Category: Saturday

  • Fathers, Brothers, Sons and Daughters Nigeria Limited

    Fathers, Brothers, Sons and Daughters Nigeria Limited

    Looking at the vast tapestry of what is our nation Nigeria’s political landscape, a pattern has since independence emerged with increasing clarity over the decades—the deliberate cultivation of political dynasties, where the children and relatives of established politicians are strategically positioned to inherit power, influence, and authority. This phenomenon, neither unique to Nigeria nor entirely novel in its manifestation, has become a defining feature of the country’s democratic experiment, raising fundamental questions about representation, meritocracy, and the very essence of political succession in Africa’s most populous democracy.

    The deep taproots of dynastic politics in Nigeria stretch back to the immediate post-independence era. Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the sage of Nigerian politics and leader of the Action Group, openly encouraged his children to pursue political careers, viewing it as a natural extension of public service that ran in the family’s blood. His daughter, Tokunbo Awolowo-Dosunmu, served in various political capacities, as did other members of the Awolowo clan. This was not an isolated case. Across the country’s diverse regions, political families have long  begun to emerge, each seeking to preserve their influence across generations.

    The trend has proven remarkably resilient and geographically indiscriminate. In the North, the children of military generals and civilian administrators have transitioned seamlessly into governorship positions and legislative seats. The South-South region has witnessed similar patterns, with political godfathers ensuring their progeny occupy strategic positions in state and federal government. In the Southeast, families that dominated politics in the First Republic continue to wield considerable influence through their descendants, creating what some observers have termed a “political aristocracy” that mirrors the traditional chieftaincy system.

    Understanding this phenomenon requires appreciating Nigeria’s unique socio-cultural context. In many Nigerian societies, leadership is viewed through a communal lens rather than an individualistic one. The Yoruba concept of omoluabi—a person of good character and noble lineage—implicitly connects virtue with heritage. Similarly, in Igbo society, the ogaranya (wealthy person) is expected to groom successors who will maintain the family’s status. Northern Nigeria’s emirate system, with its centuries-old tradition of hereditary leadership, provides perhaps the clearest cultural precedent for political succession along family lines. These cultural frameworks create an environment where political dynasties feel not only natural but almost expected.

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    Moreover, there exists a legitimate defense of this practice. Nigeria’s constitution guarantees every citizen the fundamental right to participate in the political process, to vote and be voted for, regardless of parentage. The children of politicians are definitely Nigerians too, with inalienable rights to seek public office. To discriminate against them solely because of their lineage would constitute an infringement of these constitutional rights and would establish a dangerous precedent of political disenfranchisement based on family background.

    Likewise,history is replete with numerous examples from those who we deem as more mature democracies where political families have flourished without fundamentally undermining democratic principles. Britain produced two William Pitts who served as Prime Minister—father from 1766 to 1768, and son from 1783 to 1801 and again from 1804 to 1806. More recently, the Miliband brothers, David and Ed, both competed for Labour Party leadership, demonstrating that political ambition can indeed run in families. The Gandhi dynasty has dominated Indian politics for generations, with Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, and more recently, Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi, all playing central roles in the Congress Party and national governance.

    The United States, often held up as the standard-bearer of modern democracy, has witnessed its share of political dynasties. The Kennedy family became American royalty, with John F. Kennedy serving as President, his brother Robert as Attorney General and Senator,  their brother Edward as a long-serving Senator and Robert’s two sons Joseph P. Kennedy II served as a United States Representative from Massachusetts, while Robert Francis Kennedy Jr, is the current United States Secretary of Health and Human Services.

    The Adams family gave America its second and sixth presidents—father John Adams and son John Quincy Adams. The Clintons transformed from Arkansas politicians into national figures, with Bill serving as President and Hillary as Senator, Secretary of State, and presidential candidate. Even Abraham Lincoln’s son, Robert Todd Lincoln, served as Secretary of War under Presidents Garfield and Arthur. The Bush family produced two presidents, a governor, and numerous influential political operatives.

    These international examples suggest that political dynasties, in themselves, do not necessarily signal democratic decay. Talent, passion for public service, and political acumen can indeed be nurtured within families, and there is nothing inherently wrong with following in one’s parents’ footsteps, whether in medicine, business, or politics.

    However, the Nigerian context introduces troubling complications that distinguish these local dynasties from their international counterparts. The critical question is not whether politicians’ children have the right to seek office, but whether they are ascending on merit or merely riding on their parents’ coattails and manipulating systems that should reward competence, vision, and integrity rather than surname and connections.

    When political parties become family enterprises, when primary elections are rigged to favour the children of these tingods, when young politicians with minimal experience or demonstrable capability are catapulted into positions of enormous responsibility simply because of whose son or daughter they are, our democracy suffers a profound injury and goes against the Napoleonic maxim, “ Without the distinction of birth or fortune”  The problem intensifies when these scions of political families display neither the intellectual capacity nor the moral character required for leadership, yet still secure positions through networks of patronage their parents have carefully constructed over decades.

    Again, a number of these Nigerian political dynasties often emerge not from genuine popular support but from the systematic abuse of institutional processes. Delegates are bought, opposition is intimidated, party structures are manipulated, and electoral processes are compromised to ensure that power remains within particular families. This creates a vicious cycle where political office becomes my “papa property” hereditary rather than a trust temporarily bestowed by the electorate, where governance becomes a family business rather than public service, and where the interests of the dynasty supersede the interests of the nation.

    The consequences are devastating. When leadership positions are reserved for political heirs regardless of merit, Nigeria loses the opportunity to benefit from fresh perspectives, innovative thinking, and the diverse talents of its vast population. Young Nigerians who possess brilliant ideas, impeccable integrity, and genuine passion for national development find themselves locked out of a system that values lineage over excellence. The implicit message becomes clear: in Nigeria, what matters is not what you know or what you can offer, but who your father or grandfather was.

    This undermines the very foundation of democratic meritocracy and perpetuates the cycles of mediocrity, corruption, and underdevelopment that have plagued the nation for decades. When incompetent leaders emerge simply because they bear the right surname, policies fail, resources are mismanaged, and the people suffer.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The nation can continue down the path of political dynasties built on patronage and privilege, or it can insist that those who seek to lead—whether scions of political families or children of peasant farmers—must prove themselves worthy through demonstrated competence, integrity, and vision. The choice will determine whether Nigeria’s democracy matures into a system that truly serves its people or degenerates into an oligarchy where power is merely inherited, never earned.

  • Division in political dynasties

    Division in political dynasties

    Psychologists believe that in human relationships, familial bonds are stronger than any other outside the regular human relationship unit. They postulate that man prioritises the survival of close kith and kin over non-kin. In their studies of “survival fitness” behaviour, psychologists maintain that blood is thicker than water.

    Familial bonds and relationships are said to be stronger, more important, and more enduring than bonds with friends, associates and acquaintances.

    The implication is that no matter the situation, and even in the face of intense conflicts, family loyalty should take precedence.

    But some other studies have thrown up rare cases of relationships that jettison family for personal benefits. Partisan politics and cult allegiance often break this norm. Differences in political views may not strengthen family bonds, leading to a sort of split loyalty to backgrounds and interests. Since interests ultimately define goals and directions in politics, the features of competition and antagonism are expressed, resulting in hostility and mistrust.

