two officers and five other men, are indications that the threat on the lives of Buhari and Nasir el-Rufai must not be taken lightly. It has now become a matter of self-interest and self-preservation for those at the apex of the political and military hierarchy in the country to take urgent, far-reaching steps to better and more efficiently protect lives and property not just in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, but throughout Nigeria.  

    In making the kidnap threats against the President and Mallam el-Rufai, the terrorists were most certainly aware that the two men are ethnic Fulani and Muslims. They did not mention any Christian leaders in their threats.  They did not seek to ascertain the religious affiliation of the kidnapped train attack victims with a view to taking away only the Christians among them. Since the escalation of the violent and criminal activities of the bandits, terrorists, kidnappers and killer herdsmen across the country, no religion or ethnic group has been isolated as targets by these murderous elements. It is not unlikely that since larger parts of the North have been more vulnerable to the activities of kidnappers, bandits and terrorists than the South, it is reasonable to assume that more people, Christians and Muslims, have been killed, kidnapped or have their livelihoods destroyed up North than down South.

    It is true that the Buhari administration has not been stellar in its management of the country’s diversity. In not being as inclusive as it could have been, it has allowed the country’s religious and ethno-regional vulnerabilities to become even more strained with people of different cultures, ethnicities and religious orientations drifting far further apart than ever before. For instance, critics of the administration have persistently maintained that the domination of key agencies of government in the security sector for instance particularly by members of one ethnic group and religious faith violates the constitutional principle of federal character and breeds mutual suspicion and distrust among divergent groups.

    But is the administration’s orientation in this regard a function of an Islamic religious revolutionary zeal? It is unlikely. For one, the President’s style is well known. He delegates powers and responsibilities to his aides and appointees in whom he has implicit confidence and trust. These were people who stood stoutly and faithfully by Him when he had been forced into protracted political wilderness since the coup by his military subordinates that toppled his government in 1985. Unfortunately, these trusted aides who constitute his kitchen cabinet do not care one hoot about their principal’s image, reputation and legacy.

    The exceedingly easy overthrow of his government in 1985 also probably explains why Buhari is very finicky about the composition of the top hierarchy of his security architecture. This may be why he has trusted key security agencies largely to people of his ethnic origin and religious faith. But it is not unusual for leaders to put people they trust in key strategic positions. But as the insecurity worsens and the nation descends into sheer anarchy, it is up to the President to sack those found to be incompetent, irresponsible and unproductive and give others a chance to showcase their abilities in the interest of his legacy, the performance of his party in the next elections and the very survival of the country in the next remaining ten months of his tenure. The unsavory security situation in the country is indeed distracting attention from the otherwise many attainments of his administration in difficulty circumstances.

    Asiwaju Tinubu is contesting the 2023 presidential election naturally with the intention of winning like any other politician. In picking his running mate, he must have considered all factors to guarantee him electoral victory. In any case, the choice was not made without extensive consultations with critical stakeholders in the party. That is why Kashim Shettima’s choice has resulted in far less acrimony in the ruling party than in the case with Atiku’s choice.  The most important point is that no one that I am aware of has questioned the competence and integrity of Kashim Shettima. Even though with far less resources in comparison to Lagos, for instance, Shettima performed as exemplarily as governor in Borno as Tinubu did in Lagos. And a number of Christian leaders in Borno have publicly testified to all he did for Christians during his tenure as governor in Borno State.

    In his recent interview with Arise Television, former Vice-President Abubakar Atiku, voiced his opposition in principle to a Muslim-Muslim ticket saying that Tinubu wanted to be his running mate in the 2007 election, a request he said he did not accede to because he could not run with a Muslim as Vice President. Atiku has so far remained silent on why he reportedly sought with some desperation to become the late Chief MKO Abiola’s running mate for the 1993 presidential election but eventually lost out to Ambassador Babagana Kingibe even when he was aware the presidential candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) was a Muslim. When did he become so principled on this matter? Of course, there are those who may argue that the issue of religion was not as sensitive in Nigeria in 1993 as it has become today. That is far from the truth.

    There was as much uproar among segments of the Christian community against Abiola’s choice of a Muslim running mate as the clamor in the same quarters against the APC and its flag bearer today. In the run up to the 1993 election, Nigeria was embroiled in various religiously induced crises such as the country’s entry into the Organization of Islamic Countries (OIC) during the General Ibrahim Babangida regime, the riot in Kano against evangelist Reinhard Bonnke, who was billed to hold a mass crusade in the city leading to the loss of scores of lives as well as recurrent crises in the Middle belt such as the protracted Zango-Kataf bloody violence that had ethno-religious undertones.  But then, Abiola had done his strategic political calculations and he won a landslide victory in the June 12, 1993, presidential election defeating the Muslim-Christian NRC ticket of Bashir Tofa and Sylvester Edwin Ume Ezeoke; an election later cruelly annulled by military President, Babangida, who incidentally is a Muslim!

    Atiku seems to make much weather of his claim that Tinubu sought to be his running mate in 2007 on the platform of the defunct Action Congress (AC) and also wanted to run as Vice-Presidential candidate to Buhari in 2015. He describes this as a pattern of behavior. But being ambitious is no crime if an aspirant’s motivation is the public good as Tinubu’s record of performance in Lagos so clearly shows. In any case, as well documented, Atiku had only a negligible role in the formation of the AC, which gave him a platform to contest the presidency in 2007 after he had been hounded out of the PDP by President Obasanjo. Given his pivotal role in the formation of the AC, the key stakeholders in the party particularly from the South-West requested that Atiku nominate Tinubu as his running mate. True to type, Atiku did not come out clearly and courageously to say that he couldn’t run with a Muslim as running mate.

    Rather, he played hide and seek with the party leaders until he sent in the name of Senator Ben Obi as Vice- presidential candidate on the brink of the deadline by INEC for all candidates to submit their nomination forms to the commission. This pattern of seemingly vacillating behavior is again evident in the way Atiku has handled his choice of running mate for the 2023 presidential election. Rather than boldly sit down and have a one on one discussion with Governor Nyesom Wike on why he preferred Governor Ifeanyi Okowa as his running mate, he went about the issue in a surreptitious and intrigue-laden manner that is morphing into a protracted crisis for the PDP.

    It is astonishing that Atiku is against a Muslim-Muslim ticket as a matter of principle but at the same time, he sees absolutely nothing wrong in the violation of his party’s constitution on the continuous rotation of the presidency between the North and the South. Indeed, the Southern Governors Forum had met on at least three occasions and they have always demanded the return of presidential power to the South after President Buhari’s two-term tenure in accordance with the rotational presidency convention that ushered in this civilian dispensation in 1999. When asked by the Arise television team that interviewed him if the choice of the APC Vice-Presidential candidate from the North-East where Atiku also comes from, would not hurt him in the zone, Atiku replied that the Kanuris are only found in two of the North East states and that the remaining four states are Fulani just like him. This gives us an insight into Atiku’s mindset. He is banking on Fulani support in the North and also wants to play on sentiments on Muslim-Muslim ticket to harvest Christian votes in the South and Christian parts of the North.

