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Category: Saturday

They have started again

The domestic league games here have a pattern where victories are secured on away grounds in its early weeks. The narrative starts to change when the weekly league tables begin to show the likely title contenders, also ran teams and strugglers. By the sixth to the eighth week, matches involving table toppers start to witness diabolic machinations with the home teams striving to maximise their home games by winning them hook or crook.

Interestingly, Sunday’s top-of-the-table clash involving Remo Stars and Enugu Rangers was expected to live up to its billing with thrills and frills from the fans who savour the sweetness of the beautiful game when played with a sense of purpose. Indeed, the two coaches, Daniel Ogunmodede and Fidelis Ilechukwu are Super Eagles assistant coaches, and their experience at that level was expected to rub off on the way their teams played.

However, Ilechukwu, voiced out his frustration with Remo Stars manager Daniel Ogunmodede, accusing him of a “win-at-all-cost” mentality which neglected fair play. Ilechukwu criticised Ogunmodede for what he deemed unsportsmanlike conduct, highlighting an incident where a player’s safety was allegedly compromised in the hosts’ quest for victory.

According to IIlechukwu: “It’s a significant disappointment, a huge disappointment in Ogunmodede,” Ilechukwu said after the game.

“There was no fair play, even when a player’s life was at risk. Winning isn’t everything.

“The two matches we played after exiting the continental competition have shown that there is hope for our aspirations this season.

“We’ll address the weaknesses we’ve noticed, and I’m confident we’ll bounce back positively,” he said.

Ilechukwu also expressed dismay at the apparent lack of respect for sportsmanship, a value he believes was crucial to Rangers’ success when they became NPFL champions.

He suggested that Remo Stars’ win came at the expense of ethical play, which he cannot endorse. “This isn’t how Rangers became champions,” he said.

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I was pleased with the Remo Stars’ manager, Ogunmodede’s response which showed maturity and one who knew his onions.

“What do you expect from someone who just lost a big game?” Ogunmodede asked reporters.

“If he’s happy, then he’s no longer my friend because you have to question his commitment toward his job. You expect him to laugh home after a lot of investment and energy. He’s a workaholic and he put a lot of energy into the game.”

Unfortunately, watchers of the game here won’t have the opportunity to see the replay of the controversial action which Ilechukwu alleged was compromised, since games aren’t live on television nor are they recorded to be shown on television later in the week as it is with the European leagues.

Perhaps, if we had such a platform, the situation would have been critically analysed with blames apportioned where necessary.

Besides, if Ilechukwu’s allegations were seen to be frivolous, he would have been made to apologise and possibly sanctioned to serve as a deterrent to others who would want to toe his path.

Ilechukwu was, however, optimistic about his team’s prospects, pointing out that: “It was a good game. I think we are starting to find our form. I’m pleased with how my players approached the match today, regardless of the result.”

On the flipside, the foundation for likely violence at The Cathedral in Enugu when the second round of matches has been tacitly laid by Ilechukwu’s uncouth utterances, except the league organisers invite him to face a disciplinary body. Otherwise, some fans would mark the return leg game between Enugu Rangers and Remo Stars of Ikenne, inside the Nnamdi Azikiwe Stadium in Enugu.

The domestic league is literally on fire now that the real owners of the teams are seeing their teams’ placing on the league tables as published by the print and electronic media. One of such owners is the Bayelsa State Deputy Governor who read the riot acts to the government’s soccer boards, the coaches etc,to sit up or face the big axe.

According to the Deputy Governor, Senator Lawrence Ewhrudjakpo: “We have to prepare early for this season. We don’t want a repeat of the experience we had in the last two seasons. We don’t want to hear the excuse of ‘we don’t have the right players.

“Bosso, I have told you before that the government has given you and other coaches the free hand to assemble and select the best players for our teams.

“That means management should not interfere with the duties of the coaches. Your business is to resolve issues that affect the team and not to select or field players for the head coaches. You can be involved, but don’t interfere.

“Let me also warn that, as a government, we don’t want to hear anymore about the issue of sharing match bonuses meant for the players. We will not spare anybody found wanting. Any bonus we give to the players is for the players alone.

October 5, 2024
The people are the answer (2)

As we noted in the first part of this piece last week, our title is an adaptation of a presidential address to the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) in 1984 by noted political scientist, Professor Okwudiba Nnoli, titled ‘The masses are the answer.’ As he put it succinctly in his speech, “The truth is that Nigeria cannot be pulled out of its seemingly irreversible slide into economic disaster and unfathomable national humiliation without the active participation of the masses in the politics of their country”. It is not enough for technocrats and specialists to devise sophisticated policies to tackle prevalent economic problems. No less critical and imperative is the vast majority of the people buying into and fervently supporting an incumbent government’s reformist and developmental agenda if any.

All too often, the multitude of the people are indifferent to and many times outrightly hostile to otherwise well-intentioned policies that are in the nation’s interest due largely to insufficient understanding. It must not be assumed that policy issues are too difficult or complex for the ordinary Nigerian to comprehend. Rather, It is the responsibility of those in government to make the majority of the people aware of our national goals and purposes as well as their indispensable role in achieving these objectives. This is particularly so as an unserious and visionless post-independence elite has over the years ignored its historic mission of providing mass education to lift the majority of the people out of illiteracy and ignorance and imbue them with political education and consciousness.

The grave challenges confronting Nigeria today – poverty, disease, ignorance, hunger, mass unemployment, pervasive insecurity-among others cannot be overcome without mobilizing the totality of the people across partisan, ethnic, regional, religious and other sectional divides to be enthusiastic participants in the nation-building project. It is unrealistic and unhelpful to view our problems from a partisan prism solely. Before last week’s Edo State governorship election in which the APC candidate triumphed, some analysts had projected that the ruling party at the centre would be punished in the election for the hardships that the President Bola Tinubu administration’s policies had inflicted on millions of Nigerians. They were proven grossly mistaken.

First, those who reasoned this way ignored the often-cited cliche that all politics is essentially local. Again, the hardships of today are largely a function of the omissions, acts of commission, venality and misbegotten policies of successive post-independence administrations not excluding the sixteen years of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) being in power at the centre between 1999 and 2015, a period during which humongous revenues from petroleum were not utilized more astutely to create a self-sustaining and regenerating economy. Furthermore, more people are now holding sub-national levels of government no less responsible for their economic plight than the centre given the humongous resources available to the former, especially with the near tripling of their allocations from the Federation Account since the removal of the fuel subsidy.

