Category: Saturday

  • January 15 and Fani Kayode’s historical negationism (1)

    January 15 and Fani Kayode’s historical negationism (1)

    Give it to Femi Fani Kayode! He is indeed a master with words and regularly writes the kind of prose with some elements of poignancy, a reader’s delight I must add, given his  penchant for causing seismic like shifts with his use of pun!

    That said, FFK’s latest treatise which criticises the non teaching of history in our national curriculum is essential for a number of our policy makers to perhaps have a rethink and do an about turn on such via it’s reintroduction into our curriculum.

    Truth remains that a people who are not familiar with their history have already  lost a part of their consciousness, and it doesn’t much matter if such a generation describes itself as the “woke or soro soke” generation, if that generation is breaking boundaries and attaining feats worldwide, no!

    So  on this plank, I much  agree with FFK, matter of fact I see the effects of such on a daily basis, particularly within the unguarded gateways of social media where many attempt to distort history and many more who are gullible lap such distortions as truth, becoming bigoted as they help disseminate such nonsense.

    FFK, however fails to note that it is not only the GenZ that have the predilections to in his own words predicate and rationalise their nation’s existence on lies, misinformation, disinformation, falsehood, folklore, fairy tales, fantasy, self-serving and selective clap trap and a more than heavy dose of intellectual distortion and historical revisionism, even scholars and historical buffs such as himself can also be victims of what Kornberg Jaques (1933-2020) refers to as historical negationism or historical denialism.

    In seeking to draw a bridge to nowhere, FFK attempts to explain the importance of the January 15 date, a date that houses two very remarkable events in the annals of our nation’s chequered history, first it witnessed the January 15, 1966 coup and second it was also the day that the Nigerian Biafran war came to it’s end with the surrender of Biafra’s number two man, Philip Effiong. Thus the date  has since that period become the Armed Forces Memorial Day, to commemorate those officers and men who have repeatedly given their lives not only in that civil war but also in World Wars 1 and 2, a number of international peace keeping missions and the recent war against terrorism and banditry.

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    FFK mentions the bloody coup of January 15, 1966 and describes it as” the day where our seemingly unending troubles and turmoil really started.” It is at this point that the faux historian in FFK is unleashed otherwise the scion of the Fani Kayode dynasty would not attribute the nation’s problems to January 15 which was rather an intervention to stop the country from drifting into the abyss under the civilian leadership led by the Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa.

    Fani Kayode forgets or at most attempts to negate that as at January the 14th, 1966 a number of sections of the Nigerian nation were up in flames, the Western Region had become a blood soaked land owing to the ‘ Operation Wetie’ crisis as a result of the massive rigging carried out in the Western Region elections of 1965 that had witnessed an Akintola boasting that even if the people of the region did not vote for him that he would still win and win he did with all the shenanigans that whilst celebrating the heist of that election, Remi Adetokumbo Fani Kayode was alleged to have declared Churchillian style that ” This is our finest hour” . Indeed,  it was a fine hour in vote stealing and electoral malpractice, a precursor to what we were to experience in the Second Republic and this present one.

    Fani Kayode has also forgotten the Tiv riots in which soldiers repeatedly massacred citizens of present day Benue State. Now, while Balewa had been quick to declare a state of emergency in the Western Region owing merely to a fight between parliamentarians , the same Balewa had much dawdled and even told the same audience that he had no power to declare same much in the wake of the bloodletting experienced therein.

    Fani Kayode then goes for broke in his attempts to negate history by agreeing to the nauseating argument that the January 15th coup was an Igbo Coup and in his words described the coup as one in which the Igbos had “attempted to take power through the barrel of the gun and impose an ethnic and religious agenda.’

    Try as much as he may  Fani Kayode rcannot negate  the roles played by John Thomas Umunakwe Aguiyi Ironsi who rallied Federal troops to stop the coup from gaining any success in Lagos and Ibadan, again  his selective amnesia may have also forgotten the other role played by Colonel Emeka Ojukwu who was in charge of the 5th battalion Kano refused to partake in the coup and even told Nzeogwu via the phone that he would not take orders from a Major. It is to his credit that the coup lost it’s verve in the North and in a couple of days Nzeogwu was to surrender to Ironsi. Were these men Yoruba or Birom? If these men played noble parts in shutting down the coup then how could the coup have been an Igbo Coup?

    An Igbo Coup would have sought to entrench an Azikiwe or an M.I Okpara in power, or how else could they have imposed their ethnic and religious agenda as viley suggested by FFK if one of their own did not suceed. The likes of FFK know that the main thrust of the coup was for the release of an Obafemi Awolowo from Calabar Prison and his establishment as Premier of the nation, enamoured by his exploits as Premier, these young coupists including a Major Adewale Ademoyega, a Yoruba and the likes of Odia Ofeimun and several other witnesses to history have attested to such, if it was an Igbo Coup, I guess the great Obafemi  Awolowo must have  hailed from my native Enu Orofia Village in Abagana?

  • AFCON2024: Patriotism vs political bigotry

    AFCON2024: Patriotism vs political bigotry

    The 2024 African Cup of Nations (#AFCON24) being hosted by Ivory Coast started off with a beautiful opening ceremony that spelt  AFRICA in all its glory and cultural effervescence. The organizers were very Afrocentric in their presentations. It was absolutely lovely to watch the glamour  and cultural diversity displayed by the entertainers. Even Nigeria’s Yemi Alade popularly called Mama Africa was on stage to trill the world and she did not disappoint.

    The Roundtable Conversation however considers the 2024 AFCON competition a needed elixir for a country like Nigeria smarting from a very chaotic 2023 elections that as usual saw politicians further dividing the country through religion and ethnicity.

    The Nigerian political class has for a long time created divisions amongst the citizens who on the social and economic levels see no problems in relating with each other. Even before and after colonialism, the many parts of Nigeria have always related with each other cordially. There had been inter-tribal marriages and trade with all its interspersing cultural exchanges. The society was more peaceful and prosperous and less suspicious of each other.