    But then Atiku forgets that it was members of the APC governors’ forum that insisted that the party’s ticket must be ceded to the South after eight years of Buhari in power as a matter of equity, fairness and justice. That is why even within the APC, attempts to foist a ‘consensus’ northern candidate on the party failed as the northern governors in particular stood stoutly on the imperative of power shift to the South.  These northern governors represent what the late governor of Kaduna State in the Second Republic, Alhaji Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa called the “cultured North of democracy, liberation and social progress” in sharp contrast to those who “belong to the retrograde North of feudalists, crooks, parasites and foreign agents”. 

    What really is at the root of the country’s current challenges with terrorism, kidnapping, banditry, and religious extremism currently on rampage across the land? After all, we have had a Muslim-Christian ticket since 2015. In what concrete way has this benefited the broad sections of either Christians or Muslims in Nigeria? The fundamental cause of these problems is the ever increasing poverty, deepening underdevelopment, inequality, joblessness and other miseries in the land. Which party ticket is best placed to tackle these problems decisively and creatively with proven track record of meritorious public service and all inclusive governance before now? That is the pertinent and relevant question and not the issue of religious balance of a ticket.

  • The fans and football are back

    The fans and football are back

    FOOTBALL is back. The fans are back. The excitement is back. The rave reviews and commentaries are back. Wives don’t have to wait endlessly for their husbands to return home. Daddy hurries back to stay with the family to watch the most exciting of the European Leagues – The Premier League. Some other wives know where their husbands are – with the boys in a known friend’s house. Many homes are either divided among the teams or cajoled by the leader of the house, most times to back his team. For such daddies, no room for his family members to pick their clubs when he calls the shot at home.

    But the real fun resides in those homes where Daddy’s club is Arsenal. The first son backs Chelsea with the mother tacitly identifying with her son – daddy mustn’t know. The daughter likes Manchester United while the last child prefers Manchester City. The house is on fire anytime any of these teams lose. It gets worse if Daddy’s club loses to the kids’ clubs. No peace for Daddy. He takes the jokes on his chin, knowing that his days hover around the corner – preferably the next game. Real fun and the families are now united by the most beautiful game in the world – football. Some call it soccer. Others refer to it as the round leather game. Whichever name you choose to call it.

    This new season is different because the fans would throng the stadia to watch their favourite teams which would invariably increase their revenues from the gate-takings not forgetting revenue from merchandising, television rights and other avenues for recouping cash spent on big buys ahead of the new season. Last season was a marketing disaster for all the clubs with many of them going bankrupt while others are still ruing the loss of revenue, which hopeful could be recouped this year, barring a fourth surge of the Covid-19 pandemic. Players, coaches, backroom staff, and anyone connected with the teams’ operations have taken mighty salary cuts to stay afloat. Clubs such as Liverpool depend a lot on the energy from their teeming fans at the stands to propel them to victory. Surely one of the beneficiaries of the return of the fans to the stadia.

    The English game is anchored on the tremendous media coverage by the English laced with records of events with the television stations anchoring their football shows with legends of the game sharing their experiences and educating viewers on controversial decisions. There is never a dull moment watching the English. This 2022/2023 season is expected to be one of the best given the way big teams strengthened their squads with quality players. They were careful in picking who they wanted not just crowding the camp with big stars as in the past.

    The 2022/2023 season is quite significant considering the fact it would be stopped middle of November to allow the Qatar 2022 World Cup to hold without distraction. Indeed, the World Cup lurking around the corner has focused players who aren’t regulars in their teams to seek shirts in clubs where they are sure of regular first-team jerseys. Players with one year left to the contracts have refused to extend theirs with the present clubs, preferring to wait for the end of the season when they can walk away as free agents. But clubs with such players are looking to make sure ageing stars are redundant by recruiting better and younger players to make them realise their services are no longer required.

    For Manchester United, these are interesting times given the headache they are having with Cristiano Ronaldo. A year ago, it was celebration time for fans of the Red Devils when Ronaldo rejoined the club from Juventus, the Old Lady side. Ronaldo justified his return with some outstanding displays, scoring goals with aplomb much to the consternation of critics who thought he was a spent force. Of course, Ronaldo is a class act, meaning he thrives best among the big boys in the elite category of the European clubs’ competition, largely known as the UEFA Champions league. And with the Red Devils not playing in the Champions League, Ronaldo has told his employers at Old Trafford that his time at the Theatre of Dreams was over.

    As a prized gem whose stock is known to all clubs, Manchester United’s management would prefer to go down fighting to convince Ronaldo to remain with them than to watch helplessly as the football icon walks away leaving hands on their cheeks, sulking. Manchester United manager Erik ten Hag is unhappy with Ronaldo and has labelled his conduct so far as unacceptable after the Portuguese superstar left Sunday’s friendly early. Interestingly, Ronaldo has given Manchester United until Sunday to decide his future. Whatever that means.

    Should Ronaldo be allowed to keep the Red Devils too long on their knees than to allow him to satisfy himself? No way. And former Red Devil, Louis Saha  addressed the issues arising from Ronaldo’s seeming truancy when he told SKYBET in an interview that: ”In some way, from Cristiano Ronaldo’s point of view it’s a bit unrealistic to ask now a club of this size to adapt to him and his dream.

    ”Even last year, I’m sorry but the magic could have happened and everything could have gone well and they won the Champions League and the Premier League and there we go, he could say that he could stay because he had participated in that. It was unrealistic that just his arrival would have changed all this.

    ”Asking that again after a poor season and maybe not great transfer market business in his view, I don’t understand how dramatic it is to change and to do all those things. I think that last year he had been in Juventus but they hadn’t won the Champions League,” Saha told SKYBET.

    So, what does Ronaldo want beyond playing in the Champions League? He should be told pointedly that his time is coming to an end and that he needs to be more circumspect in the way he conducts himself in the twilight of his illustrious career.

    Ronaldo played on Thursday at the Red Devils’ Carrington training base and boss ten Hag has a big decision on his hands.

    The Dutchman may have to start Ronaldo, despite his lack of pre-season training with fellow forward Anthony Martial reportedly set to miss their opening game of the season due to injury, according to THE ATHLETIC.

    The Frenchman, who notched three goals on tour, suffered a minor hamstring problem and the timing of his return is unclear. Whether he starts or not, Ronaldo is still hoping to leave Old Trafford in the coming weeks.