Yet, the Edo election again amply confirmed the thesis that the majority of Nigerians are effectively delinked and alienated from the political process. Ever since the incremental and systematic introduction of technology into the conduct of various levels of our political process as from 2011, turnout of people to participate in the political process has continuously dwindled. Opportunities for fraudulent loading of electoral registers, multiple voting, fraudulent thumb printing of ballot papers and stuffing of ballot boxes have receded. Allegations of widespread vote buying by the major political parties in the Edo election demonstrated once again the deficiency of our political parties as vehicles of mass mobilization.

Unable to galvanize people around clear-cut ideologies or philosophical principles, they have resorted to luring voters to the polling units with money and even then with negligible efficacy. For all the parties, their constitutionally stipulated organs are hardly functional. Party chapters at ward and local government levels – the most critical- are largely dormant and inactive. The political parties as organizations are thus marginal utilitarian assets to the governments they produce as they neither add value to public policy nor serve as an effective link between the government and the people.

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The parties formed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the first and second republics, the Action Group (AG) and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), respectively, are still the best examples in post-colonial Nigeria of organizational discipline, effectiveness and vibrancy. The parties had trained Organizing Secretaries that ensured they were active at the grassroots and in touch with the people. This is no doubt why the governments elected on the platform of these parties were also at the forefront in terms of the implementation of progressive welfare policies for the greatest happiness of the greatest number of their citizenry. In the pre-independence era, the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) led the mass mobilization of the Nigerian masses that resulted in independence from colonial servitude.

Ironically, it was a military regime, General Ibrahim Babangida’s government (1985-1993) that again took the issue of mass mobilization seriously even if it turned out that its political transition programme was actuated by devious ends. Its Mass Mobilization for Social Justice, Self Reliance and Economic Recovery (MAMSER), especially under the headship of Professor Jerry Gana, worked hard to galvanize Nigerians to participate in the regime’s transition programme as well as patronize made in Nigeria goods in pursuit of the self-reliance component of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). There must certainly be some link between MAMSER’s efforts and the success of the June 12, 1993, presidential election unfortunately annulled by the regime that birthed it.

More than any other administration in post-independence Nigeria and especially since the democratic restoration of 1999, the Tinubu administration has the responsibility to mobilize the people maximally behind its efforts to transcend obstacles that had for decades hindered Nigeria’s progress. Previous administrations had balked at taking the necessary reform initiatives that the Tinubu administration had embarked on. But the resultant hardships for the vast majority are so harsh that the government must ceaselessly engage with the people and make them the bedrock of governance to tide current stormy weather. As this column has had cause to note a number of times in the past, the most critical organ for achieving this objective is the National Orientation Agency (NOA).

Its role in helping to achieve the economic goals of the administration is no less vital than those of the core economic agencies. If we are to get millions of Nigerians to go back to the country’s abundance of arable land and produce food to combat the current food inflation and hunger, they must be mobilized. Significant sections of the populace must be sensitized and mobilized to consume and patronize local goods while aggressively producing domestic products for export to reduce importation, conserve foreign exchange and strengthen the value of our currency. Not even the battle to enhance the security of lives and property can be won without mobilizing the masses of the people to support and work in close collaboration with the security agencies.

Again, the Tinubu administration must be as relentless in explaining its programmes to the people and courting their support just as its adversaries are bent on instigating uprisings and even openly advocating military intervention all because they refuse to come to terms with the outcome of an election they lost clearly. Apart from the scores of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Civil Society Groups (CSOs), many of which are elite money-making cartels, one important element of civil society that has not been sufficiently mobilized towards supporting and actively participating in government developmental programmes is the hundreds of thousands of artisanal and trade groups across the country. These associations of vulcanizers, carpenters, mechanics, traders, barbers and scores of others are well organized and meet regularly. They can serve as an effective source of public enlightenment and grassroots galvanization.

Professor Nnoli may have sounded utopian at the time but there is something to take away from his submission that “In the political sphere the problem with Nigeria has been the total exclusion of the people from the political process. The small and middle- level subsistence farmers, rural-rüral farm migrants, plantation workers, industrial blue-collar workers, salaried workers on GL 01-05 and their equivalents in the private sector, day labourers, unemployed and layabouts, underemployed such as street hawkers, petty artisans including roadside mechanics, motorcycle and bicycle repairers, blacksmiths, welders, masons, carpenters, electricians, nightsoil men, petty traders, tramps including touts at the airports and motor parks, beggars and have been consistently excluded from politics”. As the examples of China, Russia, Cuba, India and other countries that have made a breakthrough to modernity show, ordinary people can be transformed from an inert mass to active developmental agents.

A government that will successfully mobilize the majority of its people behind its inevitable but painful policies in hard times must, most importantly, enjoy their trust and confidence. Its leadership and members must be seen to be walking their talk and partaking of the sacrifices they urge on the populace. While receiving former presiding officers of the National Assembly at the presidential villa recently, President Tinubu made the noteworthy point that he was not in government for the money of Nigerians but to offer service. That is one of the most significant public pronouncements he has made since assuming office. As he contemplates his reportedly imminent cabinet reshuffle, he must ensure that his appointees at the highest levels of government are as committed to this ethic as he is both in words and deeds. That is an indispensable element for the support and fidelity of the people.

September 28, 2024
Before urchins maim referees

The applause arising from the results of domestic matches in the elite class over the weekend resounds like music to the ears. The novel developments from the league venues raise hope for the beautiful game in the country. Seven matches were played. Four resulted in away victories for the visiting clubs while the other three games ended in draws.

The deafening noise around the centres has had different interpretations from several stakeholders of the game. But one issue laid bare like a sore thumb – what are the measures in place for referees’ safety before, during, and after games whenever club supporters take the law into their own hands by beating up the arbiter if their firm and right decisions deny their club’s victory on the day. I was, therefore, excited to read what the NFF hierarchy told the Inspector General of Police in his office in Abuja.

According to Gusau: “We are here because we appreciate the importance of security in all our activities, programmes and events. This is to physically express our deep appreciation for the job you have been doing in readily sending officers, men, and materials to secure the venues of football matches in the country. Your officers and men have been doing excellent work for us.

“Our country is one of football-passionate citizens. We also plead with the Inspector General to revive the Police Football Team that was very strong in those days, and also to consider giving a special quota to sportsmen and women who want to enlist in the Police Force.”

