Category: Saturday

  • AKOD on the march in Ikeja LGA

    AKOD on the march in Ikeja LGA

    Ever since the last local government council elections in Lagos State, there has been an obvious intensification of competition among the Chairmen and Councillors of Local Government Councils and Local Council Development Areas in the state to outperform each other and deliver concrete democratic gains to their people.

    In Ikeja Local Government, the Chairman is popularly known at the grassroots by the acronym, AKOD. This stands for his full name, comrade Akeem, Olalekan Dauda. I used to know him as an executive assistant to the then Commissioner of Youth and Sports Development and later Commissioner of Information and Strategy, Honourable (now Senator) Opeyemi Bamidele, at the Lagos State Secretariat, Alausa. He was quietly efficient, industrious, focused, humble and accessible – a great asset to his boss.

    After his assumption of office as Chairman of the very important local government, the feedback across his constituency is that he remains approachable, modest, as well as methodical and meticulous in the implementation of his I.K.E.J.A. Agenda, which encompasses Infrastructure, Knowledge, Empowerment, Justice, Enterprise and Advancement. Some of the highlights of his first 100 days in office include the ongoing construction of Shanu Street to improve infrastructure and accessibility, reconstruction of Aiyemojuba Street to enhance intra-community mobility, rehabilitation of Morenike Street to improve its drainage and enhance smoother mobility and the construction of a motorable bridge linking Onipetesi and Onilekere communities.

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    In addition to the renovation of Agidingbi Primary School to provide a conducive learning environment for pupils and teachers, the local government has also procured a landed property at Isale Awori for the construction of a new Primary Health Care Centre to improve health care at the grassroots. In the Back-to-School Programme organised by the local government council, primary school pupils and junior secondary school students in public schools benefited from learning materials, uniforms and essential school items. The local government participated actively in the Government-Private Sector Dialogue Series organised by the Federal Ministry of Finance to facilitate access of small and medium-scale businesses to finance and professional expertise.

    AKOD has also launched initiatives to boost revenue generation, promote sports among youths, partner with security agencies and encourage participatory governance through regular interactions with traditional rulers, community leaders, religious leaders, among other stakeholders. His hitting the ground running is no surprise, as AKOD knows Ikeja Local Government like the palm of his hand. From 2006 to 2014, he was a Ward Chairman of the ACN/APC in Ikeja LG; he served as a Returning Officer in multiple elections in the local government and rose to become Secretary to Ikeja Local Government in 2017. For Comrade Akeem Olalekan Dauda and Ikeja LG, the morning is an indication of the bright days ahead.

  • Issues in the Trump threat (1)

    Issues in the Trump threat (1)

    Two incidents demonstrate the mischief, opportunism, outright falsehood and simplistic self-sabotage often characteristic of the narratives on violence and insecurity in Nigeria, which led the mercurial President Donald Trump to threaten direct military action against Islamic terrorists in the country perpetrating what he described as genocide against Christians. First, is the letter by the leader of the proscribed Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, to Trump, portraying himself as a ‘prisoner of conscience’ currently under illegal detention in Nigeria and a victim of the alleged persecution against Christians that the American President is furious about.

    Forcibly brought back into the country after he had jumped bail and fled abroad from where he incessantly launched incendiary radio broadcasts and social media posts inciting violence in Nigeria and advocating the balkanization of the country and the creation of the sovereign state of Biafra in the Southeast, acts which constitute crimes against the Nigerian State, Kanu has been on trial since 2020 for treason, incitement to murder and arson among other charges. Last week, the unrelenting publisher and veteran of social protests, Omoyele Sowore, organised a one-day protest against what he described as Kanu’s unduly prolonged trial, calling for the truncation of the Judicial process and the immediate release of the IPOB leader. The free Kanu protests, predictably, did not gain traction.

    It did not matter to Sowore that Kanu had explored every trick in the book to stall the trial. Kanu obviously does not want a trial. There are social media posts of him ordering his followers to kill, destroy property, attack security agencies and commit assorted atrocities. For years, the sit-at-home protests in the Southeast, which he instigated on Mondays, laid the economy of the region prostrate, disrupted the education of school children and led to the deaths of large numbers of people who were murdered for going about their legitimate business on Mondays. His direct incitements and directives from his base abroad played a key role in the violence perpetrated in Lagos during the #EndSARS protests in Lagos in 2020, leading to scores of deaths and the destruction of private and public property estimated at over N2 trillion in the country’s economic capital and commercial nerve centre.

    Yet, according to Nigerian law, Kanu remains innocent until proven guilty through Judicial due process. But he refuses to enter his defence, preferring to constitute himself into a court of law and pronouncing ex cathedra that he has no case to answer and should be released immediately. In his letter to Trump, Kanu claims he is being persecuted for his Christian faith. He calls on the American leader to probe the killings in the Southeast, which he insinuates is an example of genocide against Christians in Nigeria, even when it is militant Igbo separatists who have unleashed violence against fellow Igbos, whom they perceive as not aligning with their cause. Simon Ekpa, the self-styled Prime Minister of the Sovereign Republic of Biafra, is currently serving a six-year jail term in Finland, where he was tried and convicted for inciting destructive violence against Nigeria from that country.

    But Kanu’s letter to Trump is instructive. It illustrates the kind of deliberately misleading propaganda against the Nigerian State that prompted Trump to threaten unilateral military action in Nigeria against what he described as the inaction of the Nigerian government to check genocide against Christians in the country. An investigation by the Global Disinformation Unit of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) revealed “how the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law (Intersociety) and allied Igbo ethnic advocacy groups propagated inflated figures and unverified narratives that have reverberated across international political and religious circles”. Staff of the BBC Global Disinformation Unit, including Olaronke Alo, Chiamaka Enendu and a journalist based in Nigeria, Ijeoma Ndukwe, investigated the origins and credibility of claims that over 125,000 Christians have been killed and 19,000 churches destroyed in Nigeria since 2009.

    According to the report, “When contacted by the BBC, Intersociety failed to provide itemised data or verifiable sources to substantiate its casualty claims.  Instead, the organisation accused the BBC of being politically compromised. The BBC’s findings suggest that Intersociety’s methodology lacks transparency and raises serious concerns about the intent behind its reporting. Despite the absence of credible evidence, these claims gained traction in U.S. political discourse, culminating in President Donald Trump labelling Nigeria “a country of particular concern” and threatening military action over what he described as a “Christian genocide”.

    Of course, Intersociety and any other interest groups have the right to project their worldview, shape narratives from their perspectives and lobby International public opinion to achieve their objectives. One positive of the Trump threat is that it should prompt the Nigerian authorities to also actively put the other side of the story across so that outsiders can have the necessary facts to undertake a more objective appraisal of the complexities of Nigeria’s social-cultural and religious plurality and the nuanced realities of the country’s security challenges.