    While people are born into families, they are moulded by the wider environment through education, learning, and exposure. Individuals from the same household begin to exhibit unique personality traits that distinguish one person from another due to the development of intelligence and skills as they move up in life. They form attitudes and respond differently to the socio-political milieu, reflecting diversity of orientation, aptitudes and beliefs.

    Some prominent families associated with vast business empires are perturbed by the choice of their offspring opting for careers in entertainment instead of the boardroom. That is the manifestation of individual differences.

    Many legal luminaries with successful practice sent their children to the law school, only to realise that the lawyer-son came back home as a D-Jay due to the non-alignment of interests.

    However, political differences between father and son, husband and wife, and among siblings tend to generate attention, as it currently does in the case of Abba Atiku, son of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Abba recently defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC). His father is one of the bigwigs in the opposition platform, the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

    It is because Atiku, who has been nursing a presidential ambition since Abba was a toddler, has yet to realise his dream. Ahead of next year’s poll, the former vice president is on the queue again, and his son appears not ready to ride in the same partisan boat with his dad. Or is it a decoy?

    Abba is just one of the 30 children of the Wazirin Adamawa. No law forbids him from supporting his father as a member of another party, even if the PDP or ADC views it as an anti-party activity. His father is unperturbed by the shift in alliance because as an adult, he is at liberty to choose his path. Atiku, the likely presidential candidate of the ADC, said: “The decision of my son, Abba Abubakar, to join the APC is entirely personal. In a democracy, such choices are neither unusual nor alarming, even when family and politics intersect. As a democrat, I do not coerce my own children in matters of conscience, and I certainly will not coerce Nigerians.”

    Abba has defected. But the heir, Umar, a commissioner in Adamawa State, is still in PDP. It is a consolation.

    Abba’s case is not the first in history. But he is not contesting against his father as Dr. Samuel Ikoku did in the late 1950s. The scholar and ideologue, after returning from the London School of Economics and Political Science, joined the defunct Action Group (AG) and became the main rival of his illustrious father, Dr. Alvan Ikoku, a member of the Eastern Regional House of Assembly seeking a second term on the platform of the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC). The young man defeated his old man, who accepted his fate. The episode drew the curtains on the political career of the eminent educationist and statesman.

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    In Ikenne, Ogun State, a prominent lawyer, Chief Kehinde Sofola of NCNC, opposed his cousin, Awolowo. Asked by a reporter when he turned 80 why he took a different path, he said it was based on principle, adding that he hated pomposity, intimidation and timidity.

    Although the NCNC and AG carried their 1951 feud to the independence year and could not agree on a workable alliance, ‘Unbreakable’ Oluwole, son of the jailed AG leader, Obafemi Awolowo, later teamed up with the NCNC in 1964 by joining the campaign train of Chief Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale (TOS) Benson.

    While politics can be a divisive factor in the family, the tension can also be managed by the exhibition of maturity. It was that level of maturity, tolerance, and understanding that enabled Dr. Clement Gomwalk and his wife, Hellen, to cope as a couple despite their contrasting political leanings. The husband was the National Secretary of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), and the wife was a top notcher of the then ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) from Plateau State.

    It was a different ball game in the large Shitta-Bey family, where the two siblings, Sikiru and Rasheed, fought to a standstill for the Lagos Central senatorial ticket of the UPN in 1979. Both were household names in the country. Sikiru, a lawyer and Secretary of Action Group Youth Association, led by Ayo Fasanmi, was a House of Representatives member in the First Republic. His younger brother was an outstanding student leader who ventured into business and became a resounding success.

    Pleas to them to step down for each other fell on deaf ears. The party leader, Awolowo, intervened. Eventually, Sikiru got the ticket to the Senate and Rasheed to the House of Representatives. For a very long time, they were not on talking terms. Efforts by the then-Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu to settle the inexplicable rift during Sikiru’s 75th birthday in Lagos failed.

    In the current dispensation, the two deceased siblings were politically separated after the collapse of the Alliance for Democracy (AD). But the political difference did not affect the relationship between or among their wives and children.

    Even, two Tinubus – governor and former Head of Service – also had their quarrel in Lagos. The retired civil servant later drew up an imaginary family tree and excluded his brother to spite him. It paled into a hoax. The book presentation was shunned by all and sundry. The objective was defeated.

    It was worse between the two Dosunmu brothers – Dr. Wahab and Rasheed – who were locked in rivalry between 1979 and 1983 in Lagos State. The younger brother, Wahab, was NPN’s Minister of Housing; his elder brother was a prominent UPN chieftain in Lagos. The feud degenerated into a shouting match and violence, fuelled by the rival parties and supporters. The language of warfare was fabricated by supporters who claimed that a sibling said if his brother died in the process, he would be around to cater for his widow and children.

     The quarrel only subsided after the collapse of the Second Republic. In political adversity under the military rule, they reunited.

    Also, In the last three months of the Second Republic, Omololu Olunloyo and Oye Olunloyo,  had a disagreement. The governor announced that the past administration would be probed. He turned his attention to the Ibadan Municipal Council, firing salvos at the former chairman, Oye Olunloyo, reiterating his plan to probe its finances. The governor said family consideration and Ibadan solidarity were out of it. Military intervention in politics truncated the probe plan.

    Around 2006, a certain Oyinkansola surfaced with the claim of a biological link with the Kwara kingpin, Dr. Olusola Saraki. The semblance could hardly be disputed. The media attempted to feast on the fact that another Saraki, who had joined the Action Congress (APC), had elected to oppose her elder brother, Kwara State Governor Bukola Saraki, and father who were the custodians of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state. It paled into a feeble attempt.

    But both Bukola and Gbemisola had to part ways in 2011 when the Second Republic Senate Leader sponsored her for governor and Bukola insisted on the candidature of Abdulfatah Ahmed. The old man, who mounted the podium in aid of his beloved daughter, found out too late that he had been displaced by his son. The campaign had become hectic in the face of diminishing agility.

    Gbemisola, who ran on the platform of ACPN, lost to Bukola’s candidate.

    The rivalry continued, with Gbemisola, who later defected to the APC, becoming a minister in the Muhammadu Buhari administration. Bukola remains the Kwara PDP leader. But two years ago, when a Saraki building was demolished by the state government in Ilorin, both momentarily put their differences aside and came together to defend the legacies of their father.

    To a lesser degree, divisions in political dynasties are better managed these days through sheer tolerance and mutual understanding. Thus, no ripple was generated when Blessing Onuh, daughter of David Mark, made an adventurous journey to APGA.

    Also, while former Governor Ayo Fayose of PDP campaigns for APC, his siblings fire salvos at him from other opposition platforms. It is now comical.

    In Kaduna, Mohammed Bello of the House of Representatives and son of former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, is in APC, which his father dumped for the ADC. No strain relationship is decipherable.

    In Edo, the Igbinedion siblings distribute themselves into APC and the PDP, and there is no discord.

    Political maturity goes on display where families see partisanship as ephemeral and family bonds as permanent.