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I don’t want to believe that the NFF President, Ibrahim Musa Gusau met with the Inspector General of Police, Dr. Olukayode Egbetokun and there wasn’t any robust discussion like constituting a special squad of police personnel to handle the security at the league match venues before, during and after matches. Or does the NFF president not know that the security architecture of the league where 50 baton-carrying policemen are drafted to ensure that there is peace at match venues is highly insufficient? Hence, when there are fracas, there is little these 50 men can do to stem the violence.

Suppose the words credited to the NFF boss were all he told the IG in Abuja. In that case, he certainly hasn’t watched stalemated games to see the dilemma these 50 men have facing over 9,000 irate fans within and outside the stadium premises. I don’t blame the security men who run to safety to avoid being beaten groggy. They are human beings with families back home. Hoodlums and beasts in the stadium shouldn’t take their lives on the altar of a stalemated game.

Dear Dr. Olukayode Egbetokun, the police is my friend hence I’m pleading that the command should have a department where officers are equipped and schooled on how to quell stadium violence. The life of everyone watching football is sacrosanct not to be maimed. Elsewhere, there are several security people dressed in mufti who sit with the fans to easily identify and pick up irritants who foment trouble. These men and indeed women are different from those wearing their uniforms. The notorious fan would be handcuffed and taken into a waiting van or room.

Sir, there isn’t much the police can do to rescue match referees because canisters of tear gas and batons are grossly inadequate for irate fans who wet their handkerchiefs in kerosene to ward off the effects of inhaling tear gas. It doesn’t speak well of adequate security architecture if hooligans succeed in pummeling the referees in public glare. Yet they walk free in such parts of the country only to return and wreak havoc again.

Dear Egbetokun, anytime imbeciles succeed in injuring innocent referees, it smacks of failure of leadership of the police in such parts of the country. Therefore, sir, all clubs must be made to write an undertaking to hand over any idiot caught manhandling referees because those who wreak such havoc aren’t spirits but club supporters of losing home teams. It is also important, Sir that NFF chieftains are directed that all stadiums where matches are played must have effective CCTV cameras which will allow the police to track these irate fans even after the games have been played.

Dear reader, you would want to ask whose duty it is to ensure that referees leave the stadium unscathed irrespective of the results of the matches they officiated on the day. They are chiefly the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), the 36 states, and FCT FAs as well as the hosts of the game in question. Unfortunately, each of these bodies abdicates their duties anytime matches end in fracas. They all allow every party to defend itself with the NFF sitting in judgment, forgetting that the sole body responsible for appointing referees for matches is the federation at the Dankaro House in Abuja.

Commonsense tells us that the NFF should take the blame for appointing inept referees, especially those who handled stalemated games last season and were indicted. Reprieve shouldn’t be granted to such erring referees unless they have served out their ban terms. They should immediately be relegated to a lower cadre to serve as a deterrent to others. Not so for the NFF whose forgiving spirit is questionable. We have had instances where indicted referees returned to handle the top in the second phase. A few are sneaked into fixtures in far-flung areas. You only get to read about them, with the NFF unperturbed, even if the media makes such demons return an issue.

In fact, NFF’s handling of referees’ appointment has been satanic so much so they can send two sets of referees to one game while another game has either no referees or they didn’t get their match appointment on time. Unfortunately, the respective States’ FA members don’t have control over their government’s teams. In fact, club chairmen act as untouchables and always look down on the States’ FAs, except where the club chairman is the State’s FA boss. Hmmmm!

Indeed, clubs act alone. The States’ FA chieftains are Lilliputians before the club chairman, who most times, is an influential member of the governor’s political party. With this kind of anything-goes setting, it is easy for thugs in the stadium to batter the referees and go home as a hero instead of cooling their heels behind bars.

Sadly, since referees don’t have a security arrangement to protect themselves, they are left to sulk and bear the pain from injuries inflicted on them by their assailants.

We have had incidents in the past where referees were ejected from their hotels when the hosts lost games. The ugly scenes of cudgel, rods, sticks, and other destructive weapons are carried by criminals chasing helpless referees around the pitch until they get into the hands of security operatives. Such tapes ought to have been used to arrest the culprits. Not so here.

Pray, does it not worry the NFF that the domestic league isn’t fully live on television typical of what we see in the European leagues and competitions?

I have always advocated here that the best form of security starts by ensuring that competent referees are assigned red-lettered matches. Indeed, only the best set of referees and match commissioners with several independent assessors. The coaches and players sitting on the bench should be warned to be of good conduct before, during, and after games. The referee should be told that anyone sitting on the bench, who constitutes a nuisance, including those whose touchline theatrics could incite irate fans in the stands to wreak havoc, is sent off the pitch.

September 28, 2024
Remembering Chuba Okadigbo: 1941-2003 (2)

While other politicians would go into hibernation or grovel to the heinous establishment or structure set up by the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency , Okadigbo understanding that Nigeria was heading into a personality cult sort of leadership joined ranks with other politicians to stop the nation’s drift into a pseudo democracy. While this failed with Obasanjo rigging his way to a second term, Okadigbo was justified as the Obasanjo administration bared its fangs that it even sought to shove down the throats of Nigerians his desire for a third term. Other demonstrations of such fascism could be seen in the seizure of funds meant for Lagos State LG’s, his tacit approval of the carnage and brigandage in Anambra, the spurious impeachments against the governors of Oyo, Plateau and Anambra, where 18 out of 32 legislators impeached Governor Rashidi Ladoja, while in Plateau, the impeachment of Joshua Dariye commenced at 6 A.M in the morning. What about the forced resignation of Chief Audu Ogbeh and Vin Ogbulafor as National Chairman and Secretary of the People’s Democratic Party or his humilation of his Vice President, Atiku Abubakar. His deployment of the EFCC against political opponents whilst he looked the other way as his co travellers looted Nigeria blind and the mockery of an election he supervised in 2007 proved Okadigbo right.

Understanding that a solidified opposition was a requirement if the opposition was to wrest power from the Obasanjo administration, Okadigbo jettisoned the idea of his running on a smaller platform or what was perceived as a regional party as a presidential hopeful, rather teeming up with General Muhammadu Buhari in the reinvigorated All Nigeria People’s Party, ANPP.

In 2003, Okadigbo joined forces with Muhammadu Buhari as his running mate in the presidential election under the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP). This alliance highlighted Okadigbo’s national appeal and his ability to bridge regional and ethnic divides in Nigerian politics.

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In that historic convention, Okadigbo in his usual brilliance added to the nation’s political lexicon the term ” Political Arithimetic”, a combination of political probabilities, sums and subtractions within the Nigerian political topography required by any political party to dislodge a behemoth in the then ruling PDP. Asides such, Okadigbo brought value to the Muhammadu Buhari ticket, his intellectual gamut, progressive political views and his advocacy for true federalism in Nigeria added a level of allure to that ticket.