    Again, effective information management and dissemination outside Nigeria is as critical as within the country in a globalised world. Thus, Trump’s threat is predicated on the assumption that the Tinubu government is either complicit in encouraging ‘Christian genocide’ or not doing anything concrete to rein in violence and insecurity. But as the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Alhaji Mohammed Idris, has pointed out, security agencies under the Tinubu administration have so far killed 13,500 terrorists, arrested about 17,000 suspected terrorists and freed 9,800 victims since 2023. Even the United States and the United Kingdom commended Nigeria’s security agencies for the arrest and ongoing prosecution of two notorious terrorism suspects, Mahmud Muhammad Usman and Abubakar Abba of the ANSARU terror group.

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    Scores of notorious bandits’ leaders and hundreds of their foot soldiers across Northern Nigeria have been neutralised in intensified onslaughts against terrorists over the last two years. It would be another positive of the Trump threat if it prompts us to tell the story of these anti-terror successes more effectively, particularly to international audiences from now on. It is also important to continuously make the international community aware of the complex dynamics of violence and insecurity in Nigeria. President Trump has been misled into believing that what is happening in Nigeria is a targeted killing of Christians by Islamic terrorists on a genocidal scale. Yes, Christians have been most affected by the violence in highly populated Christian communities in Benue, Plateau, Taraba and Southern Kaduna.

    But in the same vein, Muslims have suffered higher casualties from religious terrorism in such dominant Muslim States as Borno, Katsina, Zamfara, Yobe and Niger States. The conflicts in parts of the North stem from antagonism between Fulani herdsmen and native Hausa communities. In the Southeast, what has been experienced is essentially Igbo-on-Igbo violence as “unknown gunmen” have engaged in the ruthless elimination of their kinsmen who either violate sit-at-home directives or are employed in Nigerian security agencies. But in the final analysis, the Nigerian State must urgently enhance and upgrade its capacity to protect the lives and property of Nigerians irrespective of their faith or ethnicity, as well as maintain the country’s territorial integrity.

    For instance, during the confirmation screening of Service Chiefs by the Senate, the Chief of Defence Staff, General Olufemi Oluyede, called for a comprehensive reform of the police to enable it to take care of internal security so as to free the military to focus on external defence. The much-delayed issue of State police must now assume greater urgency. This is not the sole responsibility of President Tinubu. It requires coordinated collaborative effort among state governors, State and national legislators and the presidency. The current over-centralised security architecture must be redesigned to reflect the country’s federal, plural character for greater efficiency and efficacy.

    Again, President Tinubu, a few months ago, announced plans to establish and inaugurate the Forest Rangers outfit to safeguard and secure the country’s vast forests. It has become imperative to quickly actualise this initiative, which could be a game-changer, as much of the atrocities committed by terrorists, bandits, and religious extremists revolve around the forests. President Tinubu’s response to Trump’s threat was mature, restrained and statesmanlike despite being firm in refuting allegations of Christian genocide. The appointment of envoys, especially in key countries, is clearly not an economic drain. It would foster the requisite diplomatic interaction at the highest levels that would prevent potentially catastrophic deterioration in relationships largely caused by avoidable gaps in communication.

  • On Anambra 2025…

    On Anambra 2025…

    In the annals of our history as a state, there are moments that stand as watersheds between mediocrity and magnificence, between the twilight of decline and the dawn of renewal. Anambra State now stands at such a precipice, gazing into an abyss of unfulfilled potential on one side and the luminous horizon of transformation on the other. The choice before Ndi Anambra transcends partisan allegiance—it is a sacred covenant with posterity, a referendum on whether the Light of the Nation shall continue to flicker in darkness or blaze forth with renewed brilliance.

    The numbers speak with a clarity that lofty  rhetoric, and highfalutin words cannot obscure. From 8th position to 34th among Nigeria’s 36 states—a precipitous descent of 26 places that tells the story of a great state humbled by inadequate stewardship. This is not merely statistical adumbration; it is the lived reality of millions whose dreams have been deferred, whose aspirations have collided with the harsh walls of governmental dysfunction.

    Consider the cruel irony: Anambra, blessed with industrious sons and daughters whose entrepreneurial spirit has conquered markets from Lagos to London, now ranks 33rd in capital expenditure per capita. The state that produced titans of commerce and scholarship now languishes at 33rd in educational infrastructure, while our children—those bright-eyed inheritors of a once-glorious legacy—sit in classrooms that mock their potential. In public health delivery, we have plummeted to 30th position, as if the wellbeing of our people has become an afterthought in the calculus of governance.

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    Most damning of all, in the metric of “State Attractiveness,” Anambra now shares ignominious company with Bayelsa and bandit-ravaged Zamfara as among the least preferred destinations for relocation. Let that sink into the collective consciousness of a people whose ancestors transformed swamps into citadels of civilization. We who once attracted the world now repel even our own.

    Into such a  landscape of despair strides a figure whose very biography reads as a repudiation of mediocrity. Prince Dr. Nicholas Ukachukwu (MFR) comes not as a political neophyte trafficking in empty promises, but as a seasoned architect of transformation whose antecedents speak volumes before his lips move. Here is a man who understands that governance is not performance art but the process of delivering tangible improvements to people’s lives.

    His credentials are not manufactured for electoral consumption—they are forged in the crucible of real-world achievement. From construction and infrastructure development to public service, Ukachukwu has demonstrated the rare amalgamation of technical competence, visionary thinking, and unwavering integrity that defines transformative leadership. Where others have seen obstacles, he has engineered solutions. Where others have preached development, he has built it with his own hands.

    Ukachukwu’s vision for Anambra is encapsulated in his Eight Enablers—a comprehensive blueprint that addresses the totality of our state’s challenges with the precision of a surgeon and the scope of a master planner.

    Ukachukwu understands with crystalline clarity what current leadership has failed to grasp: without security, every other development initiative becomes an exercise in futility. His security framework goes beyond the rustic employment of thieves and cutthroats who now in turn harass innocent civilians, whilst crimes are repeatedly committed even within precincts close to the seat of government.  Through meaningful youth engagement, job creation via industrialization, community policing, and collaboration with traditional institutions,  Anambra will be transformed from a theater of fear into a sanctuary of safety.

    Consider this: 103 industries have fled our state, markets close in apprehension, and the industrious spirit of Ndi Anambra withers under the shadow of unknown gunmen. Ukachukwu recognizes that idle youth become vulnerable to criminal recruitment, and his integrated approach combines immediate security responses with long-term solutions addressing poverty, unemployment, and marginalization.

    With proven expertise in construction and infrastructure development, Ukachukwu brings to governance what it has sorely lacked—technical competence married to project management excellence. Unlike the current administration’s haphazard approach that has left our roads scarred with potholes and collapsed sections despite quintupled federal allocations, Ikukuoma will build infrastructure to international standards.