    Politics can be terminated and participation brought to an end. Party office can be deserted, but nobody can ‘decamp’ from his family to another.

  • Once upon an FCT Minister

    Once upon an FCT Minister

    After God na government! That pithy pidgin English statement succinctly captures the awesome powers of government at any level. No matter how powerful or wealthy an individual may be they are quickly brought down to earth when they confront the government of the day.

    Not many today remember that once upon a time in the 80s and 90s, a certain Chief M. K. O. Abiola was one of the richest and most influential Nigerians. He was courted by the high and mighty, sought after by countless others who craved his benevolence to address their challenges.

    For most of his time in the limelight, the mogul was a friend of the most powerful people in government. That was until he decided to cross the divide and seek political power. It was a fated move, it would also prove to be fatal.

    Sentry was recently regaled with a true tale about the powers of government that played out a couple of decades ago back when the military ruled the roost. At that point an influential general from one of the Northern states was the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister.

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    At that time there was a massive construction boom in Abuja as the young capital city began to take shape. A key player in the industry was another Northerner who had built a thriving business renting out earthmoving equipment of all kinds. His operation was almost comparable to a monopoly because no one else had his array of equipment.

    But gradually the upstarts started encroaching on his turf by also acquiring some of the construction equipment as they had capacity to do so. In no time these little competitors mushroomed to the extent that the market leader began to feel the impact on his business.

    Alarmed, he ran to his kinsman for help. After laying out his predicament, he was assured that something drastic would be done to restore his near-monopoly.

    Not long afterwards, the minister issued an order directing that no one should operate in the earthmoving equipment business in the FCT unless they had the complete works. In one fell swoop the bit players were knocked out of business, while the monopolist was restored to his gravy train. Talk about the awesome powers of government! 

  • Robert Orya: Blessed are the greedy…

    Robert Orya: Blessed are the greedy…

    On Thursday, a Federal Capital Territory (FCT) High Court sitting in Abuja convicted a former managing director of the Nigerian Export-Import (NEXIM) Bank, Robert Orya, sentencing him to 490 years in prison over a N2.4 billion fraud.

    The judgment delivered by Justice F.E. Messiri sentenced Orya to 10 years imprisonment on each of the 49 counts filed against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) for abusing his position to fraudulently obtain more than N1.4 billion from the bank. The former boss of NEXIM Bank was also said to have incorporated a company while in office, using the names of non-existent persons and others, without their consent, to secure from the bank loans that were never repaid.

    Of course, any rational mind would be alarmed at the news that a multi-billionaire who is obviously above 60 would spend that number of years inside the prison walls. Yet a careful look at the weight of his alleged sins would show that the length of his jail term is not anything above what he deserves. Even a judge with the heart of Jesus Christ would find extenuating considerations hard to come by. Justice Messiri deserves nothing but commendation for his faith in believing that a man already in his 60s can endure a stay in confinement for half a millennium.

    The import of his judgment is such that could warrant making a case for an amendment to the biblical contents of Matthew 5:3-12. Inheriting the earth can no longer be an exclusive right of the meek when a greedy billionaire is availed the chance to endure 490 years in a country where life expectancy is less than 57.

    Needless to say the historic judgment is a win-win for the parties involved. For the boss of EFCC, Ola Olukoyede, it is a vindication of his vow to prosecute the war against corruption in the country to the very best of his ability. Those who have made a job of dragging him and the agency on the social media over the seemingly slow pace of known corruption cases like that of former governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, may have to do a reassessment of the anti-graft agency’s efforts on account of Orya’s conviction.

    Still, Orya needs not shed tears except they are for joy. Didn’t the sage say there is a silver lining behind every cloud? If Olukoyede is beating his chest in a gesture of personal triumph, the former NEXIM boss’ sentence could also be a blessing in disguise, all things considered. If nothing else, he should be grateful for the benefits that are bound to accrue from the new life experience that beckons.

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    To begin with, his long jail term is a massive opportunity for self introspection in a serene world away from the hurly-burly of Lagos or Abuja. It is a rare privilege to experience life in an atmosphere the iconoclastic afro beat exponent Fela Anikulapo-Kuti called the inside world. In Orya’s new world, his needs will no longer be limitless as to warrant the situation that led him to dip his hand into the exchequer. They will now be restricted to basic one like food, clothing and shelter, on which he may not even need to spend a dime because the government is under obligation to provide them free of charge.

    No longer for him the culture of chasing exotic cars and other luxuries of life responsible for the sins that culminated in his change of abode. It will no longer be his headache if the traffic on our highways and neighbourhood streets are crawling like a three-month-old baby or even stagnate like the Peoples Democratic Party. What the DISCOs or the GENCOs do with electricity will no longer be any of his business.

    His guiding books are no longer Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves or James Hardley Chase’s The Guilty Are Afraid. The Holy Bible, the only source of knowledge guaranteed within the walls of Kirikiri, will now become his definitive text. In the Old Testament, he will learn about the 10 Commandments, especially the verse that says thou shall not steal. In the New Testament, he will also learn about the verse that admonishes us all not to be selfish but “love thy neighbour as thyself”.

    He will realise, too little too late, that there is no wisdom in one public official cornering billions of naira from the public purse in a country of more than 200 million people where the average citizen does not know where his or her next meal will come from.

    In an age when the competition to break into the Guinness Book of World Records has become fierce and stiff, Orya could well beat his chest in self-adulation for the potential to break into not just the Guinness book but also dim the biblical record of Israelites’ 400 years sojourn in Egypt.

  • Nigeria’s economy: What is to be done?

    Nigeria’s economy: What is to be done?

    Using the phrase ‘What is to be done?’ in the headline to this analysis is deliberate. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin used the title in a brilliant 1902 treatise to outline the strategic methodology needed for a successful transformation of the state. It is a question that remains hauntingly relevant whenever a nation faces structural decay. ‘What is to be done?’ is important because out of it came solutions which, through their focus on organizational discipline and ideological clarity, continue to illuminate the path for any leadership seeking to dismantle a dysfunctional status quo.

    We must now look ahead to what ought to be done in a Second Term for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Surely certainly, Tinubu will obtain a convincing victory in next year’s presidential election, but the question becomes how that victory will be turned into a consolidation of the gains of the First Term, as well as a decisive forward march towards building a new, enduring society for which history will be positively in his favour.

    In a Second Term, Tinubu will have the political clout to finally face the real issue: the structural dysfunction inherent in the Nigerian state, whose genesis was the ill-advised, infantile suspension of the 1963 Republican Constitution. That Constitution was backed by the legitimacy of an era that saw a turnout of 82% of registered voters in its formative plebiscites – the highest in Nigeria’s history from 1923 to date. A Tinubu Second Term must speak to the tenor and ethos of the 1963 Constitution. The suspension of that document turned Nigeria from a country whose political economy was based on production into a consumptionist state, with predictably disastrous results. Nigeria succumbed to the tempting froth from the cup of easy oil rents, and that left a majority of its citizens outside the loop of opportunity. The data is heartbreaking!