    Whereas Ronaldo’s headache is for everyone to ponder over, their noisy neighbours, Manchester City have sold off Raheem Sterling to Chelsea, Gabriel Jesus and Oleksandr Zinchenko to Arsenal at a cost of more than £100million without qualms, Haaland has made champions Man City even stronger, Liverpool’s attack has evolved with Darwin while Ten Hag embarks on his huge Man United rebuild. Chelsea has begun direct talks with Barcelona over Frenkie de Jong as the Blues attempt to gazump Manchester United, while Man City turn attention to Sergio Gomez. This year’s transfer transactions are bursting on their seams with fans hopeful for a fight to the finish race across all the leagues this season.

    Chelsea’s captain Cesar Azpilicueta’s continuous stay at Stamford Bridge has been secured with the Spaniard signing a new two-year deal on Thursday to ease Thomas Tuchel’s defensive crisis, leaving  Barcelona boss Xavi on the lurch having been dealt a huge blow to his Nou Camp rebuilding plans. Leicester rejected Chelsea’s opening £60m bid for centre-back Wesley Fofana. In fact, the Foxes fear Blues are prepared to break the £80m world record fee Man United paid them for Harry Maguire to sign the Frenchman.

    No doubt Chelsea has missed the deep pockets of their former owner, who was ready to splash the cash for any player who could bring glory to the Blues during matches.

  • Nigerian female politicians must learn from Gov Wike

    Nigerian female politicians must learn from Gov Wike

    The major political parties in Nigeria, the ruling All progressives Congress  (APC), the leading opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party, (PDP) have all been in the news in the last number of weeks over a lot of issues. There have been debates about the zoning for Party leaderships, Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates and even about religion.

    The opposition People’s Democratic Party has had the lingering crises with the Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike who came second during their Presidential primaries. There has been a lot of tension around his attitude having lost to Atiku Abubakar. In fact, there has been different groups of the party’s leadership making ‘political pilgrimages’ to Rivers State to pacify him over what is alleged to be his misgiving  over being left out as the Vice Presidential candidate of the party.

    In some quarters, he is comically been referred to as the beautiful bride post all the party primaries. There were even rumours that other political parties wanted to ‘gain’ from the assumed problems a Nwike has with his party of the Presidential candidate, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.  The permutations about his next line of action are still in the public domain even as he recently had a meeting with the PDP candidate in Abuja and had allegedly been issuing conditions for peace.

    The APC on the other hand seems to have been trying to douse the tension over its Muslim-Muslim ticket for its Presidential and Vice presidential candidates, Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu and Kashim Shettima respectively. There has been efforts at explaining to the voting public that both candidates do not wear their religion on their sleeves but have a history of liberal practice of their faiths given that even the Presidential candidate’s wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu is not just a Christian but a pastor and that a former governor Shettima of Bornu had a history of religious tolerance in office.

    Just about a day ago, the two political parties appointed the Director Generals for their Presidential campaigns.  The APC has appointed Governor Simon Lalong of Plateaustate as the Director General and the Minister of state for Labour, Festus Keyamo  (SAN) as the interim Spokesperson. The PDP appointed  Daniel Bwala a recent decampee from APC and a Dino Melaye, another decampee from the APC to PDP as Campaign Spokespersons. So seemingly the die is cast for these two parties. For more than a dozen other political parties, Nigerians await their appointments.

    The Roundtable Conversation listened to the Independent National Electoral Commission Chairman, Mahmoud Yakubu project that the Commission anticipates about 95million registered voters for the 2023 election. This number of voters is predominantly the youth and women. Women are often the largest voting demographic and are often the most loyal party members. The commitment and competence of women in all sectors cannot be over-emphasized.

    However, it has been a very disappointing silence from the few women politicians and the political party leaderships as reagrds positions for women even as we hear from the grapevine permutations of who gets what in the even of a win by either political parties.

    During the conventions of the APC and the PDP, we noticed the tokenism to the largest voting bloc at all elections, the hands that rock the cradle, those who feel the most impact of bad leadership at all levels – the women seem to be mere onlookers and the political parties are always enthusiastic to give the ‘Women Leader’ position to the women with the sole aim of making them mobilizers of votes for the men.

    We see the silence of the few women in politics as a betrayal of the global efforts at integrating more women into politics in a developing nation like Nigeria. The silence of the women is very worrisome and one wonders whether they are just very comfortable waiting on the men to send them on errands or throw certain posts to them post elections. The political parties from the congresses to primary elections have been very silent about a level playing field and the women seem not to take note.

    The Roundtable conversation spoke to Ndi Kato, Executive Director at Dinidari Africa, an Advocate for Human Rights and  African Women in Tech. She feels that not much has changed in the political scene as it concerns women and that is very discouraging because women are  capable and qualified to take up leadership at any level.  She believes that women must make choices right now, do the women just want to dance at political rallies and wear uniforms while the same chauvinistic and patriarchal attitude of male politicians continue in the political space? Some action to her must come from more women in politics.

    To her, women must be willing to walk the talk and hold Nigerian male politicians to account like the Liberian and Icelandic women whose determination and hard work substantially changed the dynamics of the political situation in both countries very profoundly. No country in her view can progress without the contribution of their women.  In the case of Nigeria, Ndi feels that no country seems as blessed as Nigeria especially when it comes to the capacity of Nigerian women to blaze trails and contribute nationally and at globally.

    An Ndi believes that Nigerian women in politics must purge themselves of the cultural and religious beliefs that have negative impact on development as it concerns gender equity. In the United Kingdom at the moment, Liz Truss is almost at the threshold of being elected the British Prime Minister. Even the Nigerian-British Kemi Badenoch was a top contender  earlier in the race. Could she have had the opportunity in Nigeria? She doubts.

    An Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, an Amina Mohamed, an Aruma Oteh, Yewande Sadiku, a Tobi Amusan and dozens of other Nigerian women are global citizens making their education and tenacity work for a world that offers a level playing field to everyone.  Some vibrant global economies have had women as Chancellor in the case of Angela Merkel of Germany, Presidents, Prime Ministers, or Heads of governments because their political environment allows the best human to emerge without the overt or subtle huddles by the political systems in their countries.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that Nigerian male politicians are just being monopolistic in terms of opening up the political space. On the other hand, the women in that field are very docile and seem to have resigned to faith. However, development is not a natural endowment, both genders have complimentary roles that must be employed brilliantly and patriotically working together for national development.

    Observing the attention a governor Wike is getting must teach Nigerian women in politics some lessons. With no prejudice to the PDP internal squabbles, a Wike either way has exposed the political system in Nigeria. Given the attention his party and others have paid to a governor Wike, rightly or wrongly, he is sending a message that the PDP seems to be getting. The pampering and series of consultations coming his way shows that the men in Nigerian politics understand the human value in politics.

    There are talks that a Wike is merely trying to say he is very relevant to the party. Whether true or false, we might never know.  However,  if the focus and attention on him by several delegations of his party and even the subtle wooing by other political ‘pilgrims’ to his state are anything to go buy, he seems to have made his point and all the politicians seem to agree to his relevance exaggerated or regular.

