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Category: Saturday

  • NASS and the scramble for development commissions

    NASS and the scramble for development commissions

    The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) is the first formally established regional development commission by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in the year 2000. Its sole mandate was to develop the oil-rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria. Late President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2008 announced the formation of the Niger Delta Ministry under which the NDDC was to operate as a parastatal for maximum efficiency.

    One of the central mandates of the NDDC was to train and educate the youths of the goose that lays the golden egg – the Niger delta region.  This was aimed at addressing the restiveness of the youth that had started impacting the production and distribution of crude oil. Beyond educating and training the youths, most of who were actually sponsored to study abroad on scholarship, the commission was also mandated to develop key infrastructure to aid productivity and make the region more self-sustaining.

    Sadly though, the NDDC is not the first development commission to be established by the federal government with its myriad of  oil-induced environmental devastation that have impact the lives of the citizens. The wild life, agriculture and marine lives of the people are some of the worst in the world amongst oil-producing nations. 

    It must be noted that NDDC idea came after an earlier commission, the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission, OMPADEC established on June 25, 1992 by the former military President, General Ibrahim Babangida (Rtd.) . OMPADEC did not record much success as the commission went from one management failure due to alleged corruption to the other. It is safe to say that the failure of OMPADEC necessitated the establishment of a Ministry of Niger Delta under which NDDC was supposed to operate.

    However, the NDDC despite a few achievements for the region has come under national criticism as many of the successive management boards have come under serious allegations of corruption. It is public knowledge that the money that has been invested in the Commission has not been commiserate with the infrastructural development or the states under the NDDC Act. At some point, even the students sent abroad under the late  President Yar’Adua’s  Amnesty Programme were in the streets of most global capitals protesting the delay in remitting their tuition fees. The allegations were not denied even if the problems were belatedly sorted. That singular act of irresponsibility by the management of the NDDC is symptomatic of many other projects of the commission. There have been series of allegations of corruption, under-performances, probes and National Assembly Public hearings involving the successive managements of the Commission with no serious outcomes.

    Reports indicate that by 2021, more than 13,000 projects and programmes by NDDC have either been abandoned or are uncompleted. These contracts are estimated to have cost about N15 trillion or $40bn. A good percentage of the  abandoned projects are sited in Rivers State. This had necessitated former President Mohammed Buhari  to order  a forensic audit of NDDC from 2001 to 2019. The audit led to a termination of some of the unexecuted contracts.

    The core Niger Delta states of Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Delta and Ondo states remain some of the worst environmentally degraded areas in the country with the attendant poverty, intensifying insecurity, emergence of various militant groups and poor infrastructure. Given the rise in oil prices and the amount of monies being allocated to the commission, the condition of the region has become objects of films, creative arts, novels, poetry and documentaries all picturing the gaping paradox of a region so rich yet so impoverished the poignancy of the narratives are so impacting on a global scale that most writers and film producers have won awards for the power of their depictions of the environmental and infrastructural tragedy of the region.

    The Roundtable Conversation finds it apposite to recount a tiny bit of the NDDC story because of the rising demand and time given by the National Assembly to regional Development Commissions.  Following Boko Haram and other terrorist activities in the North East over the Years and given the continued devastation of the areas in question, there have been rising poverty, an increase in the number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) and other socio-economic fall outs. The North East Development Commission (NEDC) was established in 2017 to help mitigate the problems of the conflicts and insurgency in the region. The NEDC was supposed to almost replicate the mandate of the NDDC investing in the future of the region through environmental training programs for Northeast women and youths.  At some point during the administration of former President Mohammadu Buhari, he had instructed the World Bank and some other global agencies to direct their humanitarian programmes to the North Eastern region of the country. It remains to be seen whether the NEDC and other interventionist programmes have yielded the desired results for people.

    The Bill for the establishment of the South West and South East Development Commissions had seemingly past second reading. The Bill for the establishment of the North West development Commission passed first reading in the Senate two days ago. So as it stands today, only the North Central has no Development Commission Bill in the waiting but knowing the Nigerian system, it might not be too long in coming. But the question is, to what end?

    The 10th National Assembly is going the route of those before it. There seems to be no diligent Oversight functions on plethora of Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs).  Sadly too, the same Senate ‘screens’ nominees for these MDAs but somehow fail to be thorough before confirmation and to do thorough Oversight functions to keep both the appointees and the civil servants on their toes. May be the NDDC might have delivered satisfactorily on its mandate and other MDAs might be more accountable too.

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    The ‘scramble for Development Commissions’ just for regional balance shows some form of  systemic failure. How have the National Assembly handled the  petitions and results of the public hearings they have organized? Are there conclusive investigations? A  thorough Oversight Function  by the two arms of the National Assembly ought to have nipped certain lack of transparency and alleged corruption cases in the bud.

    The` Roundtable Conversation spoke to Kalu Idika Kalu,  a member of the APC, former two-time finance minister,  of national planning and transportation minister, former Chairman, ECOWAS Council of Ministers, Chairman Development Committee of the World Bank with vast experiences about development paradigms  across continents. We asked him his views on the proliferation of regional Development Commissions and the value that can add to development. To him, while development Commissions are not a bad idea, the nation’s development structures are wobbly and totally ill-prepared for meaningful development. The first and crucial action is to address the structural inefficiencies first.

    The nation must apply due diligence and structural efficiency that ensures civil servants and indeed the leaderships at various levels are accountable. We must address the fundamentals, there must be structural and monetary policy efficiency for things to work well he insists. We must fix the center, monetary, fiscal, financial and management systems before things begin to work properly for development.  There must be proper cost-effectiveness and good financial analysis that have been proven functional in other jurisdictions.

    The creation of regional Development Commissions cannot function optimally if the structural defects are not sorted. Funny enough the same National assembly just passed a budget, where would the funding for the Commissions come from without good economic planning based on global models? One would have thought that the National Assembly understands the real essence of development. There are more to development plans that are far beyond setting up of development commissions. There must be a conscious effort to rejig the public service mentality.

    There must be a conscious effort to first make people understand the essence of development and the price the citizens must be ready to pay. Development Commissions do not function in a vacuum. The NDDC experience should have shown us that something is wrong with the system.  It should not really be about vague regional scramble for development commissions without a holistic national re-orientation of the human capital that will ultimately run the organizations.

    The Roundtable believes that the political immaturity being displayed by the legislators is an ill-wind that blows no one any good. The National Assembly is there for national duties being representatives of the people. While we agree that they are representing their regions and constituencies, their job is not to scramble in a wild goose chase style to establish regional development commissions just for flawed regional equity. Functionality must be the goal rather than mere optical satisfaction.

    It is just curious that the ‘race’ to sponsor bills for regional development commissions is not grounded in reality and achievable goals. The Senate has not done well in carrying out oversight functions that in the real sense would force MDAs to fill the development gaps that they seek through regional development commissions. There is no scarcity of MDAs to work to develop every region. What is lacking is the systemic efficiency of the human beings in public service. The National Assembly  has not acquitted itself satisfactorily through oversight functions on the Ministry of Niger delta Affairs,  the NDDC and many other MDAs. NDDC ought to stand as a successful model first before the wild goose chase for other regional development commissions.

    ●The dialogue Continues…

  • What manner of reconciliation in PDP?

    What manner of reconciliation in PDP?

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is at war with itself. The conflict is neither phantasmal nor accidental. It is self-inflicted. It stemmed from its entrenched haughtiness and chronic condescension.