    On October 1, 1960, Nigeria was the 57th largest economy in the world. Sixty-five years later, by October 1, 2025, we had slipped to 59th. Had we maintained the 1963 Constitution, even under the most incompetent governments, Nigeria would not have been anything less than the world’s 25th largest economy. Had the country enjoyed competent leadership at all levels, there is no doubt that our dear fatherland would today be the 14th or 15th largest economy in the world. We truly lost our way, and a Tinubu Second Term must lead us back to it.

    In 25 years’ time, India – whose federal model mirrors Nigeria’s 1963 structure – will likely have displaced the US as a global economic leader; and the heavens will not fall. The performance of India as a multi-ethnic, multi-racial, and religiously diverse entity should provide the blueprint for a Tinubu Second Term.

    India since 1947 has faced much of the dysfunction affecting the Nigerian state, but it stayed the course with positive results because its constitution, unbroken since independence, has been anchored on production. This is why a Tinubu Second Term must focus on how political skills and modernization can be used to recreate a modern adaptation of the 1963 Constitution. Frankly, the country has no alternative.

    For example, Nigeria must create at least 27 million new jobs by the year 2030. Whatever macro- and micro-economic policies are pursued by even the most competent government or an independent Central Bank, it is difficult to see how even half of this figure can be achieved without a return to the spirit of productive interface embedded in the 1963 Constitution. We ignore this path at our peril!

    On January 27 this year, we had another national grid collapse – a perennial feature of our economic landscape. Sadly, no modern economy since the Industrial Revolution has been built without a cost-effective, regular supply of electricity. ‘Cost-effective’ is the key phrase!

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    In the 1950s and the early 1960s, the power needs of the tin mines in Jos, Plateau State, were fully met; Jos was arguably the only place on the African continent where a 24-hour electricity supply was guaranteed. Had we stayed with a federalist constitution in which you ‘eat what you kill’, it is inconceivable that Nigeria would be generating, transmitting and distributing anything less than 70,000 megawatts of electricity, which, in truth, is still no great achievement for a population estimated at over 200 million people. For instance, Lagos State alone – if it is to be competitive against places like Hong Kong, Singapore and Johannesburg – cannot possibly be a viable economy while generating, transmitting, and distributing anything less than 25,000 megawatts. Without a constitutional revamp, no amount of ‘increased revenue’ can solve Nigeria’s problems, for that revenue will only go to fund the activities of a parasitic establishment while the citizens become more and more hapless.

    In the context of the struggle for our national soul, Ayo Opadokun’s recently published book, The Gun Hegemony, is deeply relevant. It is one of the most important analyses of Nigeria in recent decades. The septuagenarian valiantly – and with patriotic vigour – debunks the self-serving deceit that the January 15, 1966, coup d’état was born of nationalistic fervour. It was not! It stood in stark contrast to the epoch-making Free Officers Coup in Egypt in 1952, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, or the earlier reconstitution of Turkey out of the Ottoman ruins by Mustafa Kemal, whom a grateful nation venerated into immortality as Atatürk (The Father of the Turks). The 1966 putsch (was it actually a coup?) did not liberate; instead, it has hamstrung the Nigerian federation and debilitated its prospects for development.

    Both Atatürk and the Free Officers in Egypt had clear programmes and an ideological vision. The vacuous postulations made by those who seized radio stations on January 15, 1966, cannot in any way be described as programmes of liberation, let alone development. If there was any ideological base, it can be traced back to the 1950 Constitution of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), which called for the creation of a unitary state – a clear absurdity in a multi-ethnic entity. The NCNC manifesto of 1950 divided the Western wing of the party to the extent that notable figures like Mojeed Agbaje, A.M.A. Akinloye left to form the Ibadan People’s Party. The only person left standing was the brilliant Adegoke Adelabu (Penkelemesi).

    Not surprisingly, the apeing of the NCNC fantasy about the constitution of a unitary state led to the military’s imposition of the destructive unification decree of 1966. Although later repealed, the damage had been done because the genie had fled from the bottle and has never been put back! For Nigeria, it has been downhill all the way – a gladiatorial clash between darkness and light, hypocrisy and truth. This decline reveals itself in underperformance, a lack of basic industries, and the inability to develop a productive, modern, and competitive economy.

    Tinubu recently ended a state visit to Türkiye. Were it not for Atatürk, Türkiye would have remained a backward nation. Today, it is a modernized, advanced power. Beyond its status as a contemporary society, the country is built on real programmes. But what policies and programmes did Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and his colleagues actually have for Nigeria – those for which their adherents have been making noise all these years?

    It is early days yet, but Opadokun should be a frontrunner for ‘Man of the Year 2026.’ His book will always be a key strategic intervention in redressing the lies, concoctions, and negative revisionist perspectives which continue to distort what has led to today’s painful reality.

    Kudos to Ayo Opadokun!

    • May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
  • South East Development Commission Forum For Vision 2050: Politics or economy?

    South East Development Commission Forum For Vision 2050: Politics or economy?

    A few years ago, this column challenged the South East Governors to be more pragmatic in the way they handle issues concerning the region. It recalled that over the years, several organizations and corporate bodies had organized several economic summits, conferences and other events geared towards developing the region that has seemingly become the weeping child of the Nigerian project.

    More often than not, politicians from the region are tempted to regurgitate the post-war marginalization song that saw the region abandoned despite the vague promises by the Gen. Gowon (Rtd.) administration of the three Rs of Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. As it turned out, nothing was done about the promise of the three Rs but he told the world that the post war petro-dollars was so much for the country they never knew what to do with same. Fifty five years after, the same Gowon is blaming late Emeka Ojukwu for lying about the Aburi Accord and surreptitiously sparking off the war. The response to the ‘praying’ former Head of state is left to historians. But I digress.

    In talking about the South East development issues, it is pertinent to always put our minds back to why we should be talking about the development or lack of same of regions and states that make up the Nigerian federation. There is a place where like the great literary legend, late Achebe said, the rain started beating the South East.

    The first and visible presence of the Igbos in post-civil war Nigeria was in 1979 when Chief Alex Ekwueme became the Vice President to President Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria. In his home state, Anambra, Chief Jim Nwobodo, a member of the Nigeria Peoples Party was the governor. That was the beginning of the developmental challenges that has plagued the region till today.

    Historians and avid readers of politics in Nigeria can recall with a certain level of disbelief how these two sons of the region ‘fought’ each other for supremacy in that republic. One son was number two at the federal level, the other a governor of a state that comprised; Enugu, present day Ebonyi and Anambra states. The supremacy battle sipped down to developmental projects. The issue was basically who takes credit for what? Would credit go to Chief Ekwueme as an NPN man or to Chief Nwobodo of the NPP? The fight was as devastating to the region as it chronically affected the development of the region. The legendary crying of the then governor of Imo state, late Chief Sam Mbakwe, a member of the NPP party for the sorry state of federal presence to his state would be a reference point to generations for the impact of divisive politics in the region.

    Since 1999, the South East region has been an economic victim of divisive political strategies by the politicians who have represented the people both at state and federal levels. From 1999 to 2011, the region had the privilege of producing several Senate Presidents as the region got the post zoned to it by the ruling PDP. It had the shame of having the greatest turnover of Senate Presidents based on intra-regional intrigues. While other regions plan well politically, the bulk of the politicians from the region display dizzying levels of individualism and selfishness. It hasn’t waned in the 4th republic.