    Then when we look at the issues about gender equity in the Nigerian political space, one can sense a bit of patriarchal arrogance and ego play by the men. Issues that concern women and the youths are often overlooked as the men assume, even if wrongly and parochially that they can always get their way and lead the largest votying blocs in any election.

    What the Nigerian male politicians forget is that the global political paradigms have shifted and the old ways might not be the winning ways anymore. There is more political awareness, more influence from technology and the new media.  The youth and women might be a force to be reckoned with in Nigeria in the coming years. The awareness about leadership and governance structures are getting to all the nooks and crannies of the world. No one expected the Arab Spring events. The Sri Lankans never anticipated the recent political turn of events in their country. It is always good to evaluate strategies and tactics even in the political sphere. Equity pays.

    However, when we depart from the political leaderships that are predominantly skewed to favour the men across all political parties, the notorious ‘Women Wings’ leaderships of all political parties must take the blame for the docility they have shown especially as the political parties get ready for the elections. Why the deafening silence? Are the Women Leaders just satisfied with dancing, singing and persuading the rural women to vote for the men?

    There is a sense at which the Roundtable Conversations feels seriously that most female politicians seem to have failed generations of women and youths. If a lone governor Wike can seemingly bring the PDP to its knees and allegedly get other parties to the negotiating table, what more of the greatest voting demographic given the past records and current INEC records?

    Political power is never offered on a platter. The women in politics must spring beyond individualism and an exaggerated sense of relevance as members of any ‘Women Wing’ of any political party. Have they ever asked why there is no Male wings?

    The dialogue continues…

  • Deterrence, checks and impotence

    Deterrence, checks and impotence

    In a week   that  you  see the unraveling of the above concepts in world politics and diplomacy you  cannot but be excited . When   global   ideological  rivals do sabre rattling on the world stage and  outstare  each other ,  and one blinks ,  you  cannot but salute a moment of history for the records of our time . Lessons evolve for the world at large on how to manage diplomacy  in the face of  potential  and imminent war ,   how    governments can govern  without  succumbing to  the terror  of insurgents   and how to call the bluff of insolent  anarchists  who attack  governments with impunity and make citizens of some nations like Nigeria  wonder if they have a political  culture  tailored to their  sustainable  survival   needs  in terms of both security and democracy  . I write   I dare say with excitement  and real  pleasure on the topic of the day . You  will soon see  why.

    The  invasion of Ukraine by Russia  recently   left   global  diplomacy   standing  on its head  . But  the visit of Nancy Pelosi  the US  Speaker  to Taiwan thus   calling the bluff  of China against  the visit  has   balanced global  diplomacy on its feet  ,  albeit  wobbly , because of earlier American   government   dithering on promoting  deterrence in Afghanistan . And  more   importantly    and  with an  openly  aggressive  Russia  that  has a track  record of treating American governments headed  by Democrats and  not Republicans in utmost contempt and disdain , as  it dealt with this Biden Administration culminating  in the insolent invasion of Ukraine by Russia  recently . I shall  make  a comparative  analysis of this event    with recent events in some  nations including Nigeria and show the balance of power and presidential checks and balances inherent in them in terms of global  and regional  politics .

    The  lesson for Nigeria  is that any   government worth its salt must  deter any   insurgents and rebels who  challenge its legitimacy and authority with impunity  .  The  Nigerian government must show  guts and boldness  in securing  the territorial integrity of Nigeria  like the USA did  recently in affirming the independence ,   sovereignty  and territorial integrity   of  Taiwan  just with one visit  of  the  leader  of an  arm  of  the  US Congress  to  China in spite of the   sabre  rattling from China . The  visit showed the emptiness of China’s braggadocio  on Taiwan and portrayed both the Chinese Communist Party , the ruling  party in China  and its military  , as toothless bulldogs . The  steady   defiance of the Taiwanese nation and military  , of Chinese jets roaming over Taiwan on the eve of the visit ,   showed that modern warfare , deterrence and  defence are an amalgam of guilt  edge  ,  state of the art technology ,  science , artificial  intelligence and   monitoring to block  or deflect  potential areal   threats  and the Taiwanese  showed   that   new  wars  are not a game of  large populations and big territories alone .

    The  Pelosi  visit also showed  the fine line of  the   separation of powers inherent in American  presidential system  of checks and balances . The American president knew of the visit and despite a recent telephone  conversation with the Chinese president that the US will  be playing  with fire if the visit went on , the  American  government did not openly ask the Speaker , head of an arm  of the US Congress not to perform her duty because that would be unconstitutional   interference of the executive arm of government in the function of  the legislature,  another arm of  government in the US presidential  system of government .

    It  is necessary to compare events in Sri  Lanka and Nigeria  and some how Spain where   imprisoned  rebels  who won election  were   allowed  to be sworn  in as  Parliamentarians . The  events  in these  three nations  showed     a weakness  of security and political  authority  . They  showed  the antithesis  of  strong political  institutions and government .

    In  Sri  Lanka a government  was swept  out of office after weeks of street  protests culminating   in the occupation of the presidential  palace and the president fleeing into exile like that of Afghanistan  on the eve of  the  take over   of Kabul   by  the Taliban   recently .The  Sri  Lankan government whose  leader got popular  because as a general in the nation’s army he defeated the notorious Tamil Tigers rebels threatening  the stability of Sri Lanka  became  so  corrupt and the people  got so hungry  and annoyed that they  sent the government  parking and protesters were seen swimming  in the presidential  palace swimming pool  with no security men  to deter or remove them  That  is   failure of government in full swing and I wish  the Sri Lankan  people  the best   of luck  in sanitizing their  political space without  violence .

    In  Spain the issue  was about   secession and national  sovereignty  .  A rebel  government in Catalonia a region of Spain declared itself  independent but the rebellion was   quashed  by the  sovereign government in Spain and the leaders of  the  government tried and jailed .But  a few of them even in jail  contested and won parliamentary elections  and two  of them had to be brought in from  prison to be  sworn in but they  would  not be allowed to  vote on formation of government  coalitions . The  government itself has a  slim majority about two  and that suits the government . That  is democracy on tenterhooks . Yet  the fact that they were  sworn  in showed  the strength  and  virility  of Spanish  democracy . Spanish   democracy     has taught  successfully  with military might that sovereignty  and  territorial  integrity of Spain cannot be challenged  with impunity   by  rebels  and dare  devil  insurgents.