    In its heydays as the ruling party, its leaders strutted the nation’s political landscape like Mafiosi. They appeared like they were the nation’s alpha and omega, and they lived it in deeds and speeches.

    The current state of affairs with the political party that was once so comfortable that it boasted to rule Nigeria for at least sixty years is an anti-climax.

    Like two sides in a battle, PDP’s divided house is now yearning for a truce it would never have needed if it was humble. The party’s search for peace after many months of a needless imbroglio is instructive for discerning politicians.

    But will the PDP be able to put its house in order ahead of future elections?

    The main opposition party is divided over its agenda for reconciliation and party discipline. While a section of the party is genuinely interested in reunion and sincerely pushing for it, another section is looking for scapegoats to remove from leadership positions and probably expel from the fold.

    On the one hand, the party is in search of peace; on the other hand, it is witch-hunting some chieftains and indulging in a blame game. It does not appear to be contemplating mutual forgiveness. Rather, it is further fueling more conflicts. In the melee, rivals are at daggers drawn, spoiling for each other’s pound of flesh. The followers in rival camps are stupefied. Can a house divided against itself remain standing?

    The consequence is that the party remains an opposition on paper, barking but not biting. Its attention is divided by multiple crises, not only at the national leadership but also in many state chapters.

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    Nine years after it was voted out, the PDP has remained in the cold, following the abortion of its dream of staying in power for 60 years.

    Unlike the All Progressives Congress (APC), which is relatively cohesive and easier to lead as the ruling party, the PDP suffers from the absence of effective leadership and a lack of crisis resolution mechanisms. The party is torn apart by the antagonistic ambitions of its leading lights, the clash of egos, and the pursuit of personal interests instead of group interests. This is at the expense of collective survival.

    These days, there is no shortage of Ahitophelian advice for the party in distress. A party sympathiser and elder statesman, Chief Edwin Kiagbodo Clark, suddenly reemerged on the sidelines of the party, urging the members to elevate disciplinary measures over the peace mission. The ever-combative Ijaw leader accused the party’s Acting Chairman, Ambassador Illyas Damagum, of conniving with the ruling APC to ruin the PDP. It may be possible that the great chief and veteran critic has more information about the party than those currently steering its affairs.

    Of course, Chief Clark, a former Federal Commissioner for Information and the Second Republic senator, has an axe to grind with Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister Nyesom Wike over the protracted Rivers State crisis. Taking sides with Ijaw-born Governor Siminalayi Fubara instead of brokering a truce, Pa Clark called for a probe that would lead to Wike’s expulsion from the party.

    This seemingly divisive position by the octogenarian lawyer and politician has further polarised the platform. What influence Pa Clark wields in the party is not certain. But if his advice is upheld, reconciliation would pale into window dressing as mutual distrust would deepen due to the preconceived thought and predetermined plan to rusticate certain members. The implication is that cohesion would become more elusive while unity and tranquility would remain a tall order.

    Since last year, when it failed to bounce back at the general election, the PDP has been in disarray. It has failed to do a thorough reassessment of how it had missed the road and deviated from the vision of its founding fathers, particularly its cherished tradition and principles of equity, fairness, and justice. Only few founding members are active now and those controlling the party and tossing it around do not listen to wise counsel.

    As the acting chairman was setting up reconciliation and disciplinary panels, it was evident that many other party leaders were not on the same page with him to pursue an agenda for repositioning the platform.

    The first committee is headed by former Osun State Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola, while the second is headed by a former Foreign Affairs Minister, Chief Tom Ikimi. Both need wisdom, tact, and cooperation from stakeholders for the accomplishment of their assignments.

    Ironically, Damagum, who set up the two committees, is being targeted for political liquidation by those plotting his removal as acting head of the National Working Committee (NWC) and the National Executive Committee (NEC).

    The Deputy National Chairman (North) became acting chairman, by the party’s constitution, when the embattled National Chairman, Dr. Iyorcha Ayu, could not regain his lost seat.

    Although Damagum can only be removed by a National Convention, those scheming to shove him aside do not bother. The plot to remove him has sparked a fresh crisis. If the scheming for his ouster succeeds, particularly if an unelected person is drafted to take charge outside the National Convention, it would lead to litigation that would compound the current distress.

    Unknown to the current PDP undertakers, genuine reconciliation can only be undertaken in an atmosphere of mutual trust and confidence, devoid of obvious threats to party membership and avoidance of emasculation of perceived opponents.

    While reconciliation at the national level may be hectic, it may be relatively easier by the Oyinlola committee to accomplish the task in many states where local acrimony, bickering, intrigues and division are not fuelled by the war of attrition at the national level. State chapters, like Lagos, Oyo, Ogun, Ekiti, Bauchi, Rivers, Edo, Kano, Anambra, Imo, Delta, and Benue need reconciliation.

    Indisputably, the crisis at the national level is an obstacle to the proposed convention of the party, where the successor to the position vacated by Senator Ayu is expected to be elected or selected.

    This poses a challenge that may be beyond the party. If peace returns to the PDP and the party decides to zone its national chairman to the South in anticipation of picking its next presidential candidate from the North, would the South be disposed to losing the presidency until a Southerner completes a two-term tenure at the Aso Rock Villa in Abuja, the seat of government, like former President Muhammadu Buhari did?

    The main issue in the PDP is the struggle for control of the party’s machinery between the camp of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President and two-time presidential candidate, and supporters of Wike, former governor of Rivers State, ahead of 2027. The first battle is the national convention that has been postponed because of the lingering crisis.

    But the greater issue, indeed the bone of contention in the PDP, is zoning, or rotation of the presidential ticket, as laid down by the party’s early leaders, and its neglect by those trying to arrogantly sacrifice the bond of unity on the altar of personal ambition. Therefore, any reconciliation that ignores the agreement on power distribution may be dead on arrival.

    There was a conflict over the demand for a Southern presidential candidate last year. What is the assurance that the same conflict will not resurface in 2027?

    The founding fathers of the PDP understood Nigeria as a complex and heterogeneous country thirsty for unity in diversity. There is a perpetual craving for a sense of belonging among the unequal ethnic groups that harbour the fear of marginalisation, exclusion, and deprivation.

    To forge unity, the pioneer leaders identified six top positions and levers of power which they distributed among the six geo-political zones. The positions are the president, the vice president, the Senate President, the House of Representatives Speaker, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), and the National Party Chairman.

    According to the arrangement and agreement, the Presidency should rotate between the North (comprising the Northwest, the Northeast, and the Northcentral) and the South (made up of the Southwest, the Southsouth, and the Southeast).

  • Much Ado About Nothing

    Much Ado About Nothing

    In politics there are no permanent friends nor enemies only interests.

    Much Ado About Nothing is a play written by the English playwright, poet and thespian, William Shakespeare.

    Published in 1623, the play is a comedy and tells the tale of a new found romance between Benedick and Beatrice as well as Claudio and Hero. I have borrowed its title to describe the recent set of reactions to certain comments made by the Deputy Speaker, Rt Hon Benjamin Kalu on his recent call on Alex Otti, the Governor of Abia State to join the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC or forget about getting a second stint in office. Those familiar with the Nigerian trend of politics would understand that all Kalu has done was similar to a former Governor of Anambra State’s parlance “Politics ka ana gwuo” it is not different from the politics of the 1st Republic nor the 2nd Republic where we had titans and still reminisce about their exploits, matter of fact it is similar to the “wink, wink” kind of politics our Saint Olusegun Obasanjo applied while he led Nigeria for a second time, after all that was what he told former Governor Rasheed Ladoja when he  Ladoja, approached the former to save him from getting impeached.