    Beyond the battle for the Senate presidency, the governors and the National Assembly members started their own supremacy battles. Who was more politically relevant, the governors, or their representative at the National Assembly? We had the Ebeano political group in Enugu created to identify with the then Chimaroke Nnamani against his former mentor, Senator Jim Nwobodo, then governor Sam Egwu of Ebonyi was at daggers drawn with Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, then in Imo, it was governor Achike Udenwa vs Senator Ararume, in Abia, former governor Orji Uzor Kalu was slugging it out with Senator Adolphus Wabara and in Anambra, governor late Chinwoke Mbadinuju was on a parallel line basis with the NASS members as the cry of godfatherism brought the state to its knees. The South East region is the only region with five states as against other regions with six. The agitation for a 6th Anioma state would ultimately help to balance the equation.

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    So with so much individualistic ego trips by politicians, the South East has never been strategically calculative to drive any solid economic program in a region with the best educated, entrepreneurial, diligent and commercially savvy individuals on earth. The tragedy of the region is not lack of cerebral capacity or diligent manpower, the region is plagued by people who are too vainly egocentric plan for regional economic development.

    While other regions’ politicians are very non-partisan in their strategic politics, the South East has self-aggrandizing if not almost mercantilist players in politics. The political players are often very peripheral players who assume that associating with certain power brokers validate their relevance. That is why on every election year, there are politicians of the region who lead other politicians to make often very vacuous promises of projects that are never actualized till the next campaign.This has led to politicians from other regions joking that the politicians from the zone have a price. The gaping holes in the development index of the region should be blamed on the politicians who play selfish politics and have refused to pull resources together to develop the region in spite of politics and its divisive tactics.

    A few days ago, politicians, technocrats and policy advocates gathered again for the South East Development Commission (SEDC) Forum for Vision 2050 in Enugu which was facilitated by the office of the Vice President,  Senator Kashim Shettima. While this column applauds the SEDC and those who planned and supported the forum, we advocate that it should not be subsumed by the noise for 2027 strategies. The region must not be continually thrown under the bus by its own politicians. The people want politicians to work for them not work against them. Let’s hope the message can sinks in.

    It was interesting listening to some of the the governors’ speeches. The host governor, Peter Mbah insisted that the region would no longer beg for a seat at the table, they are ready to build the table. He reminded his colleagues that there is a need for regional infrastructural development to enhance movement and commerce, security cooperation built on information-sharing and a centralized response hub. Recognition of the value of the regional economic hub to him is a valid aspiration. He stated his commitment to the vision 2050 project.

    With his success with governance in Abia state one anchored on infrastructure, Governor Alex Oti proposed a coordinated regional energy strategy to drive industrialization leading to job creation and rapid industrialization. Aba is presently a poster child for effective power and infrastructural development. Governor Charles Soludo of Anambra state proposed a marshal plan for regional security, infrastructural development and institutional framework.

    The President General of Ohaneze Ndigbo, Senator John Azuta Mbata believes that a strong financial support for the SEDC by the federal government would be of immense development and reconciliation value. Despite the great contributions of the South East to national development, feelind of exclusion and a sense of marginalization still persist. The SEDC Managing Director, Mark Okoye insists the vision 2050 is intended to produce a long-term development framework for te South East. The zone must work toards transforming into an industrial hub leveraging strategic leadership, regional cooperation and deliberate investment to end decades of underdevelopment.

    As the 4-day event came to a close, the Roundtable Conversation believes that this would not be just another talk shop or a strategically expedient partisan move. No region develops through economic or political rhetoric. There must be the readiness to commit to action. The political elite in the region must walk the talk. Development is merely the idea of working towards enduring legacies that uplift the people. When the region remembers the Akanu Ibiams, the Micheal Okparas, the Ojukwus, the Mbakwes and others it is because they left admirably lasting legacies. The time to start is now.

    • The dialogue continues…  
  • Professor Michael Akpan and man as homo economicus (2)

    Professor Michael Akpan and man as homo economicus (2)

    A wide ranging discourse in his area of expertise, Professor Michael Akpan ‘s inaugural lecture titled ‘Being an Economist: The Homo Economicus’, delivered at the Bingham University, Keffi, Nasarawa State, On Tuesday, October 21, 2025, examines the philosophical make up of man and his attitude to life; his psychological disposition to maximize his pleasure and minimize his gain; his pursuit of what he perceives as his rational self-interest and his commitment to his survival which necessities the prioritization of his economic well-being including his capacity to care for his needs as well as that of his family.

    From a lay man’s perspective, it could be argued that although man is a multidimensional being in his motivations, inclinations and actions, Professor Akpan ‘s perception of man as essentially ‘Homo Economicus’ is justified because of the indisputable reality that man must first and foremost earn a living, eat, shelter and clothe himself among other vital material needs before engaging in politics, worship, entertainment, philosophical reflection, writing among other activities.

    The professor’s methodology for the lecture, which he describes as the technique of exploratory studies, seems akin to the deductive scientific method which proceeds from broad generalizations and, through systematic exercises in validation and/or elimination, narrows down to proven particular specifics of knowledge. According to him, “This means that the focus is initially broad. It later becomes progressively narrower as the research progresses, and the researcher is willing to change their direction as a result of new data which appear and new insights which occur to them”.

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    Utilizing this analytical tool, he thus strives to demonstrate among other postulations that “the homo Economicus’ is not just one of the models in economics, constructed to suit observed economic realities in his activities at the time he was created; But that he is also in existence, his exemplars exist, his assumptions and knowledge are real and his economics are not all nonsense dogmas”.

    Professor Akpan’s dogged defence of economics as a discipline, the economist as a professional and man as fundamentally a rational economic being is spurred by an academic critic like Professor Abdul-Ganiyu Garba who in his inaugural lecture at the Ahmadu Bello University contended that Economics was ‘A Discipline in Need of A New Foundation’. He is also reacting to another critic, Dr Tope Fasua, who not only disputes the concept of the economic man but also questions the content and methodology adopted in teaching economics in Nigerian universities.

    Even though the lecturer fiercely defends the content of its subject matter as well as the method of its teaching, he is himself no less scathing in his criticism of aspects of quantitative analysis and sophisticated model- building in economics epistemology. In his words, “One other factor that shaped the title of this lecture is the intellectual falsehood that some economists and econonetricians have built around econometrics to make it look larger than just one of the quantitative tools of analysis in economics which I believe is even lower in efficiency than economic statistics and applied statistics. For a long time they have dismissed descriptive statistics as irrelevant in economic analysis, but lately in about 2024, they suddenly realized that their econometric analyses have gotten them on to some dubious grounds (as Keynes described Marshall’s analysis of the multiplier), and descriptive statistics now takes precedence in results presentation over the results of their econometric analysis”.

    Professor Akpan enrolled at the University of Benin for his B.Sc degree in Economics in 1981/82, graduated in 1984 and undertook his mandatory national youth service in 1984/85. He obtained a master’s degree in Economics and Statistics also from the University of Benin in 1995. This period spanned not just Nigeria’s disruptive switch from civilian representative government to a succession of military regimes but also the descent into economic austerity, later the full blown Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) and the protracted depression the country has never fully come out of. All these experiences no doubt went into the shaping of his consciousness as an Economist later in life.