    We  round  up with Nigeria where the talk of the   town of the town is rampant insecurity and the fear of the Muslim Muslim ticket  of the ruling APC . Government spokesmen  have decried the concerns on insecurity as exaggerated and  attacked a section of the media as glamorizing terrorism and  insurgency . Which is not realistic and responsible . Social  media could be accused of exaggeration and calumny  driven by the opposition to bring government down but that does not  detract  from the grim  reality that federal government and governance nationally  is under serious  security  risk . It  is the duty of the national formal media to report the truth and saying it as it is  the duty of the free press and Nigeria has the most  robust in Africa if not the world  for now . The  cancellation of railway  routes linking important economic and trade routes announced by  the Nigerian Railway Corporation  this week  because  of terrorists attacks is an acknowledgement of  insecurity  by government . It  places a huge  potential repayment  burden on the Nigerian  government  to its Chinese   construction partners who  are notorious for not ever giving free lunches .A nasty  loan  repayment  failure looms  ominously in an  horizon  of insecurity that threatens further insecurity and political and economic stability . Nobody  should be branded  a doomsayer for saying the omens  are  not right . It is time for the Nigerian  government to  do a Pelosi on insurgency and insecurity  in Nigeria  .Just as the American Speaker  did in calling the bluff of the toothless  dog  that  China turned out to be over its bluff that the US would be playing with fire if it allowed the visit to Taiwan . As  the  saying goes , a stitch  in time saves nine .

     

  • *Above all, democracy

    *Above all, democracy

    The only way for democracy to thrive, flourish and be constantly deepened in any society is for a critical mass of the population to have inculcated in them attitudes, values, beliefs and orientations that are indispensable to sustaining Abraham Lincoln’s fabled ‘government of the people, by the people and for the people’. At the heart of this representative form of government is a credible, transparent and efficient electoral machinery and process, which conducts elections genuinely reflective of the will of the electorate and thus enjoys the trust and confidence of the generality of the people. Despite the grave socio-economic and security challenges confronting Nigeria today, it cannot be denied that the country has recorded considerable progress in the evolution of her political structures and processes since 1999.

    One feature of positive political development in this regard is the vastly enhanced institutional autonomy of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as well as the significantly improved integrity of the conduct of elections. The last governorship elections in Edo, Ondo, Anambra and Ekiti states indicate the increasing general acceptability of electoral outcomes and INEC has promised that the governorship polls in Osun on July 16 will be a marked improvement in her performance in Ekiti last month, which has been widely lauded.

    There is no doubt that the INEC of 2022 is no more the INEC of 23 years ago at the infancy of this dispensation, an electoral umpire that arbitrarily intruded and imposed itself on the electoral process and awarding fictive votes to favored candidates and parties particularly in various elections in 2003 and 2007. That INEC was no more than a parastatal under the suzerainty of the presidency. Another indication of significant strides taken forward, in the country’s political development since 1999, is the bold intervention of the judiciary in adjudicating on and remedying cases of perceived electoral injustice even though some such judgments and reversal of election results have inevitably been controversial.

    Again, the continuing upgrading and improvements in the application of technology to INEC’s management of elections has helped to ensure that election results are no longer a reflection of the whims and caprices of electoral officials, biometric voter registration and fingerprint technology has rendered ballot box snatching useless while the uploading of election results online electronically from each polling unit immediately after voting has enhanced the transparency and integrity of election results.

    The steadily increasing integrity and credibility of all aspects of the electoral process, combining with the growing political sophistication and consciousness of the electorate, will with time enhance the probability of competent and capable leaders emerging through the polls. If that happens, such capable leadership will help achieve greater security and enhanced economic prosperity that will reduce considerably the poverty that is at the root of the current menace of vote buying and selling that plagues our elections. But there are still disturbing attitudes, orientations and dispositions among a significant number of members of the political class that could pose a grave danger to the country’s political development and democratic sustainability. Before the presidential primaries of both the All Progressives Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP), for instance, there were tendencies in both parties that wanted either a restricted competitive race or no contest at all but rather the imposition of consensus candidates. In the PDP, the key issue was zoning. Key party leaders from the South as well as some governors wanted the field of contestation for the presidential candidacy restricted to the South in conformity with the party’s zoning policy of rotating the presidency between the North and the South.

    Yes, the rotation principle is informed by the imperative of ensuring justice, fairness and equity through balance in the spread and representativeness of critical offices in a complex federation like ours. But then, can the zoning principle be elevated above the constitutionally guaranteed right of all Nigerians of the requisite age and who meet other stipulated criteria to contest elections at all level no matter where they come from? I don’t think so. Above all, we must adhere to democratic tenets at all times.

    This is why the most critical thing is that the PDP threw its presidential ticket open to all zones of the country thus enabling the choice of its flag bearer through the dynamics of the intra-party democratic process. Despite Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State putting up a strong and impressive showing against the eventual presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, his bid failed, interestingly partly because a not insignificant number of southern delegates did not vote for the fiery governor even as he himself noted after the exercise. Some have pointed out that Sokoto State governor, Mr. Aminu Tambuwal’s decision to step down for Atiku played a critical role in the latter’s victory. But then, that is politics. The zoning principle succumbed to the dynamics of the democratic process within the PDP and all sides must abide by the outcome in good faith as democrats. It is another matter entirely if Atiku following his emergence as the party’s flag bearer has so far handled the process of reconciliation and healing within the party especially the choice of his running mate with the requisite wisdom and dexterity.

    As for the APC, the dynamics of the democratic process within the party worked out in favour of a southern candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who emerged as its presidential flag bearer, despite a tendency within the party not disguising its preference for the emergence of a northern candidate to run on the party’s platform in next year’s presidential election. It would appear that a good number of the aspirants who paid N100 million for the party’s expression of interest and nomination forms and joined the race did so in the belief that, for one reason or the other, they would be picked as President Muhammadu Buhari’s anointed choice and imposed on the party as consensus candidate thus rendering competitive primaries unnecessary. That the President chose to allow the democratic process to play out fully is to his great credit. No less salutary was the stance of the party’s northern governors who insisted that the ticket be ceded to the south in the interest of fairness and equity and played a key role in the outcome of the primaries. Even then, it is important that the APC also did not restrict the field of contestation for its presidential ticket to the South thus enabling willing aspirants from all parts of the country to participate in the exercise with the winner emerging in a transparent and credible process. Above all, democracy must always be the watchword. Thus, while the intra-party democratic process resulted in the emergence of a northerner in the PDP, the same process led to a southern presidential candidate in the APC. In picking their candidates, the parties were understandably concerned with maximizing their electoral strengths at the polls.

    Speaking within the context of democratic profession and practice, it is difficult to situate the clamorous calls in some quarters for the zoning of the presidency to the South-East because the zone has not produced a President since 1999. But a Nigerian President of Igbo extraction can only emerge through the dynamics of the democratic process. Such a candidate must join and work hard within parties to build alliances, friendships and political relationships across the country.  He or she can surely not campaign successfully solely on the basis of being Igbo. It will not fly. Rather, an Igbo candidate must campaign first and foremost on his or her merit, competence and qualification for the job while also falling back on a wide network of personal and political relationships nationwide for support.