    Then a post-independence Nigerian politics happened and tribes and religion became issues and the politicians divided the country along those lines not for its prosperous nuances but purely for selfish reasons.

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    In 1952, a Fulani man, Mallam Umaru Altine from Sokoto state was elected the first  Mayor of Enugu. He had emerged through his discipleship of the late Nnamdi Azikiwe political family that was as multi-cultural as it was deeply nationalistic. On a more social note, the Mayor had equally married an Igbo lady in the course of his sojourn in the Eastern region as the area was then known. He belonged to the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) . He was a scion of the Sokoto Caliphate.  He was a Nigerian who was interested in service and the people gave him the mandate without recourse to divisive socio-religious nuances now driving the country apart.

    S.G Ikoku, a highly influential man from Imo state was a staunch supporter of late Obafemi Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) an at some point he was the Secretary General of the party. His late father, Alvan Ikoku was a great educationist who did great things for the education sector in ways that his legacies still stands to his name. He was as influential locally as he was nationally and today his image looms large on the 10naira note.

    Late Adeniran Ogusanya was a staunch member of the NCNC and helped the party win elections in his constituency.  It is good to recall these lofty sides of our politics because the difference between then and now is almost like the difference between day and night. Today, Nigerian politics looks almost very toxic and divisive. The political actors are more alienated from the people than ever and there is trust deficit.

    So it is apposite for the Roundtable Conversation to broach this very important conversation as Nigerians revel in their victory at the on-going AFCON games against Ivory Coast in their country. Even if the performance of the Super Eagles has not been excellent in comparative terms, their victory over the host despite a huge home support speaks of the resilience, the sense of patriotism and commitment to the Nigerian spirit in the team.

    The nation needs all the healing that it can get from the psychological and physical injuries of the just concluded elections across the country. But the question is, why does Nigeria produce the most litigious elections in the world?

    The Roundtable Conversation can hazard a guess. Nigerian politicians seem to be some of the least patriotic in the world. More often than not, the ‘professional politicians’ as most  of them describe themselves are in politics for less than altruistic reasons. 

    In the light of the AFCON games, the Roundtable Conversation feels that creative Arts like the entertainment industry and sports of which football is the beautiful game produces some of the most patriotic humans and as such our politicians have some lessons to learn. 

    We talked to Dr. Danladi Bako, ace broadcaster, former Director General of National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) and former Chairman of Sokoto State Football Association who had attended six World Cup finals and 12 AFCON tournaments about his views about politicians and footballers as it seems that sportsmen like footballers show  more patriotism.

    Dr. Bako believes that the field of  politics and football have very divergent hierarchical growth processes. In politics, there is a lot at stake on personal levels. The contestations are fierce and the winnings are personal in a different way. In football, the growth is from a junior level and you almost always rise through your country’s junior to national teams and personal efforts determine your future progression especially in more viable European, English, or other profitable Continental leagues.

    Politics is about sharing what is available on the context of the individual, provincial pressure groups, sub-national and national groups. Contestation for power is all about sharing the commonwealth. In football, the prizes or the reward is not as gargantuan as that of politics. A legislature gets a House of Reps. seat and he gets millions in a month as salaries an allowances. The footballer goes through the stages from Under 16 up to national teams. It is an individual issue.

    In the case of politics, you could be a thug today and the moment your mentor wins a big political post, you become a Special Adviser, from there you too can rise through the political ladder to become even a senator or governor. The footballer works too hard to rise on his own merit but the politician can even connive to rig elections and the electoral processes can throw up contrived cases of tribes and religion meant to divide the people to achieve success. Even at the sub-regional levels, you have the people finding ways to exclude each other .You have for instance internal issues of even those from same states still finding ways to claim supremacy over each other for political gains.

    It is that contestation for power that gives rise to exclusion politics like religion, tribe etc. The price is huge and as such the contest becomes very fierce. The likelihood of manipulation in electoral processes also creates distrust. On the contrary, on the field of play, individual merit is what markets a player. The real issues are that the field of politics is tricky, most people depend on God fathers but in football, individual merit matters.

     There is too little integration. Politics needs a definitive effort to blur the lines of differences. There must be a national effort to think Nigeria first so the narrative can change . We need to make conscious efforts to re-integrate values that unite. There must be a design to make Nigeria the focal point rather than peripheral tribal lineages.

    We must make efforts to be one and calm frayed nerves for national cohesion. We have to level the political playing field where justice is seen to be done to all. Citizenship must be made attractive by government to create social justice across the country. We can take a cue from America where people from different nationalities have stopped thinking of original ancestral countries. We  need to obliterate ‘state of origin’ in our polity. When would federal character not matter anymore? Contestation for power is what brings division.

    Victor Osimhen gave Ekong the penalty to take during their match with the host. There was no contestation based on any other consideration except the need of the team to win for the country. The Nigerian political space must take a leaf from the team spirit that guides the national teams in all sports. Individual efforts combines into a formidable team success.

    We also spoke to Godwin Dudu-Orumen (Esq.) lawyer, journalist former Chairman, Edo Sports Commission and Sports businessman. To him, politics and sports are two different fields. Sportsmen have a totally different attitude that politicians lack. Politicians have a totally conceited behavior.  Most of the politicians are in the business for their selfish gains. A lot of politicians do not understand that sports especially football has become a multi-trillion dollar global business. Some of them pay lip service to sports because they lack the patriotic spirit of sportsmen.

    To him, sportspeople are possessed by a different type of spirit that politicians lack. This to him is why politicians only meddle in sports with some nepotism making it possible for certain wrong decisions to be taken that often affect national interest. On the other hand, sportsmen carry the burden of national pride and glory. The average politician is often more concerned about personal gains rather than the general good of the citizens.