    His strategic approach prioritizes roads with maximum economic impact—connecting agricultural areas to markets, linking industrial zones, and facilitating commerce. Erosion control will be integrated into every project, addressing environmental challenges comprehensively. Through Public-Private Partnerships and modern construction techniques, he will create road networks that last, using his construction background not as theoretical knowledge but as practical wisdom gained from executing complex projects successfully.

    In Ikukuoma’s Anambra, electricity ceases to be a luxury and becomes the right of every citizen. His power revolution strategy recognizes that every kilowatt generated catalyzes transformation, every power line erected bridges the gap between subsistence and prosperity. This is not about lighting bulbs—it is about illuminating the boundless possibilities that have remained dormant in darkness.

    “Akwukwo bu ife”—education is wealth, our ancestors proclaimed. Yet what wealth can we bequeath when our educational infrastructure crumbles and our teachers labor under poor welfare? Ukachukwu’s education agenda transcends cosmetic improvements to encompass teacher welfare, digital literacy, vocational training, and infrastructure that honors the sanctity of learning. He will restore Anambra’s schools from monuments of neglect to citadels of excellence that once produced professors, engineers, and captains of industry.

    Ikukuoma envisions a comprehensive three-level healthcare system: primary care facilities providing essential community services, secondary care offering specialized treatment, and tertiary centers delivering advanced medical expertise. Twenty-one general hospitals will ensure accessible healthcare throughout the state, while three reference hospitals will provide specialized services, potentially positioning Anambra as a regional healthcare hub attracting medical tourism.

    Perhaps nothing captures the transformative nature of Ukachukwu’s vision like his revolutionary concept of three industrial clusters—one in each senatorial zone. These are not mere economic zones; they are cathedrals of commerce, destinies being forged in steel and silicon. Each cluster will serve as an engine of prosperity, creating thousands of jobs, attracting investment, and transforming Anambra into the economic powerhouse it was destined to be.

    In Ikukuoma’s Anambra, agriculture transcends subsistence to become agribusiness, farmers evolve into entrepreneurs, and rural communities emerge as centers of wealth creation. His uptakers program ensures every harvest translates to prosperity, every farmer rises from survival to success. This is agriculture reimagined and rural communities transformed.

    Recognizing that a generation of talented young people currently watches their skills rust from disuse, Ukachukwu will create pathways to prosperity through entrepreneurship programs, skills acquisition, and job creation. No longer will our youth be condemned to unemployment despite their brilliance.

    While the current administration engages in propaganda about “One Youth, One Skill” programs that exist more in press releases than reality, while it presides over the collapse of 101 industries and the descent from 8th to 34th position nationally, while it watches our state become synonymous with insecurity alongside Zamfara—Ukachukwu offers something radical: competence, integrity, and a proven track record of delivery.

    The opposition may attempt to paint him as a stranger to the party, conveniently forgetting that he comes from legacy parties that formed the APC. They may concoct elaborate falsehoods about his relationship with the presidency, ignoring that he is resident in the Villa and enjoys direct access to President Tinubu. They may criticize his choice of running mate and campaign leadership, revealing their own descent into gutter politics while avoiding discussion of the issues that matter.

    But the discerning people of Anambra obviously can see through such chicanery. They recognize desperation when they see it—the flailing of an administration that has squandered the quintupled federal allocations and increased IGR on poor stewardship while delivering deteriorating infrastructure, worsening security, and declining state rankings.

    The Igbo philosophy of collective advancement finds its truest expression in Ukachukwu’s vision of inclusive development across all 179 communities. This is not the politics of exclusion or zonal favoritism—it is governance that recognizes every community’s right to participate in Anambra’s renaissance. From Aguata to Ogbaru, from Onitsha to Nnewi, from Awka to Ekwulobia, every corner of our beloved state will feel the transformative touch of purposeful leadership.

    “Ife ojoo ga-agafe”—bad times will pass, our elders say. But bad times do not pass through wishful thinking; they pass through decisive action, through the courage to choose differently, through the collective will to demand and deliver excellence.

    November 8th is not merely another date on the calendar—it is our generation’s answer to destiny’s call. It is the day we declare “O zugo!”—Enough! Enough of decline disguised as development. Enough of rhetoric substituting for results. Enough of watching our state’s light dim while leadership fiddles.

    This is the Anambra we can build—the Anambra we must build—if we summon the courage to choose wisely on November 8th.

    “Ihe eji mara nwoke bu uka ya”—a person is known by their footprints. What footprints are we leaving for our children and their children? Can we, in good conscience, pass on this burden of dysfunction and decay? Or will we bequeath to them an Anambra transformed, a state restored to its rightful place among Nigeria’s best?

    November 8 is our date with destiny!

  • Who will resolve PDP’s crisis?

    Who will resolve PDP’s crisis?

    The crisis assailing the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) does not appear ready to disappear. Like other opposition platforms, internal disharmony within the main opposition party has continued to worsen. But the injuries are self-inflicted.

    Having fallen from power some 10 years ago, the PDP has failed to display the prospects of a united front that can bounce back to power. Its political muscles, which it flexed for 16 years in power, have become feeble, like those of an ageing bully. Even the voices of its leading lights of yore have become faint against those who have turned the party into a battlefield.

    The failure to groom duteous politicians to succeed the blusterous first generation of the party gave birth to the current babel within. The “party of generals” that got to power in the wake of the current dispensation obviously forgot that nothing lasts forever. Today, neither its barracks mentality of “obey the last order” or democratic norms prevail.

    From the outset, the PDP never appeared like a party that was based on democratic pillars. Many of its chairmen were ousted unceremoniously. Imagine the national chairman of a party being asked to tender his resignation letter directly to the President after a meal of pounded yams and bush meat in his house.

    In the past two decades, the PDP has changed it chairman than any other party has. The same happened to its Senate presidents when the party was in power. They were not removed on health grounds but to satisfy the yearnings of some overbearing individuals. The party did not respect democratic principles. It was a matter of time for its internal transgressions to blow open.

    Now that the chicken has come home to roost, who, will salvage the once acclaimed largest party in Africa from self-ruin?

    The fate of the PDP should be a lesson, even to the ruling party. No political party is infallible. Pride could herald a fatal fall. That electoral disaster has been the lot of the party that once nursed the bogus ambition of ruling the country for 60 years.

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    Its tenancy in Aso Villa, Abuja, was terminated few years after the bragging. The prolonged setback jolted the founding fathers from their delusion, making them to embrace, very late, that in the final analysis, power is transient.

    As the PDP prepares for its so-called elective National Convention scheduled for Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, this month, it writhes in the pains of division and disharmony. Its warring leaders are unable to put their house in order. A section of the party, led by the few governors stuck in the old circle, is insisting on the convention, despite the unresolved logjam.

    Another camp opposed to what it calls improper preparations for the convention is kicking. Led by Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike, this group has continued to draw attention to some unresolved abnormalities known to the two antagonistic camps. When the convention would hold or not is not as important as what would happen after the event.

    That chairmen of four state chapters went to court to challenge the validity of the convention means that something is amiss. The multiple crises have festered for three reasons.