Despite the controversies that sometimes surrounded him, Okadigbo made significant contributions to the development of Nigeria’s democratic institutions.He was a strong proponent of restructuring the Nigerian political system to ensure more equitable distribution of power and resources among the country’s diverse regions and ethnic groups as well as the strengthening of the democratic institutions in the polity.

He was also a vocal advocate for the independence of the legislature and worked to strengthen the National Assembly’s oversight functions.

His political philosophy was deeply rooted in his academic background. Okadigbo often employed philosophical concepts and historical analogies in his political discourse, earning him the admiration of Nigerians at home and abroad.

Endowed with the gift of garb, Okadigbo was also known for his oratorical skills. His speeches whether it was at academic , political, cultural and even on the floor of the Senate were often naturally laced with nimble wit, sarcasm, and deep historical references, making him a formidable oratorical jouster and a crowd favorite who’s speeches are still referenced today in the academic and political circles of Nigeria.

Sadly, Okadigbo’s colourful life was to be cut short following the inhaling of teargas shot into a gathering of ANPP faithful in Kano by the Nigerian police who had attempted to disperse the crowd, Okadigbo was said to have developed respiratory complications and died shortly after receiving treatment, marking an end to an illustrious era. In Okadigbo’s death, the nation lost a fearless fighter for democracy, one built on the supremacy of ideas, freedom, bridge buidling and tolerance. Okadigbo’s defiance of Obasanjo’s attempt to dictate to Nigerians strengthened many, it helped shape the face of the opposition which together with progressive forces dealt Obasanjo’s unbridled desire for a third term in office a death blow, Okadigbo’s contributions to the ANPP was to much later crystallize into the All Progressives Congress, a party which was to wrest power from the PDP with Buhari spending 8 years as President.

Chuba Okadigbo’s life and career embodied the complexities and challenges of Nigerian politics in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. His journey from academia to the highest echelons of political power serves as a testament to the potential for intellectuals to shape the political landscape.

While his time in office was relatively short, Okadigbo’s impact on Nigerian politics and democracy was substantial.

Today, Chuba Okadigbo is remembered as a brilliant mind, a charismatic leader, and a political maverick who dared to challenge the status quo. His legacy serves as both an inspiration and a subject of study for those seeking to understand the intricacies of Nigerian politics and the role of intellectuals in shaping a nation’s destiny.

As Nigeria continues to grapple with issues of governance, federalism, and national unity, the ideas and legacy of Chuba Okadigbo remain relevant, ensuring that the “Oyi of Oyi” continues to buzz in the nation’s political consciousness long after his passing.

September 28, 2024
The deafening silence…

The world seems very crisis-ridden at the moment. What with the wars between Russia and Ukraine and in Middle East by Israel/Hamas/Hezbollah. While these are in the global media, there are the unspoken wars in the seemingly ‘peaceful’ corners especially in Africa. There are the decades-old Somali/Al-Shabaab militants, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and its allies, the Janjaweed Coalition.

Besides these ones, the West Coast of Africa has been embroiled in coups and counter coups in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger with the attendant collateral damages in human deaths and destruction of infrastructure. In all the conflicts, women and children become the most victims of the fall out; deaths, displacements and sexual abuses. Economic and social issues that impact development are on the increase as Sub-Saharan Africa continues to teeter towards instability and underdevelopment.

In Nigeria, it’s been no less a thing of worry that the socio-economic conditions have impacted women and children more than any other demographics due to a number of socio-political variables. Nigeria has had more internally displaced people (IDPs) than at any peace time in the country due to the attacks by bandits, kidnappers and other insurgents that have been attacking communities, raping, killing, abducting and harassing citizens.

In all the conflicts across the world, men are the decision makers, they are often the leaders, the instigators, the recruiters of foot soldiers, armies and mercenaries. This is basically because globally, there is a patriarchal bent to socio-politics. In some countries, there are very few women in government. Men make the decisions that impact on about half the population of the world if not more.

The Roundtable Conversation is concerned about the Nigerian situation, the largest black nation on earth with more than two hundred million people. Sadly, due to some cultural and religious manipulations, the society is almost exclusively run by men as most countries embraced democracy after the colonial experience. However, the Nigerian brand of democracy is run with systemic exclusion of women, those living with disabilities and the youth. The policies that concern these demographics are often made by men.

Despite the advocies for inclusive politics, Nigeria still lags behind in women representation especially in the legislative houses at local state and federal levels. In some states, there is no single woman in their houses of assembly. This then means that all laws and bills concerning the welfare of women are either not raised or are handled by men who know nothing about the needs and reproductive health of women. Most women are denied education in certain parts of the country because of poverty and the child-marriages that invariably stalls both the physical and intellectual growths of women.

Today, Nigeria has just four women in the Senate, down from seven in the 9th Assembly. In the House of Reps., the number of women went from 22 in 2019 to about 11 in 2023. On the contrary, Rwanda, the phoenix emerging from the 1994 genocidal war has become the country with the highest percentage of women in parliament in the worlf with more than sixty percent of women in parliament. About half the cabinet is made up of women. The Rwandan economy is doing well and now one of the investment and tourism hubs in the continent.

Kenya on the other hand, had a constitutional review in 2010 making it illegal for any gender to occupy more than two third of any position. They had elected three female governors after that and in 2022, added four more female governors making it seven female governors in Kenya at the moment. On the other hand, Nigeria, the most populous black nation has never elected a female governor. No major political party has ever nominated a female presidential or vice presidential candidate.

On the other hand, women constitute a great percentage of the informal economy that contribute to the nation’s GDP but largely left out of decision making.

Despite women being very few in governance, they still exist. The Roundtable Conversation feels that few as women are especially in the National Assembly, they have been largely mute in addressing the issues that affect the country especially women. While we understand the many challenges that these few women face in the discharge of their duties, we believe they can do better and they can do more.

Getting lost in the legislative houses seems a defeatist attitude that can never be an option. These women belong to political parties and must not be lost in the crowd just because of their gender. There are huddles on the way but attempts must be made to jump those huddles. Raising their voices for good governance is an option. We however assume that they seem to value the much touted ‘party loyalty’ than pulling their weight to get the men in the executive to act in the interest of women.

While we understand that legislative processes involve the say by the minority and the way by the majority, it seems the minority is not making much moves. The fight for change by women in global history is not won in silence. The power to vote was fought over centuries and was eventually won. Today women are Presidents, Prime Ministers and Heads of Governments. It took the voice of a few strong women.