    He believes that the fact that core politicians are not in the sports business  is why merit works in the sports sector so the politicians do not always bring their divisiveness into sports. Their character is not brought into sports and to some extent, sports seems devoid of certain attitudes found in politics that strips the politician of that sportsmanship spirit that is productively enchanting and patriotic.

    Both Bako and Dudu-Orumen are experienced enough in both sports and politics (even if they don’t pass for ‘professional politicians of the Nigerian hue) to critically weigh into the nexus or lack of same between sports and politics. However, the Roundtable Conversation believes that like other nations, Nigeria must begin to look at sports with the global lens of not just for its entertainment and unifying value but to be able to tap from the multi-dimensional profit-yielding venture that is attracting investment and paying off in nations’ GDP. A country like Morocco and Saudi Arabia are showing the less developed countries that investing in sports especially football can be rewarding. But how many of Nigerian politicians are reading and/or watching #AFCON2024 for instance?

    • The dialogue continues…

  • Kick in the teeth

    Kick in the teeth

    Believe me, dear reader, on what I want to say. Yes, tears rolled down my cheeks while reading the message sent to my email Monday night, stating that the country’s President,  Bola Ahmed Tinubu, had accepted to release N12 billion to settle all debts owed the country’s sportsmen, sportswomen, officials, coaches and other ancillary staff, who worked their socks wet, representing Nigeria at different sporting competitions across the globe. As I read the story sent through The Nation newspapers, my thoughts ran to the night in Paris in 1998, when Retired Colonel Abdulmumini Aminu cried over the conduct of some Super Eagles players days before Nigeria confronted Denmark in the second round fixture at the France ‘ 98 World Cup.

    Aminu’s reaction was hinged on the players’ insistence that they should be paid upfront $15,000 each before they stepped onto the pitch to honour the Second Round fixture against Denmark. Indeed, the 1998 Super Eagles squad has been the most incorrigible set of stars, yes stars, who knew that they were injured but chose to be in camp to cause confusion there.

    Interestingly, many of those who represented Nigeria at France’s 98 World Cup knew that it was their last chance to play at the Mundial. Rather than bow out with their heads high in glory, they chose to be recalcitrant. It didn’t matter if Nigeria was disgraced. This France ’98 World Cup Eagles would have been the country and Africa’s first team to play at the World Cup final game if only they were all physically fit. Recall that Nigeria beat the dreaded Spanish team 3-2 in the Group’s opening game, making pundits salivate because the bulk of players in the squad were members of the country’s debut World Cup squad in 1994 and those in the now famous Atlanta ’96 Olympic Games’ gold-winning team. The stars were there, but many were injured; some others were no longer motivated to die for Nigeria but chose to fight to collect what the country owed them as allowances and match bonuses from preparatory games. The way they behaved was shameful – absolutely.

    Recall that the late goggled one in the country’s jackboot era had died and the world celebrated the end of a tyrannical reign in Nigeria. The late Emeka Omeruah had to return to Nigeria to get the funds to pay the players upfront before they agreed to play. The players behaved as merchants. Patriotism was thrown into the lagoon. Just a word to them. Pity. The country’s 3-2 victory over Spain ignited the mood in Nigeria. Why the players used the Mundial in France to settle scores with the NFF left much to desire, knowing that many of them were playing for top European clubs and earning mind-boggling weekly wages well over the $15,000 they were agitating for.

    The argument that the players deserve to earn what was promised is good. My quarrel is with how they went about getting their money. It turned out that most of the time, the government’s bureaucracy delayed the payment, not that their entitlements were misappropriated. After all, the NFF key officials dragged to the court in the aftermath of the crises that engulfed Nigeria’s South Africa 2010 World Cup campaign were discharged and acquitted of all the charges levied against them.

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    A situation in which players get paid between $5,000 and $15,000 as match bonuses aside from their other entitlements, yet would want to take a large chunk from the competition’s gate earnings leaves the NFF perpetually broke. We tolerate the players’ idiocy most times like instances where they are given cash before playing games under the guise of motivating them. It is not done anywhere in the world. Would it shock you dear, to know that such cash is never refunded if they lose such failed encounters?

    The perennial feud between the players and those in power truncated Nigerians’ quest for a resounding World Cup performance reminiscent of what happened in 1994 in the United States of America (USA). It accounted for the country’s failure in France. Denmark beat Nigeria 4-1. Many businesses suffered because many forward-looking business outfits looked forward to a ‘revenge’ game between Nigeria and Brazil, two years after the country’s Dream Team 1 beat the Brazilians 4-3 in the golden goal rule at the Atlanta ’96 Olympic Games’ semi-final game.

    Fast forward to another World Cup year in 2002 co-hosted and another bonuses and allowances brouhaha broke out; this time during the Africa Cup of Nations with Nigeria sure of the ticket to Korea/ Japan. This time the feud had a new combatant – the Sports Ministry. The ministry chieftains stood their ground by disbanding the squad after the Nations Cup and constituted a new Super Eagles squad. Many of the country’s big boys, who would have made a difference, were dropped and a  renowned coach, who was a disciplinarian, Adeboye Onigbinde, was appointed to lead the squad to Japan at short notice.

    Again, fast forward to 2010; the Super Eagles qualified for the epochal Africa Mundial hosted by South Africa in 2010 with pomp and ceremony. Of course, Nigeria was returning to the Mundial after an eight-year hiatus and most bookmakers felt we must have learned our lessons from the past mistakes.

    The show of shame during the South Africa 2010 Mundial was such that the team was serving two masters – the NFF which is a body recognised to administer any country’s soccer in line with FIFA’s statutes and a yoyo body called the Presidential Task Force (PTF). Directives were issued at cross purposes and it didn’t come as a surprise that the Eagles exited the competition with nothing to cheer.

    Going to the Brazil 2014 World Cup for the Super Eagles was dogged by intrigues from within the NFF and from the Sports Ministry, leading to the formation of groups who prayed openly for the country’s failure. So, it wasn’t a surprise that the players refused to train for the second-round game against France. The players refused to be persuaded to play unless their outstanding debts were paid.