    The first is that there is no uniting idea, a philosophy or ideology to which members subscribe beyond the goal of hijacking power. Thus, outside power, the party is like a fish out of water.

    The second is the lack of effective crisis resolution mechanism. No one among the warring lot is prepared to make a sacrifice for the platform to survive. Once there is a conflict, it is ‘fight to the finish.’ Reconciliation committees are set up to chase shadows. Once the chord of power that bound them was severed, things fell apart.

    The third is a lack of good leadership, one that commands respect. The PDP is deserted by its products; the presidents, vice presidents, senate presidents, and House of Representatives speakers it created in its own image. It is a special case of ‘use and dump’.

    It may also be that those former leaders it produced lack what it takes to lead a heterogeneous organisation, a blend of diverse interests and an abused organisation that was knocked down by their undemocratic tendencies.

    Latter-day party undertakers lack institutional memory. They forget the labours of their founding fathers, their condescending styles of self-abnegation and willingness to subject personal interest to collective agenda.

    But the founding fathers committed a fatal error, which has continued to haunt them. It was a great mistake that after the party had taken shape, its presidential ticket landed on the palm of a wrong person; a dictator and manipulator who later tore his party’s membership card.

    The PDP suffered internal instability arising from the crisis of leadership. In 27 years, it has produced 17 national chairmen, many of who left office unceremoniously.

    After the bruises, they took refuge in the opposition party that rallied Nigerians to drive PDP out of power.

    A crisis is an infection. It is highly contagious. This is the heritage of a party founded by sane leaders without future builders to build on the virile foundation. When the party was in power between 1999 and 2015, its leaders were carried away by government power. They thought that federal power was the only requirement for party nurturing. While the party was in government, it started decaying as the supremacy of its power-loaded president came to be perceived as party supremacy.

    Gradually, the founding fathers faded away without an opportunity to cleanse the party. A deep gulf had developed between them and the younger elements, whose gradual rise to stardom coincided with that period of party dictatorship which became the norm.

    The current battle stems from the split among the younger elements who gained total control of the party after the residual class of gerontocrats painfully relocated to the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

    They could not keep the dilapidated house together. As the crisis escalated, it provided an escape route for their colleagues to dump the distressed platform. Three governors – Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State, Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta and Peter Mbah of Enugu – hurriedly jumped out of the sinking ship. Now, Douye Diri of Bayela is packing his load. He is said to be comparing notes with Agbu Kefas of Taraba. Reports said Plateau State Governor Caleb Mutfwang is feeling lonely and gazing at APC, whose National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda, is from the state and has hinted that more governors would follow.

    The danger now is that many stalwarts are willing and ready to work for the ruling party without defecting from the PDP.

    Those leaving in droves claim that the crisis is injurious to their ambitions. They fear the legal technicalities that can knock them out of the 2027 polls if the leadership crisis persists. The party’s secretary has insisted that the PDP is a party of signature forgers. Senator Sam Anyanwu is simply saying that he has no hand in the preparations for the convention as the party’s scribe. Lawyer Nyesom Wike, ‘governor of Abuja,’ is firing salvos, warning that an improper convention would not be acceptable.

    The preparations have polarised the PDP into two camps – that of governors and that of a few gerontocrats being excluded from the planned elective convention. Former Governors Sule Lamido and Ahmed Makarfi have said they loathe intimidation by “small boys” of yesterday now trying to push them around.

    The old method may still align with the new times, if certain conditions are met. Traditionally, national chairmen are foisted by the conclave of governors. But the key omission moe is proper consultation.

    If the position of the national chairman has been zoned to the North and micro-zoned to the Northwest, should the old men not be informed about the intention to impose Kabiru Tanimu Turaki by the governors from the Northcentral and the Northeast? If the governors are sure of themselves, why can’t they throw the contest open, allow democracy to take its course and prove that they are really in charge by mobilising party faithful to vote for their candidate at Ibadan on November 15?

    Given the unfolding scenarios, the outcome of the PDP national convention may further mar its efforts at having a harmonious platform. But it would be very interesting to see a party stalwart who can wield the magic wand that would save the party from drifting into anarchy.

    PDP is still the main opposition party. To be relevant, the warring chieftains should close ranks, do a soul-searching and erect building blocks of unity.

    It is possible. But it is a hard option for the party.

  • Amaechi’s presidential dream goes awry

    Amaechi’s presidential dream goes awry

    Former governor of Rivers State, Rotimi Amaechi, recently stirred controversy by declaring himself a hungry man. His claim did not sit well with many Nigerians who are conscious of his antecedents as an eight-year Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, eight-year governor of Rivers State and eight-year super minister in charge of transportation during the Muhammadu Buhari administration.

    If a man who has held very prominent positions in government for 24 years is starving just because he is out of office for two years, then something is fundamentally wrong, they argued.

    But fresh information about the former Minister of Transportation is that he is not only hungry, he is also angry. His present rage stems from goings on in the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the party of former Vice President Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai, former Osun State governor Rauf Aregbesola and other disgruntled politicians whose sole mission is to stop the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

    Amaechi, who had lost the presidential ticket of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to Tinubu in the build-up to the 2023 elections and had been unable to hide his anger over the latter’s victory as the party’s candidate and eventually as the President, had pitched his tent with the sworn enemies of the President in ADC in the hope of securing the party’s ticket to contest the presidential election against Tinubu in 2027.

    Excited at his membership of the party, he had boasted about the pivotal role he played in the formation of the party together with former Ekiti State governor, Kayode Fayemi. His excitement has, however, turned into frustration as reality finally hit him that the party touted as a coalition and its main actors are nothing more than pawns on Atiku’s string.

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    Amaechi was said to have become dispirited lately after realising that the party’s presidential ticket is designed for Atiku, wondering what use it would be to chase out Tinubu only to replace him with the former VP whose status in the party is not even clear. The ex-minister was also said to have been exasperated that only him and Aregbesola heeded the party’s instruction that members should go to their respective states to hold rallies aimed at wooing people into the party, while Atiku the man they are working for has done nothing more than push out occasional press releases through his media aides.

    Amaechi is also frustrated that the hope of the party to attract political heavyweights remains unfulfilled; a situation compounded by APC National Chairman, Prof. Nentawe Yilwatda’s,  recent declaration that some ADC members were on the verge of defecting to APC.

  • Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (2)

    Tinubu and the significance of yesterday (2)

    The detail makes the difference! In 1961, the regional government in Western Nigeria made tax cuts to shore up its dwindling electoral prospects, largely caused by a drop in commodity prices. There was, however, an unexpected resistance to the tax cuts in some provinces, particularly in Ekiti, Ijebu and Ondo. Over 300 people were arraigned before magistrates across the region for unruly conduct and bound over. The key point here is that people, after an initial resistance in the middle of the 1950s, had come to accept the benefits of paying taxes. Even by today’s standards worldwide, this is real political sophistication.