    Kalu as a friend of Otti has gone  beyond using a non verbal form of communicating, he has chosen to speak to his friend to join the APC if he intends to serve a second term, I do not know what offense or regulation that the Deputy Speaker has broken ; he has neither attempted to violently remove Otti from office nor has he sought to compel Otti to do his bidding, he merely adviced a friend and gave ample reasons for such advice, what wrong then has Kalu committed to earn such highfalutin wails akin to the pharisaical charge of blasphemy!

    Several of these Pharisaical charges have labeled Kalu and his comments as anti Igbo, I am now wondering if Kalu is either Ibibio or Efik, but on a more serious note can we ask what is anti Igbo about such comments.

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    Such a statement should be seen by Otti and his new found friends as a sign of healthy politics which requires nothing but a matured response and not the unnecessary pull him down comments flying all over the place. What  Kalu has done is to see how to advance the interest of Ndi Abia via his comments and all that was needed was for Otti and his supporters to meet Kalu and the APC in either Phillipi which is the field on Election Day as either members of the same party or on opposing sides, chikena!

    It is thus mortifying to see a group of marabouts and charlatans attempt to spin such beyond the gale of human reasoning, perhaps attempting to profit from whatever bad blood and fire they fan out. These zombies forgot to point out to the statement where Kalu described Otti as a friend and commended him for doing quite well in Abia State, perhaps their selective amnesia clogged out such words, or should we say that their penchant for mischief decided to ignore such in their zeal to tar the Deputy Speaker with the same brush they ought to use on themselves alone!

    Utilizing his democratic right of expression, alongside his zeal to see the APC grow in the SouthEast, Kalu’s invitation and comments is similar to what Otti has in turn done for sometime now; has he not received defections from other parties into his Labour Party, has he not made overtures to others to join him whether it was when he was in APGA or when he crisscrossed into the All Progressives Congress before finally landing in the Labour Party? When he in August 2020, while defecting to the APC made his calls for well meaning Abians to join him in liberating the state from bad governance what was such? A righteous call right? If so what then makes the comments credited to Kalu wrong?

    This is a democracy and for as long as the Deputy Speaker has not advocated for violent change but change through the campaign hustings and the ballot box then it is for Otti and his Labour Party in the state to healthily welcome such a challenge since it would deepen our democracy.

    Rather these self anointed Igbo champions who have not given a whim to the Igbo cause within a united Nigeria have latched unto such comments and have sought to amplify it within the media sphere, all  to calculatedly make the Deputy Speaker look bad before NdiIgbo and Nigeria?

    Should we not be bothered that while the ochogonoko’s bark and rail and attempt to dance naked on such comments, the person in question, Alex Otti has not yet responded and neither has his media handlers , what should this tell us?

    Should we not be bothered that a majority of these new found Pharisees only yesterday were Chief antagonists to Otti and his ambition then to govern Abia, when did they develop such love for Otti or is it because they much fear that an Otti in the APC with the likes of Progressives the Deputy Speaker would make Otti politically invulnerable?

    Perhaps it is driven by this as well as a semblance of envy at the Deputy Speaker’s meteoritical rise to prominence. It has been muttered that can anything good come from  Are those who consider themselves as tin gods feeling threatened by his growing status? Otherwise,  one cannot explain the attempted vilification, where there isn’t much ado?

  • US democratic national convention ‘24: What lessons for Nigeria?

    US democratic national convention ‘24: What lessons for Nigeria?

    The Democratic Party of the United States, the second major party in the country’s democracy just ended its 2024 National Convention as the clock ticks towards the election day in November 2024. The current Vice President, Kamala Harris’ acceptance of her nomination drew the curtains on the three days event that gripped not just the country but the world through orthodox and social media.

    The Vice Presidential nominee, Tim Walz had accepted his nomination on the second day of the Convention. There are a lot that Nigeria as a democracy must learn from the organization of their party Conventions. It does not mean that the United States has a perfect system.  However, Nigeria prides itself as copying and practicing the US model of presidential democracy .

    However, it does appear that the in terms of structural order, Nigeria seems to have created some dysfunctional processes in her democratic journey. This dysfunctional system has undoubtedly not just affected the development of the country but has impacted other African countries that Nigeria as the greatest black nation on earth ought to have been a beacon to.

    The courage and patriotism of President Joe Biden was evident in his relinquishing his nomination from his party while nominating his Vice President, Kamala who had in 2020 made history by becoming the first woman, the first Asian American to become the Vice President in an America that is about  249 years old as a nation. It is also coming a little above a century after women won the rights to vote. The paradox of an America that prides herself as the beacon of democracy in the world and the idea that in more than two hundred years, no woman has ever been elected to the office of the President of the United States of America is still a subject of socio-political analysis by different schools of thought.

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    From breaking the record as the first female Vice President  of the USA, history seems to be beckoning on her as she becomes just the second woman to be nominated by the Democratic Party after Secretary Hilary Clinton in 2016. Kamala is on a race of her life. She is super qualified for the office in view given that she has been a district Attorney, the Attorney General of California, a Senator and now Vice President of the United States.

    This historic feat by the Democratic Party is not rocket science. The party decided to be inclusive and have in the past  nominated  Hilary Clinton and Kamala Harris and some other women in various positions. Nigerian politics is still mainly male dominated. There is no perfect system but the Nigerian political space can begin to be more inclusive of women, the youth and those living with disabilities. Kenya is doing well with inclusivity as they amended their constitution in 2010 in a way that makes it illegal for any gender to occupy more than a two third of any political position. Today, Kenya has risen from four female governors in 2017 to seven female governors at the last 2022 elections.

    One of the core problems of the Nigerian political system is the faulty political structure and the way political parties are run in Nigeria. There is basically no intra party democracy in Nigeria. There is no discernible political ideology so most politicians merely join political parties for personal expediency doing so at certain times can guarantee them. Nigerian politicians find it very easy to oscillate from one party to the other repeatedly. Party leaderships often do not emerge in transparent elections.

    Women have repeatedly been complaining about being excluded in leadership positions. The post that seems generally given to women is the very awkward ‘Women Leader’ positions that is as much a tokenism as it is politically expedient for the women to be in such positions so as to help the male politicians mobilize fellow women and the youths for votes. This in a way subsumes the relevance of women under the cloak of patriarchal practices. Many global agencies have concluded through researches that nations that don’t give equal opportunities to women are always the least developed because socio-politically, the women’s capacity to contribute to national development gets limited by such gender barriers. While Rwanda has the global highest number of women in parliament at more than 60%, Nigeria has less than 10%. Rwanda is fast becoming an African investment and tourism hub while Nigeria is battling with underdevelopment in ways that about 133million citizens live in multi-dimensional poverty.

    As both the Republican and Democratic parties held their conventions, there were no reports of violence from either party members or other inter party problems. Violence during party conventions seems to be a signature of many Nigerian political parties. Sometimes even ward congresses are disrupted through violence by political party factions. Sadly, not many of most of the perpetrators of the violence recorded in the past have been prosecuted and brought to justice by the system.

    Party leaderships, financiers of political parties and governors in Nigeria seem to have overbearing influence on who gets nominated for every position from the ward, state to federal levels. This has led to injustices that often impact the smooth conduct of elections as injustice breeds discontent and chaos. As we watched the two conventions in the US, the party members were clear on who their choices are. The party leaderships are always for administrative roles rather than the allocation of positions fuelled by crass nepotism.