    A top government official who was in Brazil rushed back to Nigeria and was given $3.8million which the players shared throughout the night before the game against France. The Eagles were beaten 2-0 by the French which didn’t shock anyone close to the squad.

    The country’s campaign at the Russia 2018 World Cup wasn’t any different, except that those agitating for changes at the NFF stuck to their guns. They failed in their quest for changes at the federation’s headquarters in Abuja. The Eagles didn’t do well during the competition despite the presence of good players in the squad.

    It is instructive to reveal here that the troubles that have affected how Nigeria has prosecuted her World Cup games started after that year’s edition of the Africa Cup of Nations. The President’s decision to defray all the debts in the sports sections across the board speaks to the problems which have bedevilled the sector.

    For the first time in decades, the players dressed like Nigerians in one of our national attires. Not in coats of many colours or party and beach wear.

    Garlands for Mr President for restoring peace to the sporting industry. The President’s intervention is the fillip of growth that the sector needs to bring back the country’s sports investors.

  • Unfinished reconciliation in Osun APC

    Unfinished reconciliation in Osun APC

    More than a year after losing power, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Osun State has not learnt any lesson from its defeat during the 2022 governorship election. The chapter is now deck-deep in a crisis, an ill wind that won’t blow party members any good.

    It was a self-inflicted wound, which could have been avoided, if reason had prevailed. However, the disaster became inevitable because party leaders elevated personal and caucus interests over the collective interest of the party.

    Divided they fell on poll day, mocked by their opposition rivals and foes. The wound of the mutually assured destruction is yet to heal. The bitterness has not faded. Malice is still growing in geometric proportions.

    Osun APC is waging war against itself.

    The chapter has not forgiven itself. Due to the inability or refusal of top party leaders to sheathe their swords, the party is now polarised into what could be described as two ‘factions’. Reconciliation is not mooted by scattered party elders within the state, especially those who have taken sides. The seemingly dormant Southwest regional leadership of the party is helpless. It is doubtful if the Abdullahi Umar Ganduje-led National Working Committee (NWC) is cognisant of the entrenched discontent among the party fold and its implications in the long run.

    The loser is not only the party but also the state. The Action Congress of Nigeria/All Progressives Congress administrations in the State of Living Springs were people-oriented. They cared about society and they displayed lofty ideas and action. They had an ideological background. In their agenda, the people came first. The development of the state was a priority.

    Former Governor Adebisi Akande, a man of the old order, brought discipline, frugality, transparency, and accountability to bear on governance. There was no room for avarice, stealing, and misappropriation of public funds. He set a standard for effective governance. He accomplished much before the 2003 earthquake swept off his government.

    Charismatic Chief Rauf Aregbesola is an idealist, a mobiliser, a crusader, an astute politician, and an administrator who built on the pioneering achievements of Pa Akande. He fought the infrastructure battle and recorded feats in other sectors. Although Akande only spent four years, Aregbesola spent two terms. He also handed over to a government of continuity.

    Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola: reticent, innovative, and reformist, was a silent worker. He was prudent, effective, meticulous, and modest. He was an administrator per excellence. He built on the achievements of his predecessors.

    However, Aregbesola’s succession plan conflicted with his party leader’s wish. Indeed, Aregbesola and his successor will reflect on the episode and reveal their inner workings in their memoirs. But it was evident that during that moment of intra-party bickering, the chapter lost its cohesion. So deep was the division that even in 2018, the party only won by a slim margin.

    Aregbesola and Oyetola are Osun APC assets. It is lamentable that the two leading politicians in the state’s progressive bloc cannot combine their strengths. It should be confounding to the duo that the virile, formidable, and time-tested structure that accounted for their victories in the past is now perceived as a shadow of its glorious past.

    What is striking is not what has changed in the progressive family but what has remained the same. Since the days of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Southwest’s progressives have never demonstrated the capacity for crisis resolution. Once a crack appeared on the wall, it would not be mended.

    The import of a forgiving spirit is lost on many Yoruba politicians. Tolerance and accommodation are usually in short supply. Although the National Leader, President Bola Tinubu, is an epitome of tolerance and accommodation, many of his native Southwest followers lack that virtue of forgiveness.

    In Osun, the lack of reconciliation led to a chain of events that boxed the combatants into the opposition.

    The intra-party imbroglio in the progressive fold cleared the coast for Senator Jackson Nurudeen Ademola Adeleke to dance to the Government House in Osogbo. It appeared the divided APC leaders reveled in the intrigue, acrimony, backstabbing, strife, and rancour that was tearing their party apart without any indication that they were interested in an amicable resolution.

    In the next three years, the PDP governor will continue to direct the affairs of the state as an entertainer. This is a glaring departure from the ideals of his predecessors who evinced knowledge, vision, and focus in their style of governance. They were good governance personified.

    Since Osun APC is in trouble, it cannot play effectively the role of the opposition; it cannot also hold the PDP government accountable. The body language of the PDP administration in the state depicts the image that it has no rival, no opposition.

    Also, the membership drive is hampered. Who wants to join a party that is not at peace with itself?

    The concern now in the progressive bloc is that Osun APC may not be able to bounce back because it is not putting its house in order. While the chapter has three years to prepare, its leaders are locked in a curious war of attrition.

    Much energy is being dissipated on endless conflicts by leaders who have refused to appreciate that there is strength in unity.

    The two antagonistic camps in the distressed chapter revolve around the Minister of Blue Economy and the former Interior Minister. Instead of closing ranks and working together, their followers in the ‘Ilerioluwa Organisation’ and ‘TOP/Omoluabi Progressives’ are strengthening their caucuses as if the camps are replacements for the party.

    There is a supremacy battle between the two caucuses as if either of the camps can electorally survive without the other.

    Caucus meetings are given more prominence than party meetings. From there, party brethren fire salvos as perceived foes in their party. The warriors in Osun APC have also invaded the social media where they fight dirty, apportion blame and issue threats.