    Obviously, this new paradigm is the basis for the laudable, very well-thought-out tax reforms of the Tinubu administration. Fifteen years down the road, the political maturation fostered by these reforms will definitely manifest as resistance to proposed tax cuts, which will be interpreted by the populace as an attempt to undermine their economic rights, even their right to life. This cultural shift would be the highlight of the president’s very important thrust to redefine Nigeria’s political economy, and the verdict of history will ultimately be very favourable to him and his endeavours.

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    For years, Nigeria has been basking in the euphoria of a revenue economy, but where has that taken us? As we speak, Nigeria holds a complex position in World Bank assessments. In terms of national income per person, the country faces significant challenges, as evidenced by its recent ranking of 146 out of 191 countries on GDP per capita. However, when viewed by overall economic size, the Bank acknowledges Nigeria as the largest economy in Africa by Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Despite its status as Africa’s economic giant, the World Bank officially classifies the country as a Lower Middle-Income Economy.

    Again, the question is: do we need the World Bank to tell us that all is not well with Nigeria? Of course, stepping onto the streets will reveal the gravity of the mass misery ravaging our land. If we look at the faces of the people, and evaluate the children who daily trek to their schools with practically nothing in their stomachs, and simply because their parents want to save the N200 or N300 cost of Korope, then maybe we can have better words to situate our predicament.

    In the 1960s, things were not this bad because there was a real state. The simple truth is that the political leaders of that era were adequately prepared for leadership roles. Those leaders went into politics because they believed in something, and they pursued it diligently. Since they had a clear agenda for development, their focus was fundamentally different from what obtains these days.

    But what can we say about our latter-day leaders? A majority of them are in politics purely because of limited economic opportunities. Since they’re driven only by the fear of personal poverty, they’re bereft of any ideological base. They are not developmentalists because they’re not in politics to build or develop anything. They are children of entitlement, simply dancing away their people’s sorrow. If this were not the case, when was the last time a major factory was established in a town like Ijebu-Jesa in Osun State?

    The Agent General of Western Nigeria in London during the First Republic was the de-facto Minister of Export, coordinating the sale of exports like cocoa, palm oil, rubber and the like. It was he who would negotiate markets, shipping and insurance. He always had strong targets, so he was always a very busy man. If we may ask, what is Nigeria’s High Commissioner to the UK selling to the outside world and how much is he remitting to Nigeria as proceeds from the sale of our exports? What’s his target and how is he coping with it?

    Yes, personal charisma might win an election, but, while the principalities and powers of the past cannot be reversed, it offers a barometer for learning. Consider Obafemi Awolowo’s 1952 speech to the Western Region House of Assembly on the establishment of the Cooperative Bank; it reads as if the late sage were delivering a Nobel Prize in Economics Acceptance Speech. Characteristically, Awo’s speech was a display of deep, powerful and dialectical thinking. Unfortunately, the majority of those in power today have neither that depth nor the intellectual interest. This critical lack of clear direction and intellectual leadership is one of the primary reasons why Nigeria struggles to survive.

    Admittedly, what grows a country are not men but the system. However, the system is always put in place by men. More importantly, the matter isn’t about the absence of documents, but about the presence of a functioning, ethical state. Across the ‘parties’, and frankly in most states of the federation, there are dozens of aspirants who are not distinguishable from one another. They are just vying for access to power and resources, rather than the upliftment of the people and upholding the legacy in the Western Region that affirmed the very purpose of governance and indeed of politics itself: ‘To make life more abundant’.

    Who knew about the Port of Singapore in the 1960s? So, what exactly went wrong, and where exactly did our leaders lose the plot?  More critically, where is the substantive plan to bolster security, the very foundation upon which all other state activities must rest? Tragically, the situation is deteriorating so fast that some institutions of higher learning have had to issue curfew timetables for when their students are allowed to move or are forced to go on empty stomachs for the fear of bandit attacks.

    With Tinubu now in the saddle, the optics may be looking good. Who knows?

    • Concluded.
  • Forthcoming …

    Forthcoming …

    I had the privilege of witnessing the Ekiti APC governorship consensus ratification on October 27, 2025. At this event, 885 delegates endorsed Governor Biodun Abayomi Oyebanji, aka BAO, as the consensus candidate for the June 20, 2026 governorship election.

    On Tuesday, October 28, 2025, I also joined the governor’s entourage to the commissioning of the reconstructed Itawure-Okemesi-Ekiti Road, the lighting of Okemesi-Ekiti, and the reopening of the equipped General Hospital in Okemesi-Ekiti.

    Reflecting on these events, I’m led to ask: Was the outpouring of support for the governor genuine, or a carefully crafted display? Did the crowds that lined the streets, chanting ‘BAO’, act of their own accord, or were their voices procured? These questions linger, even as they invite us to ponder the complex interplay between power, perception, and reality.

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    Unarguably, Oyebanji’s achievements speak for themselves, and the people’s happiness is evident in their enthusiastic response. This contradicts opposition claims and highlights the dynamic relationship between leadership and public perception.

    With politics also in a state of flux in the State of Osun, it is now compelling to put the beamlight on the state of play in a highly sophisticated swing state.

    Bola Oyebamiji! Akin Ogunbiyi! Dotun Babayemi! Benedict Alabi! Iyiola Omisore! Kunle Adegoke! And other APC governorship aspirants! Osun State, stretching back in time, has always been electorally competitive. It is not a state to be taken for granted, and upsets can never be ruled out. With an off-season governorship election scheduled for August 8, 2026, political activities will intensify, oftentimes with maneuvers that will defy logic.

    Surely certainly, all eyes will be on Ekiti and Osun States, as the twists and turns of the political drama will be more than worth watching for pundits, analysts, and anyone who appreciates political theatre.

    As the days go by, we will focus on the personalities, the trends, the currents and anticipate tales of the unexpected.

    It will be a treat!

    May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

  • Killing Nigeria Pro-League slowly

    Killing Nigeria Pro-League slowly

    The Nigeria professional league would continue to be a hard sell to the private sector with the way our federation chieftains relegate the budding talents that abound the 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs) in the country. I have spent the past six days reading the interview the wing gazelle of yore,  Mathematical Olusegun Odegbami had with the incumbent Super Eagles Head Coach, Eric Chelle. Chelle informed us that he monitors 80 players weekly from an unknown location resulting in the bogus 500 players list which he has. No wonder the team totters during matches without the fully home grown talisman, Victor Osimhen.

    We have lost budding talents to mismanagement, even after the Federal Government had directed that past soccer federations nurture their future. Our administrators bask in the euphoria of being recognised in the world, leaving the game’s development in the lurch for shylock European scouts to exploit to the disadvantage of our young ones.