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The Margarte Ekpos, the Gambo Sawabas, the Funmilayo Ransome Kutis did not make history by staying mute. The Aba women of 1929, the Amazons of Dahomey, Queen Amina, Queen Idia and the Egba women that contronted the then Alake of Egba land did not stay behind the scenes. The few women in the Houses of Assembly and the National Assembly seem to have run into the shadows after being trusted by the voters. Make no mistakes about it, there are a few vocal women but we want louder voices, a chorus.

We want women to raise their voices about issues creating more poverty in a nation where more than 133million live in multi-dimensional poverty, more than 20million children out of school, more women and child illiteracy, maternal and child mortality, more child-brides than most African and developed countries etc. We don’t want mere tokenism of just chorusing to male sponsored bills.

Being benchwarmers at any level of government is not acceptable from any gender but in a world where women are increasingly endangered, any woman that has a chance, has a voice and refuses to maximally use it must feel some sense of failure. Being numbers in government is not enough. Nigerian women must work and act like women are in dire straits in the country.

The women must decide whether the political space for women would continue to shrink or expand. Acting as mere errand women for male politicians is one reason most female politicians make little or no impact in igerian politics. The women must aspire to be in leadership positions in political parties so as to redirect the functioning of the party structure in ways that merit becomes key more than gender and financial muscle.

Women in Nigerian politics must start by dismantling the ‘Women Leader’ position in political parties. It is a very degrading tokenism and a mockery of the female intellect. What by the way is Woman Leader? It is an eloquent testimony of second classism. They are flattered by a vauous tag that makes no political sense. It is a position that just organizes fellow women to vote for men. It has little or no political dignity for the women.

While everyone understands the impact of financial power by the men in Nigerian politics, it is enough reason for women to fight through bills to enact laws that can streamline political party funding as done in stable democracies where the people contribute to support their favourites making the game fare and accessible. The moment there are structural chnges to how political parties are run in Nigeria, things will change. Merit and capacity would begin to matter. Donors will support candidates based on what they perceive as their professional and private pedigree. With a transparent and fair political party structure, more qualified women would be ready to throw their hats in the ring and contest for political offices and while no one is insinuating that women are saints in politics, men are not either. The question is, has Nigeria fared well under the present lopsided male dominance?Ironically, while men edge out many women in the political field through unfair means, women in the academia, sports, corporate governance, banking and other sectors have proven to be great performers. It is then surprising that the same men who appreciate women in most of these fields somehow exclude many from political spaces. The result is the poverty, the insecurity, the conflicts, the intractable low lifespan especially for the men who never seem to realize how impacted their choices of excluding women in the political space impact leadership.

The Roundtable Conversation believes that the status quo must be dismantled and women must realize that the men who are the beneficiaries would not lead the struggle. Women in politics must be more proactive and work for their welfare. There must be a shift from the fatalism that tend to convince women that leadership is a male prerogative. No one knows the gender of God. He might just be a woman given his works and how structured the universe is. Culture and religion must not be tools to push exclusion. No bird flies with one wing. Our women politicians must wake up and smell the coffee. A lot needs to be done.

The dialogue continues…

September 28, 2024
Nigerian opposition in disarray

Democracy thrives better with a virile opposition in place than in an environment where opposition is passive. With the constitutional guarantee of freedom of political choice, association and assembly, citizens have the right and opportunity to choose from alternative platforms fielding candidates for elections. That may be the reason a one-party system is hugely unpopular in mature democracies.

The major role of the opposition is to question the government of the day and hold the political leadership accountable to the populace. The awareness of political parties in stiff competition for political control can motivate the ruling parties to correct their mistakes. This is a major contribution to democracy, good governance, and political development.

The opposition in a two-party and multi-party system is the custodian of the right to dissent in a civilised manner. Many experts contend that genuine opposition is a necessary attribute of popular rule. It also underscores tolerance and trust in the ability of citizens to resolve political differences in a peaceful manner and in consonance with the law of the constitution.

It may be argued, as the Nigerian historical experience has shown, that opposition politics only blossomed under the Westminster system, and the manifestation was felt in the Parliament in the First Republic. Under the presidential system in Nigeria, particularly in this Fourth Republic, there is hardly a line of demarcation between the ruling party and the opposition in terms of ideas, belief systems, and organisational structures.

The tiny difference appears to be the leadership. The definition of party leadership here is not restricted to members of the executive committees of parties at the ward, local government, state, and national levels. It extends to the towering leadership of the party caucus, the thinkers and the conscience of the party.

Opposition politics can often thrive where party politics is premised on ideology. The eclipse of ideological culture has motivated defections, inspired by the ambition for power in an atmosphere of ideological vacuum.

The ruling party and opposition parties have their peculiar problems, although the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) seems to fare better as the party in government. Left in the cold outside power, the three important adversarial parties – Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), and Labour Party (LP) – are currently in disarray.

Public servants elected on these platforms jump ship at will. They hide under the crisis rocking their parties to defect to the ruling party instead of building an effective opposition.

The crises tearing apart the major opposition parties, fundamentally, were not orchestrated by the ruling party. But their escalation is, in the final analysis, to the advantage of the ruling party.

Four reasons are responsible for the escalation of crisis in the three parties. These are the absence of unifying ideas beyond the aspiration to hijack power, poor adjustment to limiting conditions of opposition platforms outside government, lack of effective leadership that commands respect and weakness of crisis resolution mechanism that has made reconciliation impossible. To survive, they have to return to the vision of their founding fathers.

Although Nigeria, historically, shows a tendency towards a two-party system, the scattered opposition parties do not see any wisdom in pulling their resources together, like the defunct ACN, CPC, and ANPP did to form a formidable party. They are further torn apart by mutual suspicion. They propose collaboration only to deny it. It is because their interests do not align. There is a clash of egos, and their leadership lacks negotiation skills. They cannot also make sacrifices.

Until 2015, the PDP was the leading party. It ruled for 16 years. The party boasted that it would rule for 60 years, uninterrupted, as the largest party in Africa.

But it has turned out that the PDP is not an ideological party. Yet, those who laid its foundation considered some principles. However, latter-day party undertakers forgot the foundation of the party and the philosophy of equity, justice, and fairness that united its founding fathers.

The idea revolved around zoning or rotation, which was collectively embraced as the guarantee for a sense of belonging among members from the six geo-political zones. Merit was not sacrificed because the early party leaders believed that when it was the turn of any zone, there would be no scarcity of “presidential materials” to occupy Aso Villa, the seat of government.