    There is no common ground. The suspicion and distrust permeate the entire party structures at the state, local government, and ward levels. There is no neutrality.

    Since Osun APC is out of power, its vast members are left in the cold. Although it was once the ruling party, APC has now become the opposition. The difference is clear.

    The contradiction in Osun APC is that as the cracks widen, party members become more disposed to working at cross-purposes and undermining the party. The havoc wreaked by chieftains who have defected to the PDP and Labour Party (LP) is intolerable. But the atrocity of party men and women who have become internal opposition leaders in their party is absurd. It is an act of disloyalty and indiscipline.

    Ironically, the gladiators tearing apart Osun APC are those who laboured to build the party and stood their ground against the PDP arrows. It is surprising that the same people who endured dehumanising tribulations, including repression and oppression by the PDP and unlawful detention in prisons so that their party could survive, are now indulging in acts that threaten the existence of their party. It speaks volumes.

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    During the week, chieftains of the first ‘faction’ sued the second faction for creating a division. The two camps comprise Yoruba men and women who understand the axiom that rivals do not return from the court to become friends. While the court can validate the party leadership structures, the temple of justice cannot restore love and unity among the litigating sides.

    Oyetola and Aregbesola are not the progenitors of the progressive bloc in Osun. They are also not the fathers of AD, AC, and ACN that metamorphosised into the APC. They are inheritors, beneficiaries, and contributors to the progressive idea that gave content, form, predictability, and popularity to the platform. The question is: what manner of a party do they want to bequeath to the younger generation of progressives?

    Osun APC needs to wake up from its phantasm urgently. Its legacies may be eroded by a succeeding administration that may not appreciate the giant strides of the past and the products of meticulous planning, sacrifice, and patriotism of Akande/ Aregbesola/ Oyetola era.

    Faithful progressives in Osun should return to the table of brotherhood. Aregbesola should reconcile with his leader and elder brother, Asiwaju. This is the expectation of many Southwesterners.

    The national leadership of the party should broker a truce between the two camps in the chapter. Both sides need to demonstrate the readiness to embrace peace. It is in their interest, in the interest of the party and their state.

    Osun APC warriors should also properly interpret the symbol of their party, the broom. It symbolises togetherness, collective effort, unity, cohesion, and strength.

    The prospects of reclaiming power will be high if these leaders come together, settle their minor differences, and present their party as a united, indivisible, and formidable platform.

    The likes of Aregbesola, Oyetola, Titi Laoye-Tomori, D. Alabi, Jide Omoworare, Sheu Moshood Adeoti, Ajibola Basiru, Iyiola Omisore, Jibola Famurewa, Sunday Akere, Sunday Owoeye, Afolabi, Layi Oyeduntan, Rasaq Salensile, Adelowo Adebiyi, Adelani Baderinwa, Najeem Salam, Sikiru Ayedun, Wale Adedoyin, Rasheed Afolabi, Mudashiru Hussein, Sola Jacob-Adegbite, Bayo Adeleke, Bola Oyebamiji, Isiaka Owoade, Olalekan Badmus, Babatunde Ayeni, Remi Omowaiye, and Ayodele Asalu must jettison the bickering that has denied Osun State the beautiful days of political conviviality and togetherness, love and progress.

    It is time to return the State of Living Springs to the era of colourful politicking and the Omoluabi administrative system.

  • The missing links in ministerial nominations and screening

    The missing links in ministerial nominations and screening

    The return of civilian democracy to Nigeria in 1999 has been a huge learning curve for both the Nigerian political elite and the people.  Despite the flaws in the political parties’ structure and administration and even in the electoral processes, some progress have been made. The political awareness amongst the people has increased. The young people are showing less apathy and though they are not yet in the main stream of political engagements across the country, progress has been made.

    The internet has been a great tool for political and social communications and even though most of the political class seem to be of the analogue generation, the youth drive the levers of technology and the internet and their influence has been profoundly impactful. The Social media has despite its alleged and real negatives been a huge influence on the socio-political sphere in the country. Whether the political class agrees or not, the youth dictate the political communication pace in ways that has been vibrant and almost a game changer.

    The Nigerian political class however seems to revel in their old ways and has seemingly not taken advantage of the young people and their world views which are as cosmopolitan as they are global in practice  in a 21st century global village. The political class seems stuck in their archaic and parochial ways of doing things. The impact of this type of obstinacy has been huge on the development of the country in general terms.

    The idea that political parties in Nigeria still do not operate along identifiable political ideologies is an old school idea. The fact that political parties are still not run independent of individuals, groups, regions and some other considerations like ethnicity and religion are the bane of the weak democracy practiced in ways that have left the people poorer than expected. The fact that a lot of democratic tenets are observed in the breach is reason most elected officials are not accountable to the people who ought to be beneficiaries of democratic dividends. 

    Since 1999 for instance, successive presidents had always sent their ministerial nominees without attaching their portfolios and criticisms have always trailed the process because the Senate that has the constitutional duty of screening nominees at the federal level often do very unsatisfactory job of screening nominees whose professional and personal pedigrees often do not get the desired scrutiny before they are posted to any ministry, agency of parastatal.

    In the nomination and screening of candidates, some mundane considerations often overshadow what is actually important. Sometimes there is attention to party affiliations, religion, ethnicity or loyalty to political parties. While these are important aspects of humanity, making them the core focus and discountenancing competence, experience and the candidate’s capacity to understand that being given an opportunity to serve is a privilege that must be backed with a sense of patriotism and service.

    The Roundtable Conversation has always maintained that party loyalty and other less important considerations must not be made qualifying criteria for confirmation of nominees. There must be more thorough jobs by the Senate who are representatives of the Nigerian people. We all recall the almost 12 hours screening of Hilary Clinton when she was nominated by former President Barack Obama as Secretary of State for the United States. She is an accomplished lawyer, a former first lady of Arkansas, former United States First Lady, a two-term Senator representing New York yet the American Senate screened her for hours.