    It should worry the current NFF executive committee members that no Nigerian club has won a continental trophy in their three years reign. Are the members waiting for the time when state governors would decline to sponsor their clubs because of their ill-preparedness? The way things are going, a year would come where there would be winners but no sponsors, with our opponents coming to Nigeria to walk over our teams. It may seem unthinkable now, but it would happen if we continue to allow foreign coaches in the Super Eagles relegate products of the domestic leagues.

    Civilised countries develop their sports through the neighbourhood system where facilities are built to engage the youth and push them away from social vices. Nurseries serve as the bases for storing the data of those discovered. Such information helps to nurture and monitor the good ones to stardom. Besides, nurseries lay the foundation where the athletes are taught the rudiments of the game. It is at such factories that playing styles and patterns unique to such countries evolve.

    One would have thought that a breakdown of the 80-member and 500 players would have shown the trajectory of his choices beyond the revelation that Chelle also deploys his assistants in the monitoring. My view is that Chelle’s claim of working his assistants is far-fetched, going by the visuals we see on television where his Nigerian assistants sit on the bench like the team’s substitutes. Having handled the Eagles and CHAN sides through competitions, one would have thought that Chelle’s monitoring ought to have been targeted at plugging the loopholes in the squad, not to begin other trials.

    For instance, Fredericks has shown that his favourite position is in the centre back. He should be allowed to master his acts than being deployed through the entire defensive positions to hold forte for absentee or injured mates. The grand rule in picking squads is to have at least two equally likely players per position. The versatile ones such as Frederick serve as bonuses, just as they give the coach the leverage to invite younger players to camp to train with the big boys.

    If one must be frank with Chelle, he still needs another better and faster central defender than Calvin Bassey who is more of brawn than brain in his game. A clever player such as Nwankwo Kanu in his playing days would have mesmerised and dragged Bassey on the turf with his deft dribbling. I feel strongly that Bassey will function better as a left wing back because he is too tall as a central defender. It would have been better if Bassey leaps well to compensate for his height when contesting aerial balls.

    Let me use this opportunity to caution Chelle and his backers at the NFF to be wary of flooding the Super Eagles with Nigeria-born players, otherwise they would soon infringe on the rules of eligibility which will haunt us now or in the future. It hurts watching most of the Super Eagles players unable to recite our national anthem on match days. The reverse is the case with our opponents who sing theirs lustfully to show that they understand the meaning of what they sang and leap into the air punching and holding themselves warmly. One always cringes when our opponents celebrate their national anthems.

    My angst increased listening to the bland arguments that Chelle should be allowed to pick our best players even if it means the coach going to the moon to bring them into the team. What this simply means is that we should shut down our domestic league so that the boys, especially the good ones can change their nationality to qualify to play for new countries of their choices? Again, what is the essence of playing domestic football across genders if those on the streets, schools, academies and the neighbourhoods cannot showcase their talents because they don’t live in Europe? After all, most of Super Falcons’ players started their game here, although our football federation members are gradually ‘corrupting’ the female teams with Nigeria-born girls. Pity.

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    The domestic league would be clinically brain dead if fans can’t be assured that those layers they watch weekly end up playing for our national teams because the NFF and the NSC chieftains are fixated on quick fixes. Planning for successes is alien to them.

    The NSC and NFF chiefs must be reminded that football is the game for children of the poor. Who are the parents of our footballers? The hewers of wood and the drawers of waters in the hinterlands? Their kids use their innate skills to play for Nigeria and invariably change the narratives of their families for life. Which one of these so called sports administrators has his kids playing football for a living? Yet, they sit in matches moping as foreign coaches parade boys and girls who don’t live here under the guise of strengthening our national teams? Foul. It won’t happen. We can’t snatch the game from the poor idle kids on the streets on the altar of ensuring that Nigeria’s flag is hoisted among the comity of nations at the World Cup.

    It is one of the reasons why Nigeria is a big for nothing nation in soccer where only one stadium (the Nest of Champions in Uyo) was accepted by FIFA to host their matches. The lack of sporting infrastructure is also another reason our domestic league representatives are all but one team, Rivers United of Port Harcourt, out of CAF’s inter-club competitions. They all played their matches out of their original home venues. Rivers United play theirs in Uyo for the records.

    Yes, I was shocked to the marrow reading Odegbami’s total condemnation of our local players and coaches. What has happened to the argument that no country that parades a foreigner as coach has ever won the senior World Cup?

    Great football nations such as England would be at the 20026 World Cup with a German manager Thomas Tuchel whilst the Kings of world football Brazil would have an Italian manager Carlos Ancelotti barking out instructions from the Brazilian bench to the Samba Boyz at the 2026 World Cup to be co-hosted by Mexico, Canada and the United States (US). Ancelotti, for the records was born on June 10, 1959 in Reggiolo, Reggio Emilia, Emilia-Romagna, Italy. He is an actor, known for The World of Don Camillo (1984), L’allenatore nel pallone 2 (2008) and LaLiga (1929). He has been married to Mariann Barrena since July 2014. He was previously married to Luisa Gibellini.

  • A different coalition

    A different coalition

    Ever since his famous lamentation that rang across the country regarding his joining the coalition of opposition politicians against the re-election of President Bola Tinubu for a second term because he is hungry, not much has been heard along that line from former two-term governor of Rivers State and admittedly activist former Minister of Transportation, Mr Rotimi Amaechi.  It may be that the leading chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has realised that his not inconsiderable bulging paunch may not be compatible with a tale of personal famishment by a man who had the privilege of holding key political offices at State and national levels for an unbroken period of nearly two and a half decades.

    Leading actors in the ADC are noticeably now less boisterous than they were at the outing of the hijacked party about the presumed ease with which they would eject President Tinubu and the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) from power in 2027. There has been no significant response so far to the party’s recent directive that its leading lights who are yet to leave their former parties and formally register with the ADC do so forthwith, indicating a general lack of confidence in the future of the opposition’s Special Purpose Vehicle to oust the APC from power. The party has not been helped by the outcome of by-elections in which it has participated, which suggests that its grand strategy of capitalising on the hardships attendant on the drastic economic reforms undertaken by the Tinubu administration has not borne fruit, as the APC remains not only electorally dominant but continues to receive defecting opposition politicians into its ranks on an unprecedented scale.

    Even as it struggles to get itself effectively organised as a potent political and electoral force, the ADC has not come up with concrete economic policy proposals different from the reforms currently being implemented under Tinubu’s leadership despite its strident criticism that the latter have imposed avoidable hardships on Nigerians. Were such reforms as the removal of fuel subsidy and the merger of the parallel foreign exchange markets introduced at the inception of the Tinubu administration avoidable? There was a consensus among all presidential candidates going into the 2023 elections that these far-reaching policy changes had become imperative.

    Some contend that they could have been implemented in gradual, phased-out stages to limit the pain. But the argument has also been made that the kind of decisive, frontal action taken by President Tinubu on fuel subsidy and exchange rate harmonisation was critical to guarantee the success of the reforms. Half-hearted and indecisive actions in this regard by previous administrations were responsible for the persistence of the structural distortions that had virtually plunged the economy into a state indistinguishable from coma before the present administration’s surgical intervention.