    Election campaign funds are strictly monitored and those who break the campaign funding laws are punished severely even after elections.Donations are made by the people giving them a stake. In Nigeria, conventions have been avenues for alleged corruption of delegates who are often handpicked through a flawed process ab initio. There is no strict implementation of the laws that were made to guide financial donations or use of campaign funds. The system has no measures of monitoring how funds are either generated or used. This makes the funds susceptible to abuse.

    It is not enough for the Nigerian political elite to continue claiming a nascence of the democracy practiced in the country without making efforts for growth. Some people often wave off accountability by claiming that the American democracy is more than two centuries old and so certain systemic functions took time to be built. This seems fallacious because the eras are different. Modern democracies have the advantage of examples and certain structural improvements are possible. The country must not wait for centuries given the advantages of the modern developments in the world.

    The American people have been honouring President Joe Biden for his patriotism and a public service of more than 50 years. He has served the country so well from his journey at the senate at 29. Despite his personal tragedies, he had continued serving and the zenith of his patriotic spirit was displayed when he pulled out of the Presidential race given appeals from his party members and his age.  Not many Nigerian politicians can say what President Biden said in his speech at the convention, “I love the Presidency but I love my country more”.

    The contributions of the past Presidents and their first ladies , Bill Clinton and wife Hilary and Barack and Michelle Obama to the excitement felt at the Democratic Convention is something not very common in Nigerian political system. They have all been very active and patriotically so since they left office. Their efforts at galvanizing support  for their candidates are all evidences of their ideological convictions and patriotic spirit. They are all doing things to grow democracy since leaving office.

    The value  that American politicians attach to families and professional pedigree of those for public office was very evident. Unlike Nigeria where most politicians see politics as a profession, most American politicians are professionals in different fields and their contributions either in the executive or legislature are always evident and a qualifying criteria. In Nigeria, academic qualifications seem to be deliberately lowered to accommodate some unqualified people. While college degrees do not guarantee intelligence or outstanding performances in office, we can see the effect of lowered standards in the Nigerian political space.

    Most of those who spoke at the Convention are outstanding politicians or citizens who have distinguished themselves in different fields. Their reputations speak for them so the issue of credibility comes in. In Nigeria, most politicians have an opaque background. Families, friends, colleagues, teachers, students and just anyone that knows about candidates in question talks about the candidates and pictures and videos are always provided as seen at the convention..  That is what it ought to be. They provide authenticity and records that can make the [people to trust the candidates.

    When the people know more about candidates, they are more able to make choices at the ballot and that eliminates cases of rigging . Unpopular candidates rarely win elections because of the transparency of the processes not just during elections but other pre and post primary elections transparent processes. Nigeria has one of the most litigious elections in the world because of flawed election processes and failure of government agencies to conduct their affairs creditably.

    Stability of any democracy is dependent on the credibility of the electoral processes. While no system is totally immaculate, Nigerian political elite must borrow the full processes that make democracy truly a government of the people, by the people and for the people. Even if the some cultural issues might be introduced to suit the environment, politicians must draw a line between good and bad. The core tenets of functional democracy are dependent on valid and transparent electoral processes that give the power of choice to the people. Progress is not always related to number of centuries but the willingness of people to build a nation.

    The dialogue continues…

  • New constitution as magic wand? (1)

    New constitution as magic wand? (1)

    Seek ye first the kingdom of a new constitution and everything else will be added unto you. There are not an insubstantial number of Nigerians who hold this view and blame the 1999 Constitution (as amended) as the root cause of the multidimensional crises confronting the country today. This position was again recently canvassed by a group of eminent elder statesmen known as ‘The Patriots’ during a courtesy call on President Bola Tinubu at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. Led by former Secretary General of the Commonwealth, Chief Emeka Anyaoku, members of the association are widely held in high esteem, their voices weighty and difficult to ignore.

    Their main grouse against the 1999 Constitution is that it does not emanate from the people as proclaimed in its preamble that it is the product of ‘We the people’. It is on this largely semantic basis that The Patriots and several other individuals and groups have called for the conceptualization and actualization of a new constitution for the country. They recommend the convocation of a Constituent Assembly to be elected on non-party basis to draw up the constitution which will then be ratified to become law through a national referendum. But how do they expect the legislators to commit political suicide by agreeing with this kind of proposal.

    But the current electoral districts across 36 states and 773 local governments which The Patriots want to be the basis for the election into the proposed Constituent Assembly are themselves, ironically, largely creations of military rule. The point here is that we cannot completely extricate ourselves from the influence of our historical trajectory which cannot exclude the periods of military rule and some of its institutional legacies.

    What do we say to the contention that the military imposed the 1999 Constitution on the Nigerian people thus insinuating that the document is denuded of legitimacy, perhaps even of legality? This position is historically implausible. Those who canvass such views insinuate that some committee of soldiers simply sat down somewhere and conjured up the 1999 Constitution out of their vivid imagination. Nothing can be further from the truth. In reality, the 1999 Constitution is rooted firmly in the 1979 presidential Constitution.

    Given the short timeframe it had set itself to hold new elections and hand over power to an elected government by 1999, the General Abubakar Adussalam regime had no luxury of time to seek to draw up a new constitution. Meanwhile, the 1989 Constitution drawn up under the military President, Ibrahim Babangida regime had its integrity incurably tainted especially with the collapse of that government. What the Abdussalam regime did was to go back to the 1979 Constitution which had guided state, governance and society in Nigeria’s Second Republic (1979-1983). And it is the 1979 Constitution that has been adopted as the 1999 Constitution under which the country is governed today.

    But what about the 1979 Constitution? Was it an imposition of the military? True, it was drawn up during the Murtala /Obasanjo military government. Yet, the military government of the time was all too conscious of its deficiencies in the sphere of constitution-making. It thus set up the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) made up of 50 members under the Chairmanship of renowned lawyer, Chief Rotimi Williams. Chief Obafemi Awolowo declined to serve on the CDC but those on the Committee constituted some of the best and brightest from the legal profession, academia, administration and business. The main criticism of the committee was that it was made up entirely of men and also had no representatives of students or workers. But this did not detract from the quality of its work.

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    After the CDC had submitted its report to the Federal government, elections were held on 31 August, 1977, through the then newly reorganized local governments acting as electoral colleges. The election chose members of the Constituent Assembly who debated the principles of the draft constitution and forwarded their recommendations to the Supreme Military Council. Although the SMC made a number of alterations to the final document, these were not substantial enough to affect the integrity of the final document promulgated into law. In any case, the incoming civilian administration was at liberty to utilize modalities provided for in the same constitution to effect any constitutional Changes it desired after the exit of the military in October 1979. It is my view that lamentations regarding the military sources of the 1999 Constitution are grossly exaggerated and attributing all the challenges we confront to the constitution is unhelpful and unproductive.

    We will recall that in the First Republic, the country ran a parliamentary system of government and had a strong federal constitution which enabled the then existing regional governments to enjoy a considerable degree of fiscal autonomy from the centre. And the 1960 presidential constitution was arrived at after a series of negotiating conferences by the nationalist leaders both in the country and in the United Kingdom between 1950 and 1957. But under the much romanticized 1960 constitution, the country witnessed a fierce and unrestrained quest for power by the political elite, massive corruption, blatant rigging of elections, and rabid ethnicity. Within six years, the country had witnessed two bloody coups and ultimately descended into a tragic civil war.