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    On the contrary, the Nigerian Senate often use the laughable, ‘Bow and Go’ style to dismiss  the screening of some nominees as the Senate often cite their  being former legislators or even for some women who are dismissed on the laughable reason of being a woman. There is often lack of diligence in the screening of nominees in ways that make the nominees feel a sense of entitlement that almost always backfires when we consider their deliverables.

    If the Nigerian Senate had insisted on getting the portfolios that nominees would be assigned after they are confirmed, possibly there would have been better deliverables in all sectors of the economy in the years from 1999 till 2023. While thorough screening might never preempt performances, it would have provided some insight to the capacity of certain individuals and their suitability for the positions they were to occupy.

    Ministerial positions are serious positions in any country. They are the team that works with each president and their capacity often tells on the outcome of every administration. The grinding poverty in Nigeria and other developmental problems cannot be the fault of any president but the presidents take credit or flacks either way. This is why no president should toy with the people he hires to be in the cabinet. When people insist the nominees must be attached to portfolios, it is for the senate to ask the right questions as regards the ministries the individual would be heading.

    But Nigeria has a problem. More of than not, appointments are seen as a favours being one the appointees and their families and friends often celebrate as though they are the chosen ones  who have been invited to a banquet with no care in the world. The paraphernalia of office is often the focus of most appointees in offices and that is why most of them have no laudable achievements after their tenures.

    It is laughable that the Nigerian National Assembly has made the words, ‘juicy ministry or committees’ regular words in the political lexicon of the nation. What these words semantically and politically mean is that there are ministries and legislative committees that are considered ‘lucrative’ and these implies that there are always scrambles for them. What Nigerians have not asked the political elite is the implication of those words. Juicy ministries and committees seem to be those areas where all the shenanigans take place and no one should then wonder why since 1999, Presidents put a veil over the portfolio of nominees and the Senate and House of Representatives all lobby and scramble for certain committees even when they lack the prerequisite competences  to effectively serve in certain committees. The lack of diligent  oversight function of the legislature is part of Nigeria’s problems.

    It seems that the unedifying history of lack of accountability by the political elite continually give us reasons to question the sense of patriotism and service they all come to offices with. Why should any sector be considered ‘dry’? The metaphor, ‘juicy’ in this circumstance comes with all the negatives. It just means everything with them is not about service. When you get ‘juice’, you consume it and juicy as a word comes with all the attractiveness that feeds the palates.

    The 133million Nigerians leaving in multi-dimensional poverty, the more than 20million Nigerian children that are out of school, the double digit unemployment and infrastructural decay are all results of non-performance by people who are paid with tax payers money not serving the people in productive ways. Nigeria is an endowed country both in human and natural resources. Commitment from the political class at both the executive and legislative levels is the prerequisite for a functional economy.

    The recent allegations in the Humanitarian Affairs, Social Development and Poverty Alleviation against the previous Minister, Sadiya Umar Farouq, the now suspended minister, Betta Edu and the suspended National Coordinator of the National Social Investment Programme Agency, (NSIPA), Halima Shehu is now top of national discourse.  While we await full and transparent investigations into the facts of their cases, it should be evident that when two elephants fight, the grass suffers.

    Nigeria is the poverty capital of the world. While the Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation Ministry is relevant. Those that fashioned  democracy as a system of government did not envisage that governments would be a charity. The system ought to work well enough that extreme poverty is reduced to the barest minimum and no minister should be glad to hand out money to the poor if all things are equal let alone fiddling with what is for the poor or being negligent of the most vulnerable.

    The focus at this time might be on this ministry but that lone ministry is not the one to wave the magic wand and eliminate poverty from the land. Every minister, every public servant owes the poor a duty to be diligent in their posts. While we await the outcome of investigations, it would be appropriate for every minister to do their bit, for every legislator both at the federal and state levels to do the right thing – work for the good of the people.

    The Humanitarian Affairs, Social Development and Poverty alleviation Ministry might be in the eye of the storm now but the Roundtable  Conversation believes that Nigeria has not looked at the fundamentals. Why are nominees not screened thoroughly by the Senate and State assemblies in ways to determine the competences, professional and private experiences and readiness of nominees to deliver? Why has nominations and screening since 1999 been seen as mystery dates?

    The idea of some people castigating the gender of those in the eye of the storm now as the sole problem of Nigeria is just ludicrous. Humans are humans and leadership qualities do not reside in any gender. The system must be purged of finger-pointing and the right and global best practices in leadership  must emerge for a functional system that can limit human flaws interrupting development.  Nigeria has had excellent female public officers from across Nigeria as well as men. Ngozi okonjo-Iweala, Prof. Ruqayyatu Ahmed Rufai, Dr. Omobola Johnson, late Dora Akunyili and many other women had serve excellently.

    • The dialogue continues…
  • Will NCMDB be alive to it’s responsibilities?

    Will NCMDB be alive to it’s responsibilities?

    No serious nation with a juicy sector such as that of the oil and gas sector would toy with its  local workforce and allow expatriates earn a living at the expense of such a workforce, not when the same nation possesses such workforce capacity with the requisite skills and much needed experience to take on such jobs.

    Such a picture painted above  therefore supplies the raisin d etre for the establishment of the  Nigerian Content and Development Monitoring Board, NCDMB which bears the mandate to guide, monitor, coordinate and implement the provisions of the NOGICD Act which was signed into law sometime in 2010.

    Two major key functions of the NCDMB are the setting up of guidelines and minimum content levels for project related activities across the oil and gas value chain and its proactive engagement  in ensuring effective capacity building interventions which would enhance the nation’s indigenous capacity, particularly in the field of Human Capital Development and other areas strategic to the nation’s determination to be a major player in the oil and gas business.