    Prior to his switching to academics, his job experiences included an ad hoc employment with the defunct Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) as a Polling Units Presiding Officer in the series of elections that ushered in the Second Republic in 1979; employment as a Library Assistant with the Institute of Administration, ABU in 1980; a public works team leader with the Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI) in and a Career Project Officer and later Investment Officer in the Agricultural Development Bank in 1987.

    Professor Akpan discusses in detail a series of developments that informed his decision to leave the bank in 1999 and commence the transition to what has blossomed into a full scale, life long academic career. As he narrates it, “With a master’s degree in economics and statistics I obtained from the University of Benin in 1995, my plan A as a homo Economicus’ was to settle into private consultancy. A career in academics at the nearest university was the plan B in case plan A failed. Yet, exiting the bank was a very tough but a rational decision which I did not discuss with members of my family. Rationality of the economic man demands that tough decisions are not discussed with family members; Abraham did not discuss with Sarah, his decision to sacrifice Isaac even unto God”.

    In the course of his career as an academic economist, Professor Akpan has published books, papers and reports relevant to burning and pertinent issues in the management of the Nigerian economy. These include ‘An Essay on Deregulation of the Downstream Sector of the Nigerian Petroleum Industry (2003); ‘The IMF/World Bank and Nigeria’s Economic Reforms: Readings on 25 years of economic and political Reforms in Nigeria (1986-2012); ‘Keynes, 63 Years in Memory 1946-2009: His policy relevance in the 21st Century and ‘ Ceteris Paribus in Economic Theory and Econometrics: What is its Real Meaning and what happens when Ceteris is not Paribus?”.

    In his various writings as well as television discussions, Professor Akpan had vigorously defended such policies as devaluation of the Naira, Deregulation of the Petroleum Industry and removal of fuel subsidy even when it was not popular to do so. His inaugural lecture is, not unexpectedly, a periscope of the evolution of economics as a discipline, dissections of the various controversies within the discipline while also providing some interesting insight into the politics of academia at Bingham University. Large portions of the lecture are riddled with complex statistical and mathematical theorems which are of little interest to the non economist.

  • Economic reforms, ASUU and national development (1)

    Economic reforms, ASUU and national development (1)

    On the surface, it may appear that there is a negligible discernible link between the ongoing far-reaching economic reforms of the President Bola Tinubu administration, the newly signed agreement between the administration and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and the fundamental challenge of achieving enduring, autochthonous national development in Nigeria. Not surprisingly, dominant sections of the traditional and social media have treated the newfound amity between the Federal Government and ASUU as being of only tangential and ephemeral significance. With the distorting influence of unbridled partisanship on the part of key sections of the media, it is so easy to forget or downplay the deleterious impact of frequent and protracted strikes by federal and state public universities over the last one and a half decades on education, the economy and the country’s development in general.

    It is no surprise that the academics have commended the determination, sincerity of purpose and tenacity of the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, in spearheading the breakthrough recorded by the Tinubu administration in resolving the deadlock between ASUU and successive preceding administrations on the implementation of the stillborn 2009 agreement. Highlights of the new agreement reached on December 24, 2025, and which took effect on January 1, 2026, include a 40% upward review of salaries for academics; a new Consolidated Academic Tools Allowance (CATA) of N1.74 million and N840,000 million annually for full Professors and Readers respectively; enhanced pension benefits that allow professors to earn a pension equivalent to their annual salary on retirement at the age of 70 and the enhancement of research funding through the provision of at least 1% of Nigeria’s GDP for the National Research Council (NRC).

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    Of course, the most critical challenge is for the government to commence and sustain the implementation of all aspects of this agreement to boost the morale of the country’s academics and unleash their hitherto trapped potentials to contribute exponentially to the attainment of national transformation goals. But there is cause for optimism. As the BusinessDay newspaper put it in a report, “The agreement marks the first time a sitting Nigerian President directly took ownership of the prolonged dispute and prioritised its resolution. Tunji Alausa, Minister of Education, said the agreement is intended to restore trust, guarantee uninterrupted academic calendars, and end the cycle of strikes in public universities. ASUU said the agreement is the outcome of a renegotiation process that began in 2017 and passed through multiple failed committees before the current administration inaugurated the Yayale Ahmed-led renegotiation committee in December 2024.

    Structural reforms undertaken by successive governments, civilian and military, in post-colonial Nigeria have addressed the country’s economic crisis, often at a superficial level, without confronting the more daunting problem of transcending the conundrum of underdevelopment. It is impossible to achieve the latter without taking maximal advantage of the knowledge, skills, creativity and cerebral energy of the country’s intellectuals. And the latter will remain a mirage with a depressed, demotivated, largely neglected and demoralised intellectual class. This is why the new agreement between the Federal Government and ASUU must be built upon to usher in a new era of mobilising Nigeria’s intellectual resources to achieve national developmental goals.

    Over the last two and a half years, the Tinubu administration’s reforms, external and internal assessors agree, have gone a long way to address the severe, multidimensional economic crises it inherited as a result of years of structural distortions, misplaced priorities and indulgent policies that purportedly subsidised the disadvantaged but facilitated the criminal enrichment of a parasitic minority. Examples were the fuel subsidy and parallel exchange rate markets meant to boost the value of the Naira but provided avenues for humongous self-enrichment through arbitrage for the well-connected. The abolition of these policies by the Tinubu administration, measures acknowledged as imperative by its predecessors but incessantly pushed forward, led to immediate hardships through inflationary spirals and attendant spike in living costs.

    But the bitter pills are evidently having the desired recuperative effects on the ailing economy. It is apposite to quote the latest edition of The Economist magazine at some length here. Stating that the administration’s painful reforms are beginning to show results, the magazine notes that “It is difficult to overstate the mess Mr Tinubu inherited. When he took office in 2023, the country’s Central Bank had $7 billion (equivalent to 1.4% of GDP at the time) in obligations it could not meet, prompting international investors to flee en masse. The bank’s credibility had been dented by a recklessly loose monetary policy, its mismanagement of dwindling foreign -exchange reserves and efforts to maintain an unsustainable tiered exchange -rate system. In 2022 alone, the cash-strapped government spent some $10 billion, equivalent to 2.2% of GDP, on a ruinous fuel subsidy”.

    After reiterating the painful remedial measures undertaken by the Tinubu administration to reform and restructure the economy, The Economist observes that “Nearly three years on, Nigeria’s 230 million people, especially the poor and the middle class, are still reeling from increases in fuel and food prices. Poverty has risen. But it looks as though Mr Tinubu’s bitter medicine is helping. The annual inflation rate, which hit a nearly 30-year high of of 35.8% in December 2025, fell to 15.2% in December 2025. Growth is returning. The IMF expects the economy to expand by 4.4% in 2026. Following two steep devaluations in 2023, the Naira has stabilised. The Central Bank’s foreign -exchange reserves have risen to $46 billion, their highest level in seven years. Improvements in macroeconomic stability are restoring investor confidence”.