    It was these ills associated with the 1960 Constitution that informed our change from the parliamentary to the presidential system of government in the second and now the fourth republic. It was believed, for instance, that since the President would be elected from the whole nation as his constituency, the office would be a powerful symbol and magnet for national unity and cohesion. Unfortunately, the same reasons that led to the collapse of the first republic reared their heads again dooming democratic governance in 1983. There is no guarantee that even if we craft a brand new constitution today, there will be any change in the negative behavior of both the political elite and masses that has over the years bred political decay rather than promote sustainable democratic structure.

  • Tayo Ayinde @ 60

    Tayo Ayinde @ 60

    Some are born great; others have greatness thrust on their laps on a golden platter while some rise to dizzying heights of success through sheer industry, a clear vision, a high sense of purpose, discipline, and laser-like focus in the pursuit of set objectives. The Chief of Staff to the Lagos State Governor, Mr. Tayo Ayinde, clocks 60 today. Family, friends, colleagues, political associates, and many more will surely roll out the drums and clang the cymbals in celebration of a man of honour and quiet dignity.

    Fondly called ‘Buffalo’  since his days as an officer in the Department of State Services (DSS), and later deployed to serve as Chief Detail to then Lagos State governor Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu for eight years from 1999 to 2007, he stood out for his dedication, commitment, honesty and fierce loyalty to his boss. Alongside his other colleagues in the security team, Buffalo was a key factor not only in ensuring the safety of the governor but also substantially enhancing the security of lives and property in the state as a whole.

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    Buffalo who quit the Secret Service in 2009 is widely acknowledged as a versatile and resourceful political organizer and strategist. There is no way the story of the electoral victory of progressive political parties in Lagos State since 1999 can be told without the critical role of Buffalo. An astute and successful businessman, Ayinde’s multidimensional accomplishments rest on a solid foundation of education which saw him through several institutions both within and abroad. For Buffalo, the sky is the limit and his best and brightest days lie ahead by HIS grace.

  • Unbanned coach for Eagles?

    Unbanned coach for Eagles?

    This is my most difficult column largely because of the plethora of issues threatening the sports industry beginning with the laughable stories to the weird. Every day in the last one week threw up puzzling suggestions from spin doctors in the media insulting our collective sensitivity with such an incredulous matter as a coach who served out his FIFA ban becoming the next Super Eagles Manager.

    What these intractable enemies of  football in Nigeria failed to realise is that the five- year ban was a form of punishment. The reduction of the ban to five years didn’t translate to a slap on the wrist. Rather, it meant that FIFA still had reservations with some of the issues in the case. The NFF would need to sound out FIFA if serving out a ban term translates to such a person being eligible to participate in the world soccer ruling body’s subsequent activities.

    Yes, this coach was one of our best in terms of achievements and the quality of young talents he discovered and exposed to international competitions until the ban. But should the expiration of the ban immediately land the tactician the Super Eagles’ job? Do our soccer federation’s chieftains realise that the Super Eagles is Nigeria’s premium sports asset which shouldn’t be toyed with? Did the ban’s reduction mean that the coach was cleared of all the allegations? Perhaps, this is the time for the NFF to assist the coach to lodge another appeal in court against the five-year ban which has now lapsed to free him of all the charges. It is only when such a victory in the court is attained that he can be eligible for the job.

    On 16 August 2019, he was banned for life by FIFA from all football activities over allegations of bribery and match-fixing. But the ban was later reduced to five years by the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS) after his appeal was heard.

    CAS ruled the imposition of a life ban to be disproportionate for a first offence which was committed passively and which had not had an adverse or immediate effect on football stakeholders.

    It ruled that a five-year ban would still achieve the envisaged aim of punishing the infringement committed by the now unbanned coach.

    The coach got CAS’ favourable ruling because he was a first offender for an offence committed passively which hadn’t poured odium on the beautiful game. Hmmm! Does this mean the coach can handle a big brand such as the Super Eagles? Again, CAS ruled that its decision to impose a five-year ban and not a life ban which was FIFA’s decision was hinged on the fact that the reduction could still achieve the aim of punishing the infringement committed by the coach.  What is your takeaway on this, dear reader? You tell me.

    What remains unanswered in the CAS ruling is the future of the convicted first offender for a passively committed offence after the ban lapsed.

    Another Nigerian coach who got sanctioned is Ladan Bosso. He inadvertently accused English referee Howard Webb of racism in the aftermath of a 4-0 defeat against Chile in the quarterfinals of the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in 2007.

    Ladan Bosso took his four-month FIFA ban and N1 million fine with equanimity pointing out that: “FIFA are the mother and father of football in the world and as long as they have taken a decision, I have to comply with what they have said.

    “Sometimes you say certain things when you are upset, but I believe that my apology may have made them reduce the ban. Maybe I could have got two years or something like that.”

    Bosso had accused English referee Howard Webb of racism in the aftermath of a 4-0 defeat against Chile in one of the quarter-finals of the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in 2007. Pray, Bosso handled another U-20 side the World Cup assignment where he conducted himself creditably. Well, Bosso’s problem wasn’t as grievous as this unbanned coach’s, who indeed was banned for life, until he fought back to get the ban period reduced to five years.

    The optics of seeing this unbanned coach sit on the Super Eagles bench isn’t right, given the type of cynical commentaries from the international media whenever Nigeria has a game to play. Rather than being our coach, he could be given roles behind the scenes, if our soccer chiefs feel strongly that he still has something to offer.

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    A five-year absence from the pressure heater coaching job isn’t the type of citation any intending Super Eagles coach should flaunt. Nigeria’s chances in subsequent World Cup qualifiers is in a precarious setting with the Super Eagles condemned to win the remaining six games if Nigeria’s flag would be hoisted among the comity of nations in 2026.

    The spin doctors have flooded the media with a galaxy of foreign coaches, many of whom were at the last Africa Cup of Nations held in Ivory Coast and failed. Coaches of some of the countries whose outings were miserable have been touted as ready replacements for a coach who took us to the final. The confusion has left the choice of next foreign coach for Super Eagles to guesswork as if that is what prevails in the camps of our competitors. Need I waste space listing all the names bandied in the media,  many of them have been denounced by the NFF?

    Nigeria’s first game in the qualifiers for the next Africa Cup of Nations is to be held on September 7 in Uyo against the Republic of Benin, a team presently handled by a former Eagles manager, German-born Gernot Rohr. Already, Rohr led his Benin team to beat the Eagles on neutral ground 2-1 in Ivory Coast in our last qualification game for the 2026 World Cup to be jointly hosted by 16 cities in three North American countries: Canada, Mexico, and the American countries: Canada, Mexico, and the United States

    The spin doctors who throw up names of likely Super Eagles coach in the social media always forget that the world is a global village. One such flyer is the talk that the NFF is on the verge of naming Swede tactician Andersson as the helmsman for the Super Eagles. Of course, the Swedes on his X handles almost mocking such an adventure while wishing us a turbulent path whenever he assumes work. These idle people who want Nigeria to recruit a defensive minded tactician and expect the country to excel in a game which requires scoring goals with aplomb to decide matches if need be.

    Today is exactly 14 days to Nigeria’s first game in the 2025 AFCON qualification series, and we don’t have a coach. Our biggest player in Europe, Victor Osimhen, is in the battle to save his career.

    He is certainly not in shape to help the team beat the Republic of Benin in Uyo, September 7.

    Will NFF beg Austin Eguavoen to accept the task to save their faces? Eguavoen will as a patriot accept the job. Would it be fair to judge him with a bad result (God forbid)? Who will select the players, now that Aina Ola is injured? Who will replace him? Have the players received their letters of invitation for both games on September 7 and September 10?