    While it would be unfair to dismiss the NCMDB as having failed to uphold the nation’s content intentions, I must point out that the agency could do more to enhance the nation’s content policy, particularly in the oil and gas sector. The aforementioned sector is a perfect example of how Nigeria is regularly becoming shortchanged as against the expectations of the Nigerian content act. Owing to the high rate of unemployment, a number of companies majorly, Chinese, Indian and Lebanese are basically shortchanging the country.

    Recently these companies have surreptitiously  been laying off indigenous staff, replacing them with their own nationals, who do not possess the requisite papers to work or earn a living here.

    These companies apart from engaging most of their indigenous staff in unhealthy work practices and environments as well as treat their Nigerian workers with disdain. At most occasions these indigenous staff are subjected to all kinds of humiliating work experiences, they are forced to sign contracts in which their welfare or rights as workers is neither guaranteed nor protected, most times they are eventually laid off with no benefits even after years of service.

    There is also the tendency for these firms to overshoot their expatriate quota,  there are examples of how these Chinese and Indian firms bring in their nationals who are allegedly serving jail terms are brought into the country and are used to displace indigenous staff.

    Take for example a situation where an oil and gas firm located in Delta state recently sacked over 40 Nigerian staff and has been replacing them with Indians.

    The company by name  BAAMOC Integrated services has facilities spread all over the country comprising of wellheads, mud plants, flow stations, jetties, boat building facilities, LPG facilities, CNG facilities, pipe line assets, lube oil facilities, quarries, etc. As I pen this now, they are also setting up a petrochemical and fertilizer complex in Akwa ibom.

    From my investigations the firm has repeatedly made life so difficult for its indigenous staff , they are reportedly being bullied, they are also  poorly equipped and are given frustrating tasks to carry out.

    Recently Indians without papers were brought into the firm as storekeepers, a majority of them are alleged to be undocumented aliens and have recently gone on to become HSE staff within a miraculous short period of three months? Readers must note that these rapidly promoted Indians who have replaced over 40 Nigerians do not possess the barest knowledge nor certification to be Health, Safety and Environment workers.

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    This development naturally violates the Nigerian Local Content Act which posits that Nigerians be given first  consideration for employment and training in any project by any operator or project promoter in the industry. While Section 35 requires that “all operators and companies to employ only Nigerians in their junior and intermediate cadre”. “

    The BAMOOC incident which is just one amongst several other cases serves as an indictment not only on the NCMDB but also the National Assembly, the Ministry for Interior , NLC and ISPON.

    Asides from laying away Nigerians, a number of labourers/ workers are reportedly exposed to hazardous environments with little or no compensation should accidents occur. There are also numerous instances of workers losing their limbs and lives owing to the non-provision of protective equipment by these firms.

    The BAMOOC incident negates the desire for Nigeria to add or create composite value to the its economy. Such a practice if allowed to continue would lead to a dearth in jobs, skills development and capacity building.

    While I will not lay the blame on the table of the NCMDB alone, I believe that it needs to live up to its functions by ensuring that the local content  policy of this nation is fervently implemented. I would also call out the National Assembly, particularly its committees on Local Content to look into the BAMOOC incident and ensure that the 40 indigenous staff as one reportedly died in the hospital after receiving his sack letter are either reinstated or duly compensated by the firm.

    Others such as the Ministry of Labour, the Ministry for Interior, Immigration , NLC and PENGASSAN  must begin to mete out the consequences for such  to these firms, we must begin to address these issues frontally otherwise the likes of BAMOOC will continue to treat Nigerians as second class citizens in their own country!

    May Nigeria Succeed!

  • Operation Rice for Rice

    Operation Rice for Rice

    In the face of unrelenting onslaught against innocent residents of Lagos by criminals in 2002, the inimitable late Tafa Balogun who, at the time, was Inspector General of Police, came up with what he branded ‘Operation Fire for Fire.’

    He could not stand by while criminals subjected the people to intimidation, day and night. Such an affront to constituted authority could not be tolerated, he vowed 

    Pronto, he deployed a 2,000 strong anti-crime force in the metropolis to stem the tide of insecurity. The rest, as they say, is history.

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    Now, a different kind of clash of interests is playing out in Rivers State where Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike, and his estranged protégé, Governor Siminalayi Fubara, appear to be locked in a fresh struggle for the soul of the state. Political observers in the state aptly call it ‘Operation Rice for Rice.’

    Well, ‘Operation Rice for Rice‘ derived its tag from the thousands of bags of rice shelled out by the two gladiators for the people to have Christmas and New Year celebrations that would be remembered for many years on account of the goodies.

    Not only did Fubara distribute 100 branded bags of rice per ward, he also approved a generous bonus to civil servants, although some teachers are now wondering why they were left out.

    Trust Wike, he ‘returned fire’ with his own 2,000 branded bags of rice per local government area.

    And Rivers residents are silently praying that long may the ‘Operation’ last.

  • Renewed Hope Agenda and anti-corruption war

    Renewed Hope Agenda and anti-corruption war

    When he appeared before the Senate for screening and approval of the upper chamber of the National Assembly before his confirmation as the new Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) last October, Mr Ola Olukoyede. appeared sure-footed and sounded self-assured. In his responses to questions from the law makers, the new anti-corruption Czar demonstrated that he is a thorough professional well acquainted with the terrain of fighting financial crime, unveiling fraud and bursting corrupt cartels.

    Critics of his appointment had contended that Olukoyede was not qualified for the job in the light of Section 2 (3) of the EFCC Act which states that the Chairman of the EFCC “must be a serving or retired member of any government security or law enforcement agency not below the rank of Assistant Commissioner of Police or equivalent and possesses not less than 15 years experience”. But those who supported his nomination for the job pointed out that Olukoyede is a lawyer with over 22 years experience as a regulatory compliance consultant as well as a specialist in fraud management and corporate intelligence.