When the PDP violated the cherished principle of rotation in 2015, it lost power. When the mistake was repeated in 2023, it failed to bounce back. The lesson is instructive. Unless the party agrees to go back to the dumped principle of fairness, it may continue to flounder.

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The 2023 hurdle that PDP could not cross was the sustenance of time-tested party value and the principle of unity in diversity. Few party leaders in the North insisted that the region should produce the national chairman and the presidential candidate at the same time. It was an anathema.

Also, the Northern PDP insisted on taking the presidential ticket to produce a president who would succeed another northerner who was completing eight years in Aso Villa. The South disagreed, and cracks appeared on the wall. The cracks widened ahead of the poll. The result was fatal. Its bid to regain power was futile. Up to now, the PDP has not overcome the challenge of conscience.

Since then, many chieftains who could not endure the hard life of opposition have defected to the APC in search of a lifeline, bread, butter, and comfort.

Those who cannot move quarrel daily. After its national chairman, IyorchaAyu, was shoved aside, the party has not been unable to organise a mid-term convention for the selection of a replacement. A section of the party sees waging war on the acting chairman as a pastime. Plots are hatched to expel those opposed to the breach of the charter of equity. There is the hypocritical commitment to reconciliation.

The greatest problem of the PDP is the absence of leadership collectively held in esteem. While APC had Muhammadu Buhari and Bola Tinubu as leaders in APC when it was in the opposition, the PDP lacks the kind of leadership that can hold the party together. The BoT is merely advisory. The National Working Committee (NWC) and the National Executive Committee (NEC) are divided. The PDP Caucus in the National Assembly can hardly offer a strong opposition in the Parliament.

The party’s power resides in the PDP Governors’ Forum. Yet, this too is polarised. The crises at the national level do not allow the NWC to fully attend to the conflicts at the state chapters.

Ahead of 2007, PDP is not putting its house in order.

Like the PDP, APGA is in turmoil. It is not aspiring to grow beyond its Anambra enclave. The party is being deserted by those who were committed to its growth in the past. Even, its national chairman for 12 years, Victor Umeh, had to call it quits. Hit by leadership instability and squabbles, APGA has been in and out of court for five years.

Umeh, now LP senator representing Anambra Central in the Senate, handed over to Victor Oye, who was suspended ahead of 2021 governorship poll in Anambra and Jude Okeke was asked to act as national chairman.

Now, the party has split into two factions, led by Edozie Njoku and Sly Ezeokenwa, who is supported by the lone APGA governor, Charles Soludo. It is evident that those who have been governors on the platform of APGA were only interested in the party because of their ambitions. After the expiration of their tenures, their commitment ends.

The APGA crisis pales into insignificance in the face of the LP troubles. The party has a reputation of being hired, used and dumped by aggrieved politicians from other parties urgently looking for a platform to contest. Politicians who have used and dumped the party are Olusegun Mimiko of Ondo State, and Ayodele Fayose and Opeyemi Bamidele of Ekiti State. Social media warriors who are ‘Obidient’ followers of Peter Obi are confused as party members, despite the fact that their loyalty is restricted to his presidential ambition.

Today, LP is neck-deep in a leadership crisis that is confusing to its members. The party is divided. Julius Abure is laying claim to being the party’s national chairman. But at the stakeholders’ meeting in Umuahia organised by Obi and the only LP governor, Alex Otti, a National Caretaker Committee, headed by Esther Nenadi Usman, was set up.

Opposition parties in Nigeria should should examine themselves. They need to put their house in order. An effective opposition is in the interest of democracy.

September 28, 2024
Amaechi and his wit

It was recently in Lagos when former Transport Minister and two-time Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, made it clear he was a man of few words. Brevity, according to William Shakespeare, is the soul of wit. But the former minister’s laconic propensity that morning was intended to make him a great literary man, a poet even. Except that he laced it with malice and bile written into it.

He said he had a flight to catch. He had come all the way from Abuja to honour Dayo Oketola, who was marking his exit as editor of The Punch with a book launch and his exaugural lecture at the Shell Hall of the Muson Centre, Lagos. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo would come later, but Amaechi had spat and left. He, too, would come later and boast about making money for the country and did not refer to his waste, including his white elephant of a library in Otta, Ogun State.

So, the former two-time governor may be daily fuming and fulminating over his successor and present minister of the FCT, who is now his landlord, Nyesom Wike. But that day, he was fuming about democracy and the army. He was fuming about democracy as though he were a champion of the struggle. He walked up stage after he was serenaded for the baritone defiance of his voice.

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Decked out in his typical cap and studded Rivers shirt, he told the audience that folks like him, that is politicians, should not be given the stage to talk in such a professional setting. If that was his philosophy, he should have turned down the chance to talk. He had honoured the man enough by showing up. He had walked out of his home, amidst his busy schedule. One wonders what a busy schedule would be other than classes he takes with leisure in a university. He is, after all, acquiring knowledge. And knowledge is wonderful especially if you want to know what to do after a big loss at the last APC primary into which he invested not a little. Other than that, he is more often working up a rage, for now an impotent rage, about how the man who is president should not be there, and he should be there instead.

So, after saying he shouldn’t be allowed to talk but went ahead to talk, he surely got the attention of everyone for his laconic gift and the burst of bitterness. He said, somebody was just saying something to him about the struggle for democracy against the military. He then quipped. “Is it better now than it was then?”

On that note, the political chieftain – we can’t call him APC or PDP chieftain right now – rushed out of the stage and out of the hall to catch a flight out of Lagos, more so as the venue was in the ambience of Bourdillon Avenue that reminded him of a person he dreaded for having humiliated him at the Eagle Square.

So, why would Amaechi be talking about the struggle for democracy? Did he fight against General Sani Abacha and his goons in the topsy turvy era? Not quite. Was he on the streets under the shadow of death? No. Was he caught and thrown in jail? No. Was he ever in the newspapers or television as a voice? No. Was in NADECO at home or abroad? No. He was no more than a mere staff of former Rivers State Governor, Peter Odili’s, a personal assistant.

So, why was he so self-righteous about that era? He was trying to rig history as he probably wanted to happen at the primary when his ears could not stand the chorus of “Bola Tinubu” or “Bola Ahmed Tinubu” as the votes counted were announcing his political nunc dimittis.

September 28, 2024
How Better Life office complex sparked cold war between First Lady, predecessor

Unknown to many, a quiet but bruising war is raging between the First Lady of one of the North Central states and her immediate predecessor over a battle for the control of the office complex of the state’s Better Life for Rural Women Programme.