    Leading lights of the ADC coalition and other critics of the reforms are yet to avail us of the magic by which they would have implemented reforms without pain, which would have been tantamount to extracting a decayed tooth without discomfort to the patient or preparing a delicious omelet without breaking eggs. Just as the coalition of opposition politicians in the ADC are motivated primarily by a desire to terminate President Tinubu’s tenancy at the Presidential Villa at the end of his first term and seek to utilize the hardships engendered by his reforms as a propaganda weapon to achieve this objective, there is a coalition of other forces who have commended the reforms, testified that they are working and beginning to yield results and contend that they must be sustained in the best long term interest of the Nigerian economy. The latter coalition is not partisan, not even political. It is not consciously organized and accommodates interests both domestic and external to the Nigerian economy.

    Furthermore, the components of the latter coalition are in a better position than the ADC anti-Tinubu coalition opposition politicians to pronounce on the health of the economy and the efficacy or otherwise of economic policy. In its 2025 World Economic Outlook (WEO) report released this week at the annual IMF/World Bank Annual Meetings in Washington, DC, United States, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reflected the verdict of this non-partisan coalition on the impact and consequences of the reform policies of the Tinubu administration thus far. As this newspaper reported the event, “The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has revised upward its Nigeria’s growth forecast to 3.9 per cent in 2025 and 4.1 per cent in 2026, citing improvements in the country’s macroeconomic outlook. The IMF stated that the upgrade of its national growth projection for Nigeria was also based on a favourable domestic situation… “.

    The report continues, “Nigeria’s upgrade was significant as many other economies saw significant downward revisions because of the changing international trade and official aid landscape. At a press briefing on the WEO, IMF Economic Counselor, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas said the Fund based its outlook for Nigeria on several improving macroeconomic indicators and supportive domestic factors. He said factors responsible for the higher growth revision include higher oil production, improved investor confidence, a supportive fiscal stance in 2026, and limited exposure to higher US tariffs. He added that the fund also considered stability in the exchange rate, rising foreign reserves and rebasing of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as significant factors expected to propel the Nigerian economy forward in 2026.”

    And speaking during the Intergovernmental Group of Twenty-four (G-24) press briefing in Washington, the Central Bank Governor, Mr Olayemi Cardoso, gave an insight into the extent to which the Tinubu administration’s reforms had gone in restructuring the economy, resulting in its greater resilience and lessened vulnerability to global shocks, including unpredictability in international tariffs. He noted that a positive trend in the economy is the increasing transition by large businesses from imports to exports of locally produced goods and commodities.

    In his words, “We now have a more competitive currency with the results that, for once, we have a situation where we have a positive balance of trade surplus, and we expect it to be six per cent in GDP for some time. So basically, what is happening is a complete restructuring of the economy, where we are encouraging people to go into domestic production, and, of course, discouraging imports. And I think we were very fortunate, because a lot of the things that were needed to have been done, we did them much earlier, and as a result of that, we’re able to create resilience and buffers against potential shocks “.

    Aligning with this growing coalescence of positive affirmation of the Tinubu administration’s economic policies, billionaire Chairman of First HoldCo, Mr Femi Otedola, recently revealed that his decision to invest personally over N320 billion in First Bank “all in cash, without borrowing a single Naira” was partly inspired by the economic reforms of the Tinubu administration. His investment journey, according to him, “aligns closely with the bold and visionary leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who deserves credit for championing the tough but necessary reforms in our economy. I also commend the governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mr Yemi Cardoso, for his courageous and pragmatic policy reforms. His actions are restoring credibility to the financial system and giving investors like me the confidence to commit long-term capital to this country”.

    Also commenting on the tax reform bills of the administration, which will take effect as of January next year, Otedola stated on his X handle that they were a “bold, necessary step toward a more transparent, efficient, and investment-friendly economy,” asserting that “I am inspired to invest more, and many other investors share the same sentiment”. According to a report on the online medium, Nairametrics, Otedola “believes that the reforms will reduce complexity and promote fairness in tax collection; restore confidence in the use of public resources; fund infrastructure and unlock productivity; and fuel inclusive growth”.

    The President and Chief Executive of the Dangote Group, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, is a key actor in the Nigerian economy whose views and perspectives on economic and business policy cannot be taken with levity. Dangote has on several occasions identified with the coalition of thought on the positive import of the ongoing reforms for the economy. For instance, when he received the Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr Jumoke Oduwole, at the Dangote Petroleum Refinery & Petrochemicals in Ibeju-Lekki, Lagos, recently, Dangote did not mince words in applauding the administration’s economic policies. “I believe we must sincerely thank His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, for ensuring that there have been improvements in the supply of crude oil,” he said, noting that “His insistence that all crude oil transactions be conducted in Naira has been particularly commendable. For us to effectively meet market demand – which we can do – it is essential that crude is priced and purchased in our local currency.”

    As this newspaper reported the event, “The leading industrialist noted that these initiatives, along with other economic reforms, have brought a measure of stability to the naira-to-dollar exchange rate. He expressed optimism that the Naira would continue to strengthen in the coming weeks as the effects of the reforms become visible. According to him, the improved market predictability has helped investors make sound business decisions and restored confidence in the investment climate. We are also beginning to see some stability in the naira-to-dollar exchange rate, which has had a positive impact. There is now less fluctuation, and this has brought a degree of predictability to the market. For those of us in the business sector, this is a welcome development, as it allows us to plan more effectively. Looking ahead, as conditions continue to improve, we can expect to see a more favourable exchange rate.”

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    Another business and industry giant, President of BUA Group, Alhaji Abdul Samad Rabiu, shares Dangote’s optimism. Interacting with journalists at the Presidential Villa in Abuja in September, Rabiu commended what he described as the bold and decisive economic reforms of the President, pointing out that the policy changes are already yielding positive results for businesses and the currency. He told the reporters that “I expect that the exchange rate is going to strengthen even further. I expect that the rate should come down to maybe N1,300, N1,400 before the end of the year. And this is something that we should all celebrate”.

    According to a newspaper report, “Explaining the impact of recent reforms, the BUA Chairman noted that businesses no longer rely solely on the Central Bank of Nigeria for foreign exchange as many are now able to source FX independently through credit cards and international banking channels  “So, really, for all these, we must give full credit to His Excellency and the government. Their bold reforms and decisive policies are creating the foundation for a stronger economy, a more stable currency and a better future for businesses and Nigerians alike”.

    From the aviation sector, the Chairman of Air Peace, Mr Allen Onyema, echoes the coalition of support for the President’s economic policies and their impact on business viability. Speaking earlier in the year during an interaction between President Tinubu and stakeholders of corporate Nigeria, Onyema applauded what he described as the President’s ‘forward-thinking approach to Nigeria’s economic development’, especially by easing challenges faced by business owners. As reported in the media, Onyema said, “President Bola Tinubu is thinking of the Nigeria of the future. The ease of doing business is coming back gradually. I can attest to that in the aviation sector because of the people he appointed to head that sector”. Onyema also attested to efforts made by the High Commission in the United Kingdom in making Air Peace flights into Gatwick Airport a possibility, including proudly publicising it.”