    The leading Igbo Presidential Candidate in the 2023 presidential race is Mr. Peter Obi, who defected to the Labour Party from the PDP. To his credit, Mr. Peter Obi, has been campaigning on what he considers as his capability for the job of leading Nigeria even though some of his claimed achievements in the past, especially as two-term governor of Anambra State, have been severally challenged. There is the perception that his statistics are frequently inaccurate and claims of his accomplishments exaggerated. Even then, the important thing is that he is not asking for votes necessarily because he is Igbo. Unfortunately, though, the way many of his fervent supporters are carrying on may cast Obi as a sectional rather than a national candidate and this may hurt him in a nationwide election. Does the LP have the structures to enable Obi make an effective impact in a nationwide election and with the election less than eight months away? It is doubtful. Had the attempted merger between the Labour Party and Rabiu Kwankwaso’s New Nigeria Democratic Party (NNDP) worked out, it would have been a potentially formidable party because Kwankwaso is no pushover in Kano and some other parts of the North West.

    This column foresees a vibrant and exciting campaign particularly between Atiku and Tinubu, the frontline candidates, in the months ahead. They have both been active on Nigeria’s political and economic terrain over the last three decades. It is difficult seeing litigations against the two, obviously designed to distract and thwart their ambitions, flying since these are issues already pronounced on judicially in the past.  It should be a campaign focused on issues, ideas and programmes, not abuse, personal attacks, mudslinging and insults.

  • When cleric, herbalist friend met desperate politician

    When cleric, herbalist friend met desperate politician

    A desperate politician who was seeking the House of Representatives ticket of one of the two leading political parties in Ekiti State has been taught a bitter lesson by an Islamic cleric and his conniving friend, who is a herbalist.

    After losing more than N24million to the two conmen in his desperation to emerge candidate of his party, the politician who is also a prince, told friends and relatives that he has learnt to always trust in God and not man going forward.

    Sentry learnt that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has arrested the ‘alfa’ and his friend, for allegedly defrauding our man.

    Sources in Ekiti say the conmen told the aspirant that upon payment of an agreed amount, he should go home and await the ticket of the party, which was to be given to him on a platter of gold. Sacrifices and special prayers were carried out to ensure the success of his political bid.

    But the prince lost the ticket to another aspirant. That was when he realised he had been conned. He ran to the EFCC with a petition and the two men were arrested in July in Ado-Ekiti.

    While admitting that he collected the money from our ‘Honourable’, the suspect said it was used to buy black, brown and white cows, rams, lavender perfume, rings, among other items, to carry out sacrifices at different times. He also claimed to have consulted another herbalist before he was arrested.

    Explaining why their client didn’t get the ticket, the alfa said: “Our own is to pray and do the necessary sacrifices, which we did, and to leave the rest to God. However, along the line, the zoning for the Reps seat was changed. We don’t have power over zoning.”

    While the conmen are still with the detectives, ‘Honourable’ is back home licking his wound.

  • Appointees can’t be club owners

    Appointees can’t be club owners

    Those striving to destroy our football at the national level are the so-called stakeholders who are representatives of the 36 states and Abuja in the country who are the real club owners. These are people (I have chosen to also tag them stake breakers) who can’t stand before their states’ sports commissioners, not to talk of having the guts to discuss with their state governors the activities of the club, yet they behave as if they have powers to correct the ills in our football. It is pertinent to note that those who perpetuate the tribulations in the domestic leagues across genders want to provide the solution after they have been removed from office. Not possible.

    Those masquerading as club owners have no stake in such a team. They are appointed and paid monthly salaries by those who own the clubs. Club owners in the true sense of the word are the state governors on behalf of the states who pay the wages of everyone in the team, shelter them, provide for their welfare and take them to match venues and back. Appointees can’t be owners of the teams because many of them have been sacked in the past. Holding anything in trust can’t be said to be yours.

    Until state governors who indeed are the real owners of clubs in Nigeria nominate credible people who are driven by the ambition to excel in these teams, our game would totter till eternity. It is important to highlight what Rivers State governor Nyesom Wike and the Edo State Deputy Governor Phillip Shaibu are doing with their states’ football clubs.

    Sadly, the cankerworm which has bedevilled our soccer at the male level is slowly crippling the women’s game which had been in the woods until the new NWFL board brought new innovations into the women’s game. We had our golden years in football in the women’s game. But the products of those years emerged from YSFON programmes which were structured to provide platforms for the girls to play football. YSFON still exists but like other spheres in the country is groping in the dark due to the harsh economic situations in the world.

    Before the new NWFL emerged, the women’s game at the domestic level became a laughing stock with all manner of maladministration perpetuated by people who took pride in parading themselves as administrators than providing remedies to take the game out of the woods. Seasons began and ended with many clubs gaining more points from walkover matches than the ones they played. Indeed, it was forbidden for clubs that flopped including those who couldn’t honour games at home and at away venues to be demoted. It didn’t matter for as long as no club was grumbling. How do you sit for an examination and those who failed to remain in the class without being demoted?

    In the past, we had female clubs whose players were being owed several months’ wages with no succour ahead of them since they hardly played enough matches to help showcase their talent for rich clubs to employ them. In some instances, the girls resorted to self-help to get some of their cash paid. Would you blame such girls when the competition in which they participated didn’t have prize money? Imagine playing games on empty stomachs and no cash to even buy a sachet of water. Pity.

    An association that does not want demotion of clubs but wants only promotion is an enemy of progress. An association that wants a 20-team format for premiership without having lower cadres for worthy teams to aspire to be promoted and those who didn’t perform in one season to be demoted into is a body of jokers desirous to bring the beautiful game into disrepute? How would an aspiring association not want Club Licensing regulations implemented? Is this not the bedrock of global football? What do we need in an all-comers 20-team league when we know the current state of our economy? Shouldn’t we nurture second-tier and third-tiers to increase the pool of talents available to the clubs? Why do we always think there are Nigerian ways of doing things?

    Why do some of us like to destroy good things? Do we just affect changes for the sake of it? Come to think of it, those angling to replace a performing NWFL should tell us all that they brought to the female league in those locust years? Absolutely nothing. Rather they have created another group which claims to be independent, forgetting that they first sought recognition from the NWFL which they have turned around to say can’t control them – selfish interest.

    Today, the NWFL headed by Aisha Falode has started restructuring the women’s game at the domestic level by creating competitions for the girls to showcase their talents and also securing sponsors to fund the body’s activities in their quest for excellence. This writer sought the views of an ardent follower of the women’s game since its inception, Dapo Sotiminu, a veteran journalist.

    This writer asked Sotiminu what he thought Falode had done right to improve the women’s game and he said: ”She got two sponsorship deals at the same time for the Women’s league, the best in the history of Nigerian football.

    ”The first for the regular season by Peculiar Ultimate Concerns worth billions of naira – as sponsors will build 14 home stadia equipped with flood lights, dressing rooms, conference rooms and clubhouse with hostels for accommodation for all the Premiership clubs.