    Furthermore, the new EFCC boss served as Chief of Staff to a former Chairman of the outfit from 2016 to 2018 as well as Secretary to the Commission from 2018 till 2023. His performance on the floor of the Senate demonstrated his thorough knowledge of the psychology of corruption and he came across as someone who had thought deeply about the subject and thus had pragmatic and concrete policy suggestions on how best to tackle the menace from the roots without recourse to cheap sensationalism.

    For instance, as he told the Senators, “I did a survey between 2018 and 2020 on 50 entities in Nigeria, both human and corporate entities. I picked just one scheme, one specie of fraud, which is called contract and procurement fraud. I discovered that within the three years, Nigeria lost N2.9 trillion”.

    Demonstrating to the legislators the colossal opportunity cost of such massive looting of public resources, Olukoyede said “When I put my figures together, I discovered that if the country had prevented the money from being stolen, it would have given us 1000 kilometers of roads and it would have built 200 standard tertiary institutions. It would also have educated about 6000 children from primary to tertiary level at N16 million per child; it would also have delivered more than 20000 units of three bedroom houses across the country; it would have given us a world class teaching hospital in each of the 36 states of the country”.

    It was thus against this background that Olukoyede said that the EFCC under his leadership would spend more money on preventing corruption by identifying and blocking leakages rather than spending humongous amounts on trying to retrieve lost money after such money has been stolen and most likely expended. While saying that enforcement is a very strong tool in the hands of anti-corruption agencies which the EFCC would not ignore, he advocated for what he called a transactional credit system in Nigeria because in his words. “If we continue to allow Nigerians buy houses, cars and other essential properties by cash because we don’t have an effective credit system one thousand security agencies will not do us any good and that is the reality”.

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    Continuing, Olukoyede told the Senators that “The savings of an average Nigerian all through his service years cannot build the type of houses they are building and the cars they are riding. The problem we have is just like the proverbial monkey that was locked in a cage with a bunch of Bananas. The owner stood outside with a cane. The monkey would either eat the bananas, get beaten and be alive or allow the bananas to get rotten and die of hunger”. It is obvious that Mr Olukoyede is not excusing corruption but advocating that even as we deal decisively with corrupt elements among us, we must also reflect on the deeper and more fundamental roots of the problem so that we do not continue to address just the symptoms.

    That he takes enforcement as important as the preventive measures he articulates is evident from his submission that “To encourage our criminal Justice system to work, the substance should be taken above technicalities. We must encourage our criminal Justice system to adjudicate in such a way that it will not drag for a very long time. Prosecution should not be allowed to take more than a maximum of five years from the court of first instance to the Supreme Court. The Senate can work on that very seriously. If we make the administration of the criminal Justice system to work, you will see the great work the anti- corruption agencies are doing”.

    Mr Olukoyede has already begun to walk his talk as his agency has asked the immediate past Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development, Sadia Umar-Farouk to appear before its team of investigators currently probing the alleged laundering of amounts to the sum of over N37.2 billion under her watch as Minister. In a similar vein, the Chief Executive Officer of the National Social Investment Programme Agency (NSIPA), Halima Shehu, who has been placed on suspension, has also been interrogated by the EFCC to shed light on the alleged movement of N17 billion from the account of the NSIPA to some suspicious accounts within one week.

    Of course, the EFCC has also taken over the case file of the former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr Godwin Emefiele, for prosecution over stupendous corruption investigations into his management both by the Department of State Services (DSS) as well as the Special Investigator into the finances of the apex bank, Mr Jim Obazee, former Chief Executive Officer of the  Financial Reporting Council of Nigeria and highly respected financial analyst and investigator. It could be argued with some justification that not much use can come of expending valuable time in seeking to probe the activities of previous administrations when such time can be utilized in the pursuit of a new administration’s agenda.

    However, if the alleged diversion of public funds is of such a gargantuan scale, there certainly can be no harm in seeking to retrieve such funds as unobtrusively as possible especially if the culprits are cooperative enough to want to return looted wealth quietly. The new EFCC Chairman must, however, guard against sensational trial by media of allegedly corrupt persons which past Chairmen of the agency indulged in even when there was scant evidence to meaningfully pursue such cases to a logical conclusion in the courts.

    The NFIU also has a critical to play in effectively actualizing the anti-corruption objectives of President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda. A major step that the NFIU has taken in this regard is that of ensuring that security votes of state governors are paid into dedicated accounts at the CBN to facilitate better monitoring of disbursements from the accounts. Prior to the decision of the NFIU in January that cash withdrawals can no longer be made from public accounts, governors were collecting their security votes directly from the Federation Accounts Allocation Committee.

    Between 2015 and January this year, governors reportedly withdrew over N701 billion from their respective accounts

    and it is hoped the new requirement on withdrawals will help facilitate greater transparency, integrity and accountability in the use of the security votes. The secrecy that shrouds the magnitude and pattern of disbursement of security votes has been identified as a major source of corrupt enrichment at the state level and it is surprising that the funds should now be domiciled and accessed from dedicated accounts at the CBN has attracted hardly a mention in the media.

    Another major step taken towards concretizing the goals of public accountability in the utilization of collective resources by public officers is the decision of the federal government to publish for the first time ever the 2024 budgets of its 63 Government Owned Enterprises (GOE) in accordance with the Renewed Hope Agenda. Many Civil Society Groups, activists and Non Governmental Organizations have commended this move which they say will open up the activities of such agencies for public scrutiny thus helping to ensure a greater sense of responsibility by public office holders in affected GOEs in the expenditure of government funds.

    The Minister of Budget and National Planning, Senator Abubakar Bagudu, has been enjoined by Nancy Odimegwu , spokesperson of BudgIT “to make public comprehensive details of the 2024 Approved Budget to keep citizens informed and empowered to engage with the government across all levels”. According to a news report in this newspaper on the development, “Nancy Odimegwu commended the government for the unprecedented step towards transparency as this was the first time the government would be acceding to public clamour for insights into the budgets of the major agencies and enterprises”.

  • Lord have mercy

    Lord have mercy

    I’m a patriot. I love my country, Nigeria. I wish