    The challenge before the Tinubu administration is to push through these reforms till they become sustainable and irreversible, but, more importantly, to ensure that impressive statistical indices are translated into concrete improved welfare and living standards for the vast majority of Nigerians. Even if these goals are achieved, however, the administration would have addressed the problem of the economic crisis and must still lay the foundation for transcending the protracted crisis of underdevelopment. And this is where the intellectuals and the unique labour union that ASUU has become are indispensable.

    In the final analysis, no country or people can develop another political entity. All meaningful development is ultimately self-development. In its Nigeria First policy, which emphasises local raw materials, expertise and technology in production processes, Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda realises this. And so it is with its efforts to break the country’s food dependency and boost local agricultural productivity, even though continuing unacceptable levels of insecurity remain a major obstacle in critical food production zones. However,  the administration must fundamentally redefine, refocus and restructure the country’s theory and practice of development.

    Relying on external expertise, inputs and technology for the installation of major artefacts of development and modernity, such as railway tracks and trains, express roads and coastal highways, ultramodern structures, model stadia, and petroleum refineries are inevitable in the short run but do not constitute development on a long-term, sustainable basis. As one of the country’s eminent political economists, Professor Okwudiba Nnoli, puts it, “What is needed is a concept of development which is neither viewed as catching up with the advanced countries nor fixated on the procurement of artefacts. Under certain conditions, artefacts emanate from the development process and reflect it. This is so only when they are the end products of the efforts of the population to apply their creative energy to the transformation of the local, physical, biological and socio-cultural environments. This is the case in the advanced countries. They cease to mirror development when they are provided by foreigners; the local population merely acquires the products of other people’s development.”

    Over four decades ago, ASUU, in its landmark publication, ‘The Nigerian Economic Crisis: Causes and Solutions,’ made the same point with regard to the country’s industrialisation process. In its words, “By industrialization of the country, we mean the process of developing the capacity of that country to master and locate within its borders, the whole industrial production process: production of raw materials; production of intermediate products for other industries; fabrication of machines and tools required for the manufacture of desired products and of other machines; skills to operate, maintain and reconstruct machines and tools; skills to manage factories and to organize the production process”.

    • To be continued

  • History on the run

    History on the run

    I have tremendous respect for Victor Nosa Ikpeba. He is one of the ex-internationals who have not reduced their self-esteem by running errands for people who struggled to touch and take autographs from them in their playing days; the larger majority of who have driven our football into the ditch. It hurts deeply listening to a product from street football run the rule so devastatingly over the domestic game, hiding behind one finger, forgetting that the word best is subjective.

    Nigeria needs a manager with Clemens Westerhoff’s drive for unsung but talented players who will be excited to live in the country to truly scout for talents. How can anyone rationalise that Nigeria with a population of over 205 million people can’t produce a football team of 22 good players with sublime skills to thrill the world? This can’t be correct talk.

    This is the difference. Westerhoff scouted Finidi George, Daniel Amokachi, Uche Okechukwu, Friday Elaho, Ben Iroha et al and took them to clubs in Europe to sharpen the rustic edges of their games. Nigeria thereafter went to thrill the world at the USA ’94 World Cup, qualifying for the Round of 16 stage.

    It hurts deeply that a product of grassroots soccer and a sponsor of local competitions has restricted the hunt for talented players in Nigeria to only our domestic league games. One would be unfair to remind Ikpeba about the exploits of players who rose to stardom using the YSFON platform. Need I list their names?  Have we forgotten players such as the late Haruna Ilerika, the late Thompson Usiyen, Tunde Balogun, Adokie Amiesimaka, Felix Owolabi, Daimen Ogunsuyi, Quicksilver Slyvanus Okpala, Henry Nwosu, Austin Okocha, Patrick Ekeji, Edema Fuludu, Davidson Owumi, Clement Temile, Austin Eguavoen, Friday Elahor, Etim Esin, Adeolu Adekola, Kanu Nwankwo, Wilson Oruma, Jonathan Akpoborie et al who used the school boys’ competitions of yore, such as the Principal’s Cup and the once famous National Sports Festivals to exhibit their talent without necessarily playing in the local leagues before they attained national and international acclaim? It is the myopia of our soccer chieftains and those that they pick to perform scouting roles that have collectively converted the Super Eagles to the seeming exclusive abode of our Diaspora boys. No disrespect for all that they have done to paper the systemic problem with our football.

    How would these ex-internationals honestly feel sitting in the stadium or inside their houses watching Nigeria’s U-17 team, the Golden Eaglets, filled with Diaspora kids under the guise of fielding the best at all times? The pain in this type of setting hits us like a thunderbolt when we watch these kids moping when the Nigerian anthem is being sung before kickoff of games. Shouldn’t the best be scouted from outside of the domestic league? The truth is that those who should protect the domestic game are either agents of scouts of foreign clubs or their shylock managers.

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    This blanket pursuit for the best for our national teams wherever they exist is so brazen that today in the Nigerian transfer system, academies and nurseries now enjoy transfer fees in hard currencies instead of stipends tagged developmental fees for discovering and nurturing them.

    In fact, a very popular former Deputy Governor was aghast when in taking stock of players rightfully owned by the state’s team, it was discovered that most of them belonged to other people under spurious titles. He immediately ordered for a proper investigation of the matter with the misnomer stopped forthwith. He also directed the police to take some club officials away to write statements on all that they knew about the issue. How could the club be paying players whose transfer fees belonged to different people aptly tagged bystanders? Monkey dey work, baboon dey chop, nobi so? No chance.

    Trumpeters of the distasteful slogan of retaining a bronze medal coach should stop thinking through their respective pocket because history never forgets. When our domestic coaches won the AFCON bronze medals, we didn’t waste time in throwing them under the bus. We clamoured for the best coaches, which we zeroed down to recruiting foreign managers. Dear Ikpeba, if you are rooting for the best players in the Super Eagles, you need to be reminded that we also need the best managers, who from the last eight years, have been foreign managers. Truth be told, my brother, Ikpeba, Eric Chelle shouldn’t be the best foreign manager that we can offer to train the best boys to glory.

    Otherwise, how do we explain the refusal to renew the contract of a coach who led us to the runners up position with the silver medal at AFCON last year and the massive clamour to retain the services of a coach who needed the bravery of goalkeeper Stanley Nwabali to berth a bronze medal at the Africa Cup of Nations, barely a year after?

    Are we moving forward with this type of judgment? Of course not. It is just that those who brought the coaches have pressed the right chords in the media to drum up the maddening noise of retaining a coach without a plan B  when his team is boxed off as we saw when Nigeria tottered against the Atlas Lions of Morocco and the Pharaohs of Egypt.

    When I hear and read comments about how the past of Nigerian football is better than today’s, I cringe; because it took us 38 years of waiting and torture from North Africans and Cameroonian teams before Enyimba won the CAF Champions League title for Nigeria back to back in 2003 and 2004, making them the first Nigerian club to achieve this feat.