  • The Patriots and the push for a Constituent Assembly

    The Patriots and the push for a Constituent Assembly

    Chief Emeka Anyaoku is not a man disposed to frivolities. The respected former Commonwealth Secretary-General always publicly avoids politics, even while treading the same path with politicians. He keeps his political choice to his chest.

    The great diplomat does not belong to the crowd of clout chasers. In any group he aligns with, he only speaks when genuine concerns about essential national or international matters exist. When he speaks, people listen.

    This must be why President Bola Tinubu gave him all the attention his calibre of citizen deserves when he led The Patriot, a group of renowned politicians and activists, to the President in Abuja.

    The Patriots is pushing for another Constituent Assembly to produce what it called a People’s Constitution for the country.

    The agenda is popular for one single reason. The consensus is that the Nigerian federal principle is suspect; it does not resolve the fundamental national question. As a corollary, there may be a justification for reopening the discussion for peaceful coexistence among the diverse ethnic groups in this highly complex heterogeneous country.

    Except for the retired diplomat, almost all other members of the group are card-carrying members of ruling and opposition parties and public officials who are now dissecting the national question on a non-partisan platform. As major actors in governance in the last 25 years, they have witnessed – and may have also contributed to – the conditions that have culminated in progress and, at the same time, national adversity.

    The Leaders of Thought avoided the word: “Sovereign National Conference” as if it was politically inflammable while submitting the proposal to President Tinubu. The group does not claim to have the mandate of all Nigerians for the visit. But the eminent citizens must have been propelled by a noble intention and genuine concern for the nation’s survival.

    Observers have noted that despite the uniformity of goal, today’s The Patriots tends to differ significantly from The Patriots under Rotimi William/Ben Nwabueze/Ayo Adebanjo in composition. Relatively young turfs recruited into the fold have tactically ensured that their contrasting personal and political ideological leanings do not obstruct its agenda.

    Three factors may have accounted for their journey to Aso Villa in Abuja to confer with the President.

    The visit coincided with the 10 days of protest and rage over national economic crisis, which conveyed the glaring impression that something was wrong with the country. Therefore, to them, the intervention was timely. But opinions about the protest differ.

    The Patriots, like many other stakeholders, believes that the 1999 Constitution is a fraud because it lied against itself through the preamble: “We, people of Nigeria.” The document was imposed by the military and the periodic piecemeal amendments have not erased the label of imposition, centralisation of power and autocracy.

    The elder statesmen are also conscious of Asiwaju Tinubu’s pedigree and antecedents as a federalist and an irrepressible advocate of power devolution when he was governor of Lagos State and titular national opposition leader.

    The group’s demand might have been borne out of the trust it has in President Tinubu as an unpretentious democrat who would take genuine advice from honest citizens who mean well for their country. The Patriots must have seen an amiable leader they can always approach for discussions on important national issues. Given President Tinubu’s antecedents, the elder statesmen were undoubtedly confident that they could hold his hands and embark on a national voyage of reforms and restorations through an unambiguous constitution for Nigeria.

    But it may also be that they are not satisfied with the steps the current administration has taken so far to return the country to the path of federalism without another constitutional conference. Therefore, a tactical blackmail may not be ruled out.

    Evidently, The Patriots does not also believe in the capacity of the National Assembly to produce a democratic constitution that would restore generally acceptable federalism.

    The Patriots sent delegates to past national conferences which produced laudable reports that provided answers to their demands. But the group avoided a cost-saving measure, urging President Tinubu to organise another conference, like former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Dr. Goodluck Jonathan did during their times, instead of retrieving the past reports from the dustbin and lobbying the Parliament for its implementation.

    The Patriots suggested that the proposed Constituent Assembly should comprise people elected on a non-party basis in a relatively politically stable country where political parties are holding on to being the entrenched, influential stakeholders and key institutions of democracy.

    Also, it appears that the pre-existing senatorial districts would be adopted as constituencies where three delegates per state, as suggested by The Patriots, would be voted for. The districts already have 109 senators and 360 House of Representatives members in the National Assembly. These lawmakers may perceive potential elected delegates as rivals.

    Predictably, the tendency is for these legitimate representatives in the national parliament, working with governors, to influence the election of delegates to the Constituent Assembly from the districts under their influence.

    How the election into the Constituent Assembly would be conducted is not in the proposal to the President. Since the group has suggested that delegates should be elected, an umpire has to organise it and determine eligibility for contest, the mode of screening, method of election – either open or secret ballot system, physical counting of voters on queue – reminiscent of the Third Republic method. In Nigeria, there is no shortage of experience.

    Instructively, some members of the group have reviewed their positions on the mode of representation to the Constituent Assembly. Instead of pressing for representation based on ethnic demography, they have adopted the states as broader constituencies. The implication is that the governors, who pay the piper in the states, would dictate the tunes.

    The time frame of ‘six to nine months’ may be unrealistic. The tenure of past conferences was, at least, one year. More issues are likely to come up for discussion, if the Constituent Assembly is set up today. The challenges of development have multiplied in recent times.

    The suggestion by the group that the Constituent Assembly should consider the 1960 Independence 1Constitution and the 1963 Republican Constitution underscores its disposition to a parliamentary system and nostalgic feelings about regionalism. This is nothing short of a retracing of steps. It would be recalled that the late Chief Williams, the first leader of The Patriots, who presided over the 1979 Constitution Review Committee, gleefully recommended the American executive presidential system.

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    As a global citizen, Anyaoku is influenced by the sad experience of disintegrated countries. He fears that Nigeria may follow that path of doom and oblivion if it fails to address its basic pluralism through a federal constitution, warning that the country may go the way of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. His warning reechoed foreign organisations’ prediction two decades ago that state failure was looming and that Nigeria may not survive beyond 2015.

    The summary is that 64 years after its flag independence, Nigeria, in the opinion of these eminent leaders, is not functioning effectively as a federation.

    From being a truly federal nation-state in 1960, the country has wobbled on in a unitary decoy under its self-appointed military modernisers-turned albatross. The over-centralisation of power in the 27 years of dictatorship under militarism have somehow been carried over to the Fourth Republic.

    The coup of 1966 marked the end of federalism. In its perpetually distressed condition, Nigeria has failed to become a united nation. Unity in diversity is a tall order. The multiple crises of nation-building, including the fundamental identity crisis, and the challenges of participation, integration, and distribution of resources, have remained unresolved.

    Therefore, the elder statesmen were obviously seized by nostalgia and nationalism. They yearn for the comparatively saner and productive past when Nigeria was projected as a potential medium-ranking world power, judging by the quality of its diverse population and abundant endowments.

    However, the proposal by The Patriots is not new. Its elements, including the call for a referendum, are not novel. Nigeria has almost become a country of boring ‘confabs’ where billions of naira are spent on jamborees that have led to nowhere.

    In 1989, the Evil Genius, Military President Ibrahim Babangida, set up a Constituent Assembly. Both the 1989 Constitution and the Third Republic never saw the light of the day. In 1994, another Military Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha, organised a Constitutional Conference. It was not an effective outing. It was an ambush against “June 12.” The lack of credibility most citizens attached to it soiled its outing.

    President Olusegun Obasanjo’s 2004 Abuja Conference produced a report. It was sacrificed on the altar of an inexplicable Third Term agenda. President Goodluck Jonathan also set up a talk show; described by Tinubh as a Greek gift and a jamboree. He lacked the courage to implement the recommendations. He pleaded time constraints, saying he could not implement the report because the country was preparing for a general election. His successor, President Muhammadu Buhari, never upheld the report. Past efforts were in vain.