The office complex, built in memory of Mrs Mariam Babangida, the deceased former First Lady and wife of ex-military President Ibrahim Babangida, also houses the office of the state’s First Lady.

As gathered by Sentry, the immediate past First Lady was reluctant about releasing the keys to the office complex many months after her tenure and that of her husband ended, in spite of the efforts made by the latter to get the keys released to her.

Not even the intervention of the former First Lady’s husband in the matter could sway his wife’s resolve to hold on to the keys of the office complex.

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Rather than heed her husband’s counsel, she was said to have reminded him that the new First Lady came into being only on the strength of the support he gave her husband to become governor, and to that extent, she remains the state’s de fact First lady.

After all entreaties had failed, the new First Lady hit on a brilliant idea. She bought a new set of keys and nocturnally deployed some artisans to install them in the office complex after removing the old ones.

The former First Lady was said to have been shocked to the marrow when she went to the office complex and realized that the keys she had on her could no longer open the gates. The matter, Sentry gathered, remains yet unresolved as the two women have since engaged in hide-and-seek.

September 21, 2024
Towards a successful poll in Edo

The people of Edo State are going to the poll today. They should not be seen to be going to war. At the close of the poll, Governor Godwin Obaseki’s successor should be elected peacefully and democratically. The minimum expectation is a substantially credible poll that would make the victor’s rivals accept their fate and return to the drawing board. Ultimately, democracy should be the winner.

But events leading to today’s exercise obligate Edo people and residents to ensure an orderly election and a peaceful state.

The refusal of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to sign the peace accord is a wide departure from democratic norms. It is worrisome to the National Peace Committee, headed by Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, a former military Head of State, and all lovers of popular rule in the country. The implication is that there may be a pre-conceived attempt to discredit the process ahead of kickoff. It also means the ruling party in Edo has lost confidence in the process. It may also be a face-saving strategy by the party’s leadership if the outcome goes the other way. That is not an act of statesmanship.

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But, in another breath, the governor’s complaints about the general preparation for the poll should be perused so that the state would not be plunged into an avoidable post-election disaster.

Although the campaigns have not been marred by large-scale violence, peace is not total. The rallies have been hot, aggravating the inter-party competition, acrimony and antagonism. The campaign of calumny, the abuse, character assassination, threats and counter-threats, frivolous claims and allegations by rivals, and the stress of electioneering have, no doubt, upset the state. There is so much focus on personalities and less emphasis on issues.

Highly inflammable statements were not avoided during the campaigns. On the podium, politicians acted before thinking. Issues of personal nature were inappropriately thrown up. There were allusions to a candidate’s personal life of children without a wife which is confusing. There were also reference to a wife’s inability to bear children, oblivious of the fact that procreation is the handiwork of God the creator.

However, the outcome of the election would be a referendum on the performance of Obaseki in the last seven and a half years.

Also, the result would reveal whether or not zoning or rotation of the governorship slot is a key issue in Edo politics. It will also show if the running mates can pull their weights in their respective local government areas.

The poll will also show whether or not the electoral commission has improved its performance over last year’s general election. It will be an opportunity for the commission to correct some weaknesses associated with the conduct of previous off-season polls.

Politics is a legitimate contest for political control; it is guaranteed by the constitution. But the actors are, true to human nature, inclined to violate or circumvent the constitutional stipulations. If all play by the rules, all will be well. If not, the battle will shift to the street or the temple of justice. The cost of litigation would be an additional stress.

It is apparent that only three of the 18 candidates are actually in the race; 15 others are merely warming the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) register.

The All Progressives Congress (APC) is scheming to bounce back to power with Monday Okpebholo. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is bent on of retaining power with of Asue Ighodalo. The Labour Party (LP) has Olumide Akpata who is plotting to pull the rug off their feet. None of the flagbearers is a giant in Edo politics.

Okpebholo, who could be said to be the only strong politician in the race, cannot be described as a man of immense national stature, although he is a senator. He is known to be popular at the grassroots from where he derived the votes that took him to the Senate.

Asue is a technocrat, a financial expert and a lawyer who is still learning the ropes in politics. He is to Obaseki what Obaseki was to Adams Oshiomhole before they parted ways. He is a very confident person.

Akpata rode on the back of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) to popularity. His party is often rented out to aggrieved politicians after being edged out of their original platforms. It used to be a “used and dumped”.

There is anxiety in the major parties, but it is not unexpected. In their hunt for power, there is mutual suspicion. LP fears that APC and PDP could dwarf the scattered Obedients on poll day, although it is guarding its Edo South base jealously. In the other two senatorial districts, there is no penetration.

APC is spoiling for a pound of flesh, having been left in the cold for four years through the relocation of its residual mandate to the PDP in 2020 by the governor, following the connivance of party men who undermined the state.

Without the advantage of real or imagined federal might, the PDP is fretting and crying foul. The party is suspicious of the police to remain impartial, unlike four years ago when it was operating on the same solid ground. Decimated by defections and polarised by quarrels over succession politics, the ruling party in Edo has broken down with a section led by Dan Orbih not identifying with the candidate.

A feature of this year’s electioneering is that apart from Akpata, who appears to be his own man, despite Peter Obi’s visit to the state, it appears the Edo battle is between the APC leader, Senator Adams Oshiomhole, and PDP’s leader, Governor Obaseki, with the two candidates – Okpebholo and Ighodalo – operating under their shadows.

The fate of Edo is in the hands of its people as they decide what to do with it today. They should shun unruly behaviours at the polling booths. The no-go areas include ballot hijack, disruptions of the voting process, and other forms of violence. There may be no apathy as the antecedent of the state has shown. But the electorate needs to vote wisely. Voters should shun vote-buying in the interest of their children’s future. They should cooperate with the umpire to do a neat job.

The onus is on INEC to conduct a credible poll. Elections are only free and fair when the votes count. Poor conduct in an election is an affront to the sanctity of the ballot box.

Master riggers should be aware that they risk going to jail, judging by the umpire’s warning about its determination to sanitise the electoral process. Political thugs need to know that their sponsors will abandon them when they are apprehended.

The reason irregularities and malpractices have persisted in elections is that the envisaged tribunal for the trial of electoral terrorists has not come on board. The difference between the tribunal and the regular court is that the trial of suspects for electoral manipulation would be done speedily and culprits brought to justice on time.