    ”The second for the Super Six only – Tulcan Energy Resources. Payment of Referees’ indemnities ended the era of home walkovers that was predominant before she took over.

    ”Massive development of the Women’s League. At the 2018 Nations Cup, nine home-based players were featured in the victorious team. The same number also made it to the Fifa World Cup. Need I forget that there was also massive media visibility for the league?

    ”She instituted rapid development and improved officiating resulting in the involvement of more Fifa Women’s referees to handle league matches which invariably improved the game. Falode instituted monthly awards for match referees to improve the standard of the league.

    ”The women’s game had regular international training and seminars for Club Managers and Media for better efficiency.

    ”Falode encouraged the pay parity for women’s and men’s clubs. Today, we have pay parity in Edo Queens, Bayelsa Queens and it’s increasing by the day,” Sotiminu said.

    It is true that there is freedom of association enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution, yet people must follow what obtains in a particular sphere which has been accepted in other climes. There are prescribed ways of doing things if we are truly sincere in what we are doing. Nigerians are always in a hurry to do things which others execute seamlessly. The only thing that is constant in life is change, but it must be done without infringing the rules of the game. What hurts is that those who enjoy troubled times in our football don’t have their kids and relatives playing soccer as a means of livelihood to really appreciate why the industry should be devoid of such petty pranks. Rather than create divides which destroy the good works done by the Falode-led NWFL, lovers of the female should rally around this body to give the game the fillip needed for real growth now that we are set to benefit from the new dawn.

    The girls require quality league platforms to excel. With the current wave of crime and the incredible level of insecurity in the country, it won’t make any sense to run a 20-team league without enforcing the club licensing rules. It isn’t just the large number that makes the league worth all the effort. The fewer the number the merrier as all the participants’ needs are addressed.

  • Is focus on presidency Nigeria’s albatross?

    Is focus on presidency Nigeria’s albatross?

    The political history of Nigeria post-independence has been a very wavy curve between the leadership provided by military and civilian governments.  The military incursions at different periods in the country’s political history had corrupted, to a very large extent the practice of democracy in the country. Those who fashioned democracy as a system of government never envisaged that the seeming political rape of the system would be as perennial as it has been especially in Sub-Saharan Africa including Nigeria.

    One of the legacies of military rule in Nigeria is the fact  the military command and control system of leadership seems to have drifted into the democratic system practiced in the country even more than two decades after the return of civilian democracy.  Nigerian presidential democracy seems to invest too many powers in the executive arm of government and that possibly explains why the presidency and the governorship positions are so coveted and seem very imperial wielding enormous powers that often emasculates other arms of government especially the legislature.

    Those who fashioned the democratic system of government came up with the three arms of government; executive, legislature and the judiciary because according to Montesquieu, “when the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person or body of magistrates, there can be no liberty”.  The different arms of government are supposed to be the drivers of the best tenets of democracy for the best output for the people but the Nigerian story especially has been the story of very powerful executive whose exercise of their powers often seem to emasculate the legislature at both the local, state and federal levels thereby impairing the functionality of the democracy practices.

    Sometimes, the overreaching exercise of power by the executive is euphemistically defined as ‘executive-legislative harmony or party loyalty’. A close study of the the Nigerian brand of democracy shows why the whole system appears very dysfunctional as the presidency and the governors wield very enormous powers that inadvertently portray them as imperial rulers.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that to get back to practicing the best tenets of democracy will make the system of governance work for the people.  Nigeria must have a paradigm shift. The core tenets of democracy must be practiced for the people to progressively benefit from the type of government that gives power to the people and not to any one individual or group.

    The Roundtable Conversation feels that part of the obsession with the Presidency to the almost total neglect of the legislative arm at all levels is due to the huge powers inadvertently granted the executive in a system that should see the three arms as equal partners.

    We spoke to Anthony Kila, a Professor of Strategy and Development and the Director, Center for International Advanced and Professional Studies (CIAPS). We asked him what  his views are about the emphasis on the executive to the detriment of the legislature. He believes  that the paradox is that the people have empowered the executive arm of government so much and the irony is that they do not build institutions.  He maintains that we must recognize that we have rushed into a presidential system that has made the executive too powerful and the executive does not build institutions. The paradox is that we have empowered the arm of government that does not build what we need most which is institutions.

    Strangely we have abandoned institutions and gone for programmes. Without strong institutions, we cannot get a functional democracy which is about liberty, rule of law and checks and balances and it is the legislature that can give us that. Really the founders of democracy started it from the parliament and the reason being that democracy runs effectively on checks and balances. This means that no office will be powerful enough, no group or individual must be rich enough to buy or oppress the rest of the people.

    To get our democracy right, we must understand that we need institutional reforms and to make that possible, we need a strong legislature. In essence, while the presidential and gubernatorial candidates regale us with programmes they intend to execute if and when elected, we can ask those vying for legislative seats on where they stand about restructuring for instance. It is laughable to hear people ask a President about restructuring and they too often  promises or declines. We must all realize that the executive has no such powers in a democracy.

    We must begin to rediscover the real functional roles of the legislature at local, state and national assembly levels. That will be a way to rediscover and reset our democracy to better functionality. We must begin to have this very complex but urgently needed conversation. If we do not have that conversation, we might not achieve the development we so desire.

    Asked why he feels the middle class and other intellectuals do not see value in taking up legislative seats at any of the three tiers of government. He believes again that the system as presently run gives enormous powers to the executive and some party leaderships. They demand utter loyalty from the legislative arms and most of the middle class people might feel too independently liberated to kowtow before those people so they rather stay away. Their  mindset is often not to become an appendage to anyone just because they want to serve.

    However, he believes that some of the big names in politics seem to have gone through a certain form of political ladder at least since 1999. The likes of the governor of Rivers state, Nyesom Wike was a local government chairman, served as chief of staff to the governor, became federal minister of state for education before becoming governor. The Vice presidential candidate of the opposition PDP, governor  Ifeanyi Okowa of Delta state almost has the same growth process including being a Senator too before becoming governor.  Prof. believes that there are pockets of experienced politicians who have gone through the different stages in the democratic process but he expects more people to get into the train too.

    He equally believes that there is an idea that can be brought to fruition to help the system.  He feels that it is quite paradoxical that the people we tend to leave core politics to are often merely interested in just winning elections and getting power for its own sake and they can do anything just to be elected. He feels that to change this attitude, more people must be ready to embrace functional diversity that we see in other democracies.