    Perhaps, the only advantage, so far, is that anytime a national conference is held in Nigeria, hope is rekindled and an atmosphere of peace generally pervades the country.

    But in the country’s quest for restructuring through constitutional reforms, there has not been a correspondingly determined effort to tackle corruption and bad leadership across the tiers. This has remained the bane of development. It has to be determined whether or not the current constitutional structure of governance contributes to the subsisting graft and sleaze in high places and the totality of poor governance.

    A federal structure is crucial. So also are operators of the system. The First Republic collapsed, not due to the failure of federalism, but as a result of the stiff struggle for power, ethnic tension, and election rigging. Legitimate authorities could not put their house in order. They played into the hands of the military.

    Also, the Second Republic collapsed not due to defective federal structure but economic mismanagement, electoral malpractices, and monumental corruption. The mistakes of the First Republic were repeated.

    In the past 25 years, there has been unprecedented political stability. If the National Assembly had been up and doing, its legislative activities, particularly the amendments, would have corrected the defections in the 1999 Constitution and paved the way for a true federal structure.

    It is gratifying to note that the Supreme Court is filling the void. Its pronouncements on local government autonomy and interventions in conflicts arising from federal/state relations are clear examples of how the judiciary has lent support to the evolution of a true federal state.

    The current administration’s determination to pursue state police and decentralise the railway gives a ray of hope.

    President Tinubu is not aversed to restructuring, devolution or what is now described as true federalism. His response to The Patriots is two-fold: the government is currently focusing on the economy, and Anyaoku would be invited back for more discussions on The Patriots’ suggestions.

    Till then, the debate over the proposed Constituent Assembly and, indeed, the future of federalism in Nigeria, continues.

  • A vote for Enoh

    A vote for Enoh

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu scored the bull’s eye when he released N9 billion to the country’s 84-member contingent for the 2024 Olympic Games held in Paris. The President also provided another N3 billion for the physically challenged athletes for their own Olympics which begins from August 28 to September 11, also in Paris. The President’s approval is the reason we aren’t faced with any scandal of embarrassing magnitude nor have we seen pictures of athletes, their family members, etc, pulling and carrying loads of their purchases out of shops while in France.

    No cases of doping. No organised protests by disgruntled athletes on competition days to lampoon the government. No sexual escapades between athletes and their officials. Athletes’ welfare packages came as promised. No doubt, the Sports Minister Senator John Enoh did his job by ensuring that no busybody made the trip to Paris. Enoh hasn’t spent one year in office, so he should be saved from being axed. Indeed, the traffic of sports ministers who have been replaced over perceived poor outings by our athletes is legendary, resulting in uncountable policy summersaults that have left the sport in a coma. One only hopes Enoh would have the guts to dissolve the sports federations and insist on having members who know their onions. The reconstitution of the federations would determine the quality of members for the next Nigeria Olympic Committee (NOC), whose members didn’t inspire the contingent to glory.

    Again, it is important to state that the 36 states’ governors and Abuja’s Minister pay the athletes’ wages and should take the big stick for under-developing sports in their abodes in the last six years. When last, and how regularly did the states organise sports competitions to keep the athletes in competitive form? The schools which these state governments control hardly have playgrounds for their pupils to recreate. Available spaces have been built up for schools under the guise of providing free education for the masses.

    The synergy of yore between States’ Ministries of Education and their Sports Ministry that oiled the operations for school sports, competitions such as the Principal’s Cup, Governors Cup etc, which created competitiveness during competitions in the different states is now comatose. It is the reason for the current search for athletes have been targeted at Nigeria-born kids in Europe, Americas and the Diaspora.

    The sports ministry warehouses the good athletes discovered from the states and fields them in the different competitions. The Sports Ministry owns no athletes. The dearth of sports in the States is the major reason for this fiasco in France.

    Expectedly, the long knives are out. We wait. But I ask, how much is N9billion when converted into Euros? Precisely 5.2 million Euros at the prevailing market rate. Compare this 5.2 million Euros to the fact that each gold medalist in Australia received the equivalent of $1 million for their efforts. What stands out here is that winning any medal for Nigeria at the Olympics should be the product of well-thought-out plans and good seed money to the Sports Ministry by way of a refundable loan over a period of time.

    This seed money from the government should be followed by asking the relevant bodies or individuals what has happened to the Sports Trust fund or is it the Sports Lottery Scheme or both? We need to reintroduce the Dinner with President Model where the number one citizen would announce the refundable overtime seed money just as he would tell the corporate firms in the country to support sports with good cash.

    Sports is a money spinner making it imperative for the President to inform the blue-chip firms what they stand to benefit from spending shareholders’ money in sports in the form of tax reliefs etc. It is at such sports business forum that the President would spell out the modalities involved to ensure that monies earmarked to improve the industry are not misapplied. Of course, the President’s speech would spell out measures for punishment, including prison sentences and forfeiture of stolen wealth. Such pronouncements would help embolden the firms to be involved in the new direction for the industry. No firm would commit shareholders’ cash without such reassurances revealed by the President, not even the minister.

    With the quantum investment from the corporate world, money to prosecute programmes for the athletes would be available beginning with the restoration of some of the moribund sports competitions in the country. With a solvent sports ministry, the National Sports Festivals would be held biannually and athletes discovered sent to periodic training camps within the country and overseas to participate at big sporting events such as the Olympics.

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    It should be noted that big sports events have a circle of two years such as the Africa Cup of Nations, four years for the World Cup, the Olympics and the Commonwealth Games, making it absolutely impossible for the government to fund them adequately. Therefore, the government should reconstitute the Sports Lottery scheme or whatever name it may choose to mop up cash into its vaults for the training and expose of newly discovered sportsmen and women. The absence of competitions in the country has affected the development of the industry. We also need to improve on the curriculum of Colleges of Education, Teachers Training schools, where people can be trained as Physical and Health Education (PHE)  teachers, who would be posted to the primary, secondary, tertiary institutions to expose the young ones to the rudiments of different sports. Such an assemblage of youth can function as the nurseries for the industry.

    It is the government’s duty to make the citizenry healthy and strong. One of the ways to do this is to build sporting infrastructures fitted with supersonic equipment to train under the guidance of trained PHE teachers. Such recreational facilities could help remove the youth from societal vices and dissipate such energy in sporting events across the 774 Local Government Areas in the country.

    It is important to stress here that immediately after the 1984  Los Angeles Olympic Games, the Jamaicans went back home to do a rethink, using the American models of grooming athletes from the schools. The Jamaicans  sent their sportsmen and women to America. They even brought the good coaches in America to create the structures for growth in Jamaica which they stuck to religiously. The myth surrounding the Americans in world athletics (track and field events), especially in the sprints was broken by the Reggae boys and girls.

    It is important to state this fact for a country that had the world record holder in 100 metres hurdles for women, Tobi Amusan, what special grant did she get distinct from others? I ask repeatedly, when did Nigeria release funds for the athletes? Isn’t it common knowledge that if you go to the market late in the evening, you can’t get fresh fish again but scattered ones? Indeed, 18 months to the Olympics, the country’s potential medalists need to be given grants early to start specialised training with their coaches. This would help set the right motivation for our athletes to deliver on the biggest stage.

    Nigeria’s sports administrators should always look at the bigger picture of making the sporting industry the veritable ground for stemming unemployment in Nigeria. Is sports truly ‘play play’ as one governor once described it? Who will challenge us to see sports as a platform to bolster the country’s revenue? Doesn’t the government know that sports is the best vehicle for massive employment? You tell me.