    Some may contend that all the foregoing only show that the ongoing economic reforms favour and are being lauded by wealthy business owners. But Nigeria runs a capitalist system, and a key measure of the health of capitalist economies is the viability and success of businesses and business owners, on which depend millions of jobs, considerable tax revenue for the government and an economy’s global competitiveness. Others argue that statistics showing improvements in such indices as inflation rate, trade surpluses, exchange rate stability or rising foreign reserves are meaningless if they do not reflect the concrete existential conditions of the majority of people. But there is no other way to measure the performance trend of an economy or the appropriateness or otherwise of economic policies. In any case, if current data had indicated a worsening of these statistical indices, the coalition of anti-Tinubu politicians would have been exuberantly jubilant.

    •This article was first published October 18, 2025

  • Paradox of presidential pardons: tale of two cases

    Paradox of presidential pardons: tale of two cases

    Nigeria’s justice system has once again become a subject of intense national debate, with two cases highlighting the apparent contradictions in how mercy and justice are dispensed in the country. On one hand, there is the continued detention of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), since 2021, and on the other, the controversial pardon granted by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to Maryam Sanda and other notable convicts. These contrasting situations raise fundamental questions about equity, justice, and the true meaning of presidential clemency in Nigeria’s democracy.

    The question of a pardon for Nnamdi Kanu presents itself as a double-edged sword that cuts across ethnic, political, and moral lines. Since his extraordinary rendition to Nigeria in 2021, Kanu has remained in detention, sparking continuous agitation and counter-agitation across the nation. His supporters view him as a freedom fighter championing the cause of the marginalized Southeast, while his critics including my good self see him as a misguided secessionist whose activities have brought untold hardship to the very region he claims to liberate.

    The complexity of Kanu’s case lies in acknowledging certain uncomfortable truths. It is undeniable that Kanu was, at some point, pushed onto the path he undertook—a path that has led to scenarios from which the Southeast region has yet to fully recover. The sit-at-home orders, the violence, the economic stagnation, and the climate of fear that has characterized the region in recent years cannot be divorced from the IPOB phenomenon. The anger and frustration many feel toward what IPOB and Kanu have turned the Southeast into is legitimate and deeply felt.

    However, this anger must be tempered within certain historical perspectives and context. The agitation Kanu led is not fundamentally different from the wars waged against the Nigerian state by figures like Ganiyu Adams of the Oodua People’s Congress, Asari Dokubo, Ateke Tom, and Government Tompolo in the Niger Delta. These men took up arms, disrupted oil production, and challenged federal authority in ways that cost Nigeria billions of dollars and numerous lives. Yet today, they walk free. Some have even been co-opted into the very system they once fought against, receiving contracts and positions of influence. If the Nigerian state found it expedient to grant amnesty to these individuals, what makes Kanu’s case fundamentally different?

    One must sympathize with those who lost loved ones, properties, and businesses during the turbulent period of IPOB’s ascendancy. Their pain is real, their losses immeasurable, and their anger justified. However, to lay the entirety of this blame solely at Kanu’s feet would be to engage in the age-old practice of giving a dog a bad name just to hang it.

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    A significant number of the violent activities that terrorized the Southeast were carried out by charlatans and criminals who merely masqueraded under the IPOB banner. Like parasites that attach themselves to a larger organism, these criminal elements exploited the movement’s rhetoric and symbolism to advance their own nefarious agendas—armed robbery, kidnapping, extortion, and score-settling. To attribute every crime committed in the Southeast between 2020 and now to Kanu’s direct command or influence is not only factually inaccurate but also strategically counterproductive to finding lasting peace in the region.

    The continued detention of Kanu has not brought peace to the Southeast; if anything, it has become a rallying point for continued agitation and a justification for ongoing violence. The region’s economy continues to suffer, investor confidence remains low, and the psychological trauma inflicted on ordinary citizens compounds daily. A presidential pardon, conditional or otherwise, could be the circuit breaker needed to interrupt this cycle of violence and counter-violence.

     The Maryam Sanda  and Others Paradox

    Against this backdrop of continued detention for Kanu comes the shocking news of President Tinubu’s pardon for Maryam Sanda, convicted of murdering her husband in a particularly gruesome manner, along with other notable convicts. This pardon has raised eyebrows across the nation and exposed what many perceive as a fundamental inequity in how justice is administered.

    How does one reconcile granting clemency to a convicted murderer while keeping a secessionist agitator—whose direct culpability for specific violent acts remains contested—in indefinite detention? What criteria guide these presidential pardons? Is it political expediency, ethnic considerations, personal connections, or genuine considerations of justice and national interest?

    The Sanda pardon, in particular, has been viewed by many as a slap in the face of justice, especially to his maternal  family of the deceased and to associates who had seen her conviction as a rare instance where privilege could not shield one from the consequences of violent crime. The message it sends is deeply troubling: that in Nigeria, justice remains a respecter of persons, and presidential mercy is distributed not according to any transparent criteria but according to opaque considerations known only to those in the corridors of power, forget the talk about his father allegedly asking for mercy? What role did he play in Bilyaminu’s life and then one day he shows up and voila’ she gets a pardon!

    I am sorry, but maybe the president, oh sorry the Council of State should also consider a pardon for Akolade Arowolo and other persons standing trial for spousal murders too, who also can say if the Sanda pardon will not offer persons a blank cheque to murder their spouses and have their deadbeat fathers appear to plead for mercy.

    Whilst I must commend the president for the pardons to the likes of late Mamman Vasta and the late Ogoni 9, as a fan of the president, I am a bit flustered by the pardon to drug peddlers and notorious kidnappers, the presidency alleges that they are now good citizens but pray are we not setting a morally wrong precedent to a generation battling the ills of drug and substance abuse?

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The nation must decide whether it will continue down the path of selective justice and arbitrary mercy or whether it will establish clear, transparent, and equitable standards for presidential pardons. The cases of Nnamdi Kanu and Maryam Sanda, though different in nature, together illustrate the urgent need for this national conversation.

    If we have found it expedient to pardon those who made war against the state, surely we can find the wisdom to extend mercy to those whose agitations, however misguided, stemmed from legitimate grievances about marginalization and injustice.

    And if we are to grant pardons to convicted criminals, let it be done according to standards that the common citizen can understand and accept, not according to considerations that breed cynicism and erode what little faith remains in our justice system.

    The question before Nigeria is not just about Kanu or Sanda as individuals—it is about what kind of nation we aspire to be. A nation where justice is blind, or one where it merely squints selectively? The answer to this question will define us for generations to come.