Polling officers should not be conspirators against the voters’ freedom to elect whomever they choose. They should conduct the exercise according to laid down regulations. Any laxity would be counterproductive. An election is an emotive issue.

Late arrival of polling officers and election materials can spark apprehension. INEC workers –regular or ad hoc – should report for the special assignment promptly. Malfunctioning of the electronic capturing machines can delay or elongate the procedure for voting. In the past, INEC hired a drunkard to paddle a speedboat full of polling materials to designated polling centres in the coastal areas. It capsized. In Today’s exercise, the logistics arrangement should be perfect.

Since electronic voting is still a tall order, stakeholders have to endure certain processes. The cooperation of voters and party agents are required during the counting and recording of votes. Party agents are expected to be vigilant. Any mistake during counting, recording and transmission of results could spell doom for the process.

To the observers and the monitors, there is a need to produce objective reports and not the ones that will mislead or confuse the public. It is not an act of patriotism for observers to become partisan and allow their observations to be teleguided by political parties and their candidates. They are expected to be neutral and uphold democratic and national interests. Security agents on electoral duty should discharge their duty patriotically and without fear or favour. The onus is on them to provide security and police the votes to ensure transparency in all areas.

To the politicians, an election should not brew acrimony. It should rather be a means for the electorate to give their votes to the person they believe would do his best for them. An election of a single day can throw up four years of contentment or regrets.

September 21, 2024
Remembering Chuba Okadigbo: 1941-2003 (1)

Asides Zik and Awo, no other Nigerian politician, possessed the intellectual prowess of a Chuba Wilberforce Okadigbo, two time Senator, a one time Senate President of the Nigerian Senate and one time running mate to Muhammadu Buhari under the then All Nigerian People’s Party, ANPP. Okadigbo was a prominent Nigerian politician, philosopher, publisher and academic who left an indelible mark on Nigeria’s political landscape.

Born on the 17th of December 1941 in Asaba, then under the Western Region of Nigeria, but now situated in present day Delta State as its capital, Okadigbo like the Homeric character, Odysseus began his journey from the bucolic settings of Asaba traversing through the classrooms of number of prestigious universities where he studied and also taught as a lecturer before venturing unto the corridors of power in Nigeria’s capitals of Lagos and then the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

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Renowned for his intellectual prowess which he evidently displayed at an early age, Okadigbo attended St. Patrick’s College, Asaba before heading to Eastern Germany for his higher education with the Karl Marx University. Following the commencement of the Biafran War and the pro- Lagos position of the Eastern European Bloc of which East Germany was a member of, Okadigbo in a protest of sorts moved to the Catholic University of America obtaining both a degree and a masters in Political Science before attaining two doctorates in Philosophy and Political Science in the US. Okadigbo’s thirst for knowledge led him to build such a solid academic foundation which would later much influence his approach to politics and governance.

Starting an impressive career as an academic, Okadigbo was to feature in a number of universities either as a full time scholar or a visiting one. Such universities did include, the Catholic University of America, the prestigious Howard University and the University of Nigeria Nsukka,UNN. Okadigbo’s academic thrusts focused more on political science as well as philosophy from the African Perspective. Thus, one of his major works was on the topic of Consciencism in African Political Philosophy in which he , Okadigbo challenges Nkrumah’s proposal of communism as a fourth dimension to resolve the crisis of African conscience, arguing that Nkrumah’s approach is flawed due to inadequate analysis of African consciousness, biased examination of competing influences, and inconsistent merging of Marxist and African principles.

With his return to Nigerian shores Okadigbo was to rapidly transition from the academia to active politics emulating the likes of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, however for reasons best known to him, he was to perch with the National Party of Nigeria, NPN rather than Zik’s Nigeria People’s Party, NPP and ran for the ticket of Governor of Old Anambra State on the NPN platform but unfortunately lost to the late C.C Onoh who was to eventually lose the election to Jim Nwobodo’s NPP in 1979.

However, with Shehu Shagari’s controversial win, Okadigbo was appointed as political adviser to Shagari, a position he was to hold for Shagari’s first four years before the overthrow of the Second Republic. This role marked the beginning of his active participation in Nigerian politics and provided him with immense insight into the workings of government at the highest level. Okadigbo was to build a network of relationships which spanned the entire country.

By 1989, the IBB administration had given the nod for a return to democratic rule. Okadigbo teamed up with the likes of General Shehu Musa Yar Adua’s Peoples Front which was to coalesce with other political groups and movements in the Social Democratic Party, SDP. By 1992, Chuba was elected to the Senate of the Third Nigerian Republic representing Anambra North senatorial district on the platform of the SDP, but lost the contests to become the Senate President twice to Senators Iyorchia Ayu and Ameh Ebute respectively.

With Abacha’s death and the emergence of the Fourth Republic, Okadigbo was again elected to serve as Senator, again he was denied the opportunity of becoming Senate President owing to the employment of sly politics which saw Evans Enwerem defeat Okadigbo. Not comfortable with an Okadigbo as Senate President, the then President Olusegun Obansanjo used a number of opposition senators and some from his party to foist Enwerem on the Senate.

However, a majority of Senators went on to impeach Enwerem and in a suprise move unanimously elected Okadigbo as Senate President. Okadigbo was to bring his years of experience as an academic and savvy politician to bear upon the Senate. It is still accepted that asides the Okadigbo leadership of the senate, no other Senate leadership since the inception of the 4th Republic demonstrated the intellectual rigour in the quality of debates as witnessed during the Okadigbo leadership

Combining his eloquence, sharp wit, and a mastery of the legislative processes, Okadigbo was to rattle certain elements in the Obasanjo presidency, including Obasanjo who saw Okadigbo as a cog in the wheel of the President’s unbridled desire to undemocratically dominate the political landscape by any means neccesary.

Okadigbo, a scion of warriors would have none of such and thus the flurry of impeachment plots encouraged by the presidency which spared no amount in terms of cash nor moral limitations in its efforts to goad fellow senators to impeach Okadigbo. Resorting to selfhelp, Okadigbo was to on many occasions take measures to avoid the ‘banana peel’, even making away with the mace and allegedly hiding it in a cave in Ogbunike, such though comical was perhaps the only way , Okadigbo thought he could tame the overbearing nature of the military turned civilian president in Obasanjo, something Nigerians were to later witness fully in the years to come.

By August 2000, Okadigbo was to resign as Senate President following the controversy over his granting of anticipatory contracts for the services to the National Assembly, an act within his purview as Senate President, thus bringing to an end the Okadigbo era and with it the Senate lost its lustre going forward.

September 21, 2024