  • The semantics of legislative allowances/salaries

    The semantics of legislative allowances/salaries

    Democracy has been touted as the best form of government as it is the type of government that is of the people by the people and for the people. The political philosophers that created the three arms of government; the executive, the legislature and the judiciary understood the human proclivity to abuse any form of power and advanced those three arms for effective checks and balances in a democracy. Ideally, everything should work out well for the people if the three arms carry out their duties effectively and transparently.

    African countries had pretty much effective forms of government before the colonial powers brought their influences to the continent. The influence of colonialism on the continent cannot be over-emphasized. Then there were the fights for independence by the people of Africa and the second battle to abolish apartheid in Southern Africa.  So Africa has been through a lot politically and must do better for themselves.

    The introduction of military coups and governments in some post independent African countries brought another destabilizing impact in the politics of the continent. It seems that the impact of military rules in Nigeria, the most populous African nation somewhat impacted the brand of democracy being practiced in the country.

    In a way, the Nigerian brand of democracy seems to be one big learning curve but examples from other African democracies shows that Nigeria might be lagging behind in the practice of democracy. There is lack of inclusivity and gender justice. The executive at all levels almost operates like emperors. Most of the governors hide under the federal government to abdicate their responsibilities while usurping the financial allocations to the local governments, thankfully the power seems to have been returned to the local governments through the recent Supreme Court verdict for their financial autonomy.

     The legislative houses at  local, state and federal levels often do not understand their duties and bend to the executive in the guise that they are either being loyal party members or advancing some legislative/executive  loyalty. It is not hyperbolic to say that the legislature is the strongest arm of any democracy. We see the power of the House and Senate in the United States after which Nigerian democracy is fashioned. We can see how the parliamentary system in the United Kingdom works too. The people hold their  parliamentarians very accountable.

    As a developing nation, Nigeria needs the three arms to work in sync for a viable democracy. Failure of any to perform effectively impacts on the development of the country. It is therefore ironic that most Nigerian politicians who vie for seats in the various legislative houses do not always have a firm grip of what the functions of a legislator are to their constituencies.

     In some ways, the some legislators tend to see themselves as having executive roles. They often campaign alongside those vying for executive positions and begin to make promises on general policy issues.  This often stems from lack of a full knowledge of legislative functions. This fundamentally impacts on the output of legislators at all tiers of government.  Mostof them win elections and begin to learn on the job literally.

    Ironically, the Nigerian National Assembly members are allegedly some of the highest paid in the world but some of the least productive in ways that the people are even agitating for a part time federal legislature. The Nigerian citizens feel that the National Assembly (NASS) members often only care for their welfare and little for their constituents. Beyond the accusation is the fact that most of the legislators at that level do not seem to understand fully their roles in a democracy.

    The three functions of the legislative arms are, law making, Oversight functions and lobbying for their constituencies. On a general level, each of the NASS members ought to operate as a national representative given their status as federal law makers  but more often than not, they tend to pander to personal, regional and party sentiments which are all very divisive sentiments that breed rancor in the general house and turn out very unproductive.

    Invariably then, the people feel that the NASS members only care for their welfare because their Oversight functions on the executive seem very ineffectual as most ministries, agencies and departments  have a free reign. The tagging of the 9th assembly a ‘rubber stamp’ assembly sums up the perception of the NASS during the 8th years of former President mohammed Buhari. The 10th assembly is however being evaluated but their salaries and allowances have stirred a lot of controversies as most of  the senators, the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), the agency that fixes their allowances and salaries and the National assembly members have continued to give figures different from what some senators claim they get.

    A few years ago, Senator Shehu Sani had claimed that as a senator, he earned about N13m monthly, an amount some of his colleagues denied then. There was outrage from the public given that at the time, civil servants were being paid between 18,000 and 30,000 naira minimum wage. This happened in the 8th senate.

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    The controversies surrounding the real earnings of Nigerian politicians including the National Assembly members is a great source of mistrust between the people aand those in government. There is total lack of transparency in the payment structure that the people continually feel that those in leadership are not being transparent. The Revenue Mobilization allocation and Physical Commission has not heped matters as their figures are often at variance with what some senators claim they receive.

    They issue then is, who pays the NASS members, how much do they all earn at both chambers? Which agency is responsible for allocations and payements?

    Recently, the Chairman of RMAFC, Mohammed Shehu claimed that senators get a total of N1, 06m in salaries and allowances every month. On the contrary, Senator Abdurahmankawu, senator representing the Kano South senatorial district under the NNPP aprty told the Hausa service of the BBC in an interview that, “sincerely, our salary amounts to N21million monthly.

    The Senate Spokesman, Yemi Adaramodu refuted senator Kawu’s claim that senators are paid N21m monthly saying the claim was far from the truth. He said that the, “…the funds referred to by Senator Kawu are neither his salary nor personal allowance”.  This leaves the Nigerian people with more questions than answers. Former President Obasanjo had recently upbraided some lawmakers who visited him for fixing their allowances and salaries themselves and alleging that that wa immoral.

    The controversy rages across the country because there seems to be no clarity to the issues and this has been on since 1999. The question people are asking seems to be, why should senators who have owned up to how much they receive as salaries and allowances be disbelieved? Who allocates money to the NASS members? Why are mere lawmakers some of who have no professional of personal pedigrees be earning so much in a country with 133m plus living in multi-dimensional poverty?

    Why are there discordant tunes from the RMAFC, the senators and the Spokesman of the Senate? The senate which is the senior arm of the NASS seems to be mired in controversy over financial matters especially in this 10th assembly. The President of the Senate, Godwill Akpabio had at some point jokingly told the Senators that monies had been sent to their accounts for a festivity. When the people showed outrage, he recanted and said he meant email. On sevral occasions, there had been allegations of largess extended to the seantors like the Senate President getting so much for his constituency.

    The lack of transparency in the allocations for the salaries and allowances of Nigeria’s legislative house in a country with so much poverty and where the minimum wage was just recently upgraded from 30,000 to 70,000 naira must worry the upper legislative chamber. It is a sign of lack of sensitivity to the issues that bother the people. With huge economic issues on the table of most Nigerians the NASS must be seen to be sensitive to the yearnings of the people for transparency and discipline.

    It is an irony that the National Assembly trends most times for their welfare related issues than for their legislative duties. The leadership of the house must get its act together and present themselves as true reprsentatives of the people. In a country with 70,000naira minimum wage and where pensioners are often owed their pension payments, how does the NASS explain their alleged huge allowances and emoluments?

    Refuting the claims of a sitting senator on paper or through press releases is in itself neither here nor there. Does it mean that the both Senators Shehu Sani and Abdulrahman Kawu are liars or incapable of calculating their allowances and salaries. The world is a global village now and it is not to the best image of either the NASS or the country that such controversies are perennially in the public domain.  It is a sign that the country seems unserious.

    The discrepancies in the amount with no efforts to present the true facts can only continue to fuel the trust deficit between the people and those in government. Nigeria is a leading country in Africa and should be in a position to like Ceasar’s wife be above reproach.  It is very disturbing that 24 years after the return of civilian democracy, the saries and allowances of political office holders including the National Assembly members are shouded in mystery.

    Many now believe that most Nigerian politicians see elections as do-or-die affair because it is the easiest routes to huge salaries where there is no way of evaluating the input of the earners.  There can be no development without official discipline and total accountability. What can the NASS do to redeem itself?

    • The dialogue continues…