    The Nigeria league of yore was inscrutable, filled with tragic incidents, such as the death of former Bendel Insurance FC of Benin City’s chairman, Major Jimoh Ojo (Retired). Or have we forgotten the killing of NIGERIA junior international Igeniwari George, Finidi’s youngest brother inside his club, Enugu Rangers FC’s bus as they drove into the Liberty Stadium Ibadan to honour a National Challenge Cup game against Stationery Stores FC of Lagos? Was it not also in those days that fans frequently ran home because of canisters of tears used to disperse irate fans who took the laws in their hands?

     Was is not also in those days that fans died after another Challenge Cup game between Bendel Insurance FC and IICC Shooting Stars FC  of Ibadan at the National Stadium, Lagos due to power failure after the tie? What was so good about the local leagues whose matches were won at the board room from spurious post match protests? The Shenanigans in our football in the past were despicable. Those were the locust years of our soccer. So, when people reference it, I’m always shocked to the bones.

    For our soccer to grow in leaps and bounds,  we must recruit top-rated managers reminiscence of what England did by employing Tomas Tuchel, a German on an 18 months contract and what Brazil did by employing Carlo Ancelotti, an Italian, to guide them through their matches at the forthcoming 2026 World Cup to be co-hosted by Mexico, Canada and the United States (US).

    We must prevent those agents and shylock scouts who have pigeonholed our national teams by picking their ‘best’ players, not ours, from being part of Nigeria’s new quest for excellence.

  • Soludo’s market closure: Democracy, security and limits of executive power

    Soludo’s market closure: Democracy, security and limits of executive power

    The recent decision by Lt Col., sorry, Governor Chukwuma Soludo to shut down the Onitsha Main Market for one week has ignited a fierce debate about governance, security, and the existence of democratic rudiments in Anambra State. While the Colonel’s, sorry governor’s frustration with the Monday sit-at-home compliance is understandable, his stentorian response raises fundamental questions about whether ‘ajuwaya’ strong-arm tactics can substitute for the protection and security that these traders desperately need.

    Governor Soludo’s reasons for this drastic action are not without merit on the surface. The Onitsha Main Market, previously like many commercial centers across the Southeast, had been observing the Monday sit-at-home order, an action that appears to validate the authority of non-state actors, over the legitimate government. This compliance represents a troubling erosion of state authority, suggesting that faceless individuals wielding threats hold more sway over citizens than elected officials. The economic implications are equally staggering. Each Monday that Onitsha Main Market remains closed, Anambra State hemorrhages revenue that could fund infrastructure, healthcare, and education. The cumulative effect of these weekly closures amounts to trillions of naira in lost economic activity annually, affecting not just the state’s coffers but the livelihoods of countless families dependent on the market’s vibrancy.

    Furthermore, Soludo’s argument that other major markets across Anambra are  functioning normally on Mondays carries some weight. Markets in Awka, Nnewi, Nkpor, Abagana and Obosi, and even other parts of the Southeast continue their operations without interruption. The question then becomes: why should Onitsha be an exception? From this perspective, the governor’s insistence that Onitsha traders must break free from the grip of fear and resume normal trading appears logical. The state cannot afford to have its commercial nerve center paralyzed by the dictates of criminal elements who have no electoral mandate or moral authority.

    However, this is precisely where Soludo’s approach reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of democratic governance and the social contract between leaders and the led. The governor appears to have forgotten that Nigeria is a democracy, not a military dictatorship. In a democracy, governments exist to serve and protect their citizens, not to coerce them into dangerous situations. The traders are not closing their shops on Mondays because they are lazy ,unpatriotic or closet symphatisers of IPOB. They are doing so because they are terrified for their lives and property. This is not willing submission to non-state actors; it is survival instinct in the face of credible threats and demonstrable violence.

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    Shutting down the market as punishment for this fear-driven compliance is not just counterproductive; it is morally indefensible. If the market were being closed for legitimate regulatory reasons such as poor sanitation, fire safety violations, or environmental hazards, the government would be within its rights. But closing a market because traders are afraid of being killed or having their goods destroyed represents a spectacular failure of leadership. It shifts blame from the government’s inability to provide security onto the victims of insecurity themselves. These traders are not the enemy; the hoodlums terrorizing them are.

    The comparison to other markets functioning normally, while superficially compelling, crumbles under scrutiny. Onitsha Main Market is not just any market. It is the largest market in West and East Africa combined, a sprawling commercial ecosystem with hundreds of thousands of daily visitors and transactions running into billions of naira. The security requirements for such a massive complex are exponentially greater than those for smaller markets. Protecting Onitsha Main Market would require tripling or even quadrupling the security presence that might suffice elsewhere. Has the Anambra State government deployed such resources? Have there been visible, sustained security operations that would give traders confidence in their safety? The evidence suggests otherwise.

    Ali Chukwuma, one of Anambra’s finest bards once crooned “ Eje ana bu isi Ije” (A safe return is the centrepiece of every journey or travel). Now, if the government could guarantee absolute security within the market premises, what about the journey to and from the market? Traders cannot materialize in and out of the market gates by magic and with Soludo arresting and detaining a number of dibias, such magic may not be readily available to these traders as they travel from various parts of Anambra and neighboring states, often in the pre-dawn hours to set up their wares. The roads leading to Onitsha, the motor parks, the surrounding neighborhoods—these are all potential ambush points for those enforcing the sit-at-home. A trader who survives the market day unscathed might still face violence on the way home. Is their life worth the revenue they would generate for the state? The traders themselves have answered this question with their feet, and it is revealing that many of them are willing and eager to trade even on Sundays, demonstrating their entrepreneurial spirit and economic ambition. Yet this same ambition cannot override the instinct for self-preservation.

    Contrast such authoritarian directives with the fact that a number of state institutions such as the Anambra State House of Assembly, as well as local government council secretariats  observe these sit at home days (Anambra State House of Assembly conducts plenary sessions on Tuesdays, whilst most secretariats experience skeletal presence of staff) these are places that possess immense security coverage, yet, Soludo wants to compel hapless citizens to risk their lives, a case of do as I say not as I do!

    Governor Soludo would serve his people better by engaging in meaningful dialogue with market leadership rather than wielding the sledgehammer of closure. What specific security measures do the traders need to feel safe? What intelligence-sharing mechanisms can be established between market unions and security agencies? What emergency response protocols can be implemented?

    These are the questions a democratic leader should be asking. Copying from the playbook of military regimes—issuing ultimatums, making threats, forcing compliance through coercion—is a dangerous path that may indeed come back to haunt him politically and morally.

    Democracy thrives on consultation, consensus-building, and collaborative problem-solving. It withers under autocratic edicts and punitive measures against citizens who are already victims. The Onitsha Main Market crisis is fundamentally a security crisis, not a compliance crisis. Until Governor Soludo addresses the root cause—the inability of the state to protect its citizens from violent non-state actors—any attempt to force the market open will be both futile and unjust.

    The governor must remember that leadership in a democracy means walking with the people, understanding their fears, and creating conditions that make courage possible, not demanding bravery while providing no shield. Onitsha’s traders need protection, not punishment. They need a governor who fights the criminals terrorizing them, not one who fights them for being terrorized. Only when security is genuinely assured will the market return to its full glory, not through coercion, but through the restoration of confidence and peace.