    He suggests what he calls the Association of Non-Contenders (ANC).This could be an association by patriots who are interested in nation building but not necessarily active political participants. We need people who are committed professionals or skilled in all fields but who are non-partisan that can contribute intellectually based on knowledge and good conscience on what to do to enhance nation building. They could for instance work on measures to improve the electoral system like working towards eradicating vote selling and buying through education and community service.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that nation building is not for politicians exclusively. However, politicians often have the opportunity to guide the citizens through the right policies and programme to build a functional system that promotes the welfare of the people.  Nation-building is a collective duty of every citizen who must take civic responsibilities very seriously. Democracy is a collaborative work. The seeming excessive powers of the executive arms across states and the federal level has happened because there are missing links that must be filled with vibrant citizen  participation especially the middle class, exhausted as they might be due to socio-economic challenges. There must be that conscious step taken to right the wrongs especially those bequeathed by the military that usurped  power for so long and left a legacy of authoritarianism.

    The Nigerian citizens must realize that democracy is not just about the presidency or the governors. The legislature is a huge pillar of democracy and the functionality of the executive is dependent on how vibrant and knowledgeable about legislative duties that those elected at ward, state and federal levels are. An active legislature is the soul of democracy. Nigerians must therefore begin to demand better performance from the legislators.

    The people must also realize that all elected candidates are not meant to be imperial leaders but servants of the people that must play by the rules or the same democratic rules under which they were given mandates can  be used to strip them of the powers they wield. The coming election must see the Nigerian people doing things differently if they expect to have a system that the next generation can be proud of.

    The Nigerian middle class has a duty to use their education and exposure to contribute to nation building. Partisan politics must not be seen as the exclusive preserve of any one group. The growth we seek can only come from the people holding politicians to account. Politicians are all elected politicians either in the executive or legislature to deliver services. It is high time Nigerians focus attention on the three arms of government because focusing on just the executive especially the presidency has not done the country any good.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Remembering Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi

    Remembering Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi

    The clouds they said bore no ominous signs, the air was fresh and the moonlight that night had not failed to shine forth its light. The city of Ibadan, the garrison city of the Old Oyo Empire was in a swell mood. The Supreme Commander Aguiyi Ironsi was in its abode. He must have been treated to a welcome reception laden with the effusions of the Yoruba culture, surely the Yorubas of the Western Region of Nigeria were indeed striving to be good hosts, its guest was Nigeria’s number one citizen, having assumed power following the January 15, 1966 coup which had been put down by the same man. Ironsi was on tour of the Federation trying hard to sell Decree 34 which was to ensure the unification of the civil services of the four regions into one body. He had begun by touring his own region, where he hailed from—the Eastern Region before moving to the North and then to the Midwest before finally arriving in Ibadan. Ironsi thought it would be business as usual, discuss with the stakeholders of that region on the positives of that decree as well as announce to the leaders there the Supreme Military Council’s SMC’s decision to  release the Chief Obafemi Awolowo from Calabar Prison, this was not to be.

    The late Major General Alexander Madiebo  had in his book described the period as the “Gathering Storm” the January 15th Coup had been unfairly dubbed as an Igbo Coup, as a number of leaders of the Northern Region as well as the West had been assassinated including Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister of the nation. A number of military officers were also killed with the North having again the highest casualty list, including the likes of Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari and Colonel Yakubu Pam , very fine officers who never deserved to die. General Ironsi then the General Officer Commanding had rallied loyal troops to quell the putsch in the South forcing the likes of Emmanuel Ifeajuna and other coup plotters to abandon the cause, as well as lured Nzeogwu to lay down his arms  arresting him  upon his arrival in Lagos.

    No doubt, the coup had created some level of bad blood which remains till this very day. On a daily basis the North continued to agitate for  maximum punishment for the January 15th coup plotters, while the South saw them as heroes. To add salt to injury, General Ironsi had floated the idea of a Decree 34, which was much resented in the North. Rumblings occurred in the army with soldiers of both the Eastern and Northern Regions accusing each other of plotting another coup. Ironsi it was alleged was reportedly inundated with security reports about a counter coup, one of such events was reported by Madiebo himself to Ironsi who naively then invited one of the key plotters of the July 29 Counter Coup in Yakubu Gowon  and had asked Madiebo to repeat his report before Gowon an accusation to which Gowon flatly denied and Madiebo reprimanded for rumour bearing.

    When the counter  coup broke out, Ironsi and soldiers of the Eastern region were caught flat footed, Ironsi who was  lodged in the guest house owned and operated by the Western Region could not reach his Army Chief in Yakubu Gowon, who was in Lagos coordinating the technical aspects of the coup. All set in motion, a Theophilus  Danjuma then a captain came with troops to arrest his Supreme Commander, not however without a Colonel  Adekunle Fajuyi then the Military Governor of the Western Region refusing to allow the captors take his host away from him. The rest is history, Fajuyi, an officer of honour was to pay the supreme price.

    This is a man who could have hidden under the staircase like I heard one did, or under the bed, thanking his Orisa for sparing him from such an ordeal. This is a man who could have taken the cock and bull story approach of Danjuma who alleged that he was pushed off the vehicle by junior soldiers after promising that no harm would come to Ironsi and Fajuyi. This is an officer who could have adopted the crocodile tears shedding of a Yakubu Gowon by denying the whereabouts of the Supreme Commander, no, the soldier in Fajuyi would have none of such.

    What Fajuyi did that day will continue to resonate through the ages, it much towers above the fabled courage of the Spartans and it is in its very right, in league the story of Alexander the Great’s charge in India as well as Napoleon’s decision to face the bayonet bearing soldiers of France sent to capture him on his return from Elba. Here was an Ekiti born Officer with no form of ethereal  affiliation of whatsoever with Ironsi, save for the fact that he wore the same uniform  lay down his life for the Umuahia born Officer who happened to be his Supreme Commander.

    Fajuyi did not ask what portion was that of a Yoruba with that of an Igbo man. He did not allow the tribal proclivities  of “omo kedu Kedu” and “Ndi Ofe Mmanu” both derogatory terms by which both ethnic groups addressed each other, as well as a number of other differences  which were then rife to deter him from towing such a path.

    Sadly in a nation like ours such heroics have been given the back seat while we cheer near cowards and the pusillanimous who have only contributed more to the woes of this nation. In a nation where those proven to be corrupt are beatified and given saintly garbs, where lecturers and professors, those vested with educating the future of our nation earn less than a councilor and where companies scramble to sponsor programs like Big Brother Naija where the craze is to be the rave of the moment, irrespective of how deplorable such appears to be but  sees best graduating students from our universities receiving the paltry sums of 1000 to 10,000 Naira then it is no wonder!

    Yet, even in such a state of despair, it can be argued everywhere that Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi did not die in vain, his killers may have mocked him and those who profited from his death may bestride the land as behemoths today and yet his star, drenched in his blood will forever dim theirs.

    At a point where ethnic nationalism and other inordinate sentiments are being pandered to by a number of our leaders, trumping nationalism and nation building, the Fajuyi example will continue to be a model  for the champions  and those desirous of a Pan Nigerian nation which not only will be the Giant of Africa but also the defender of the rights of the black man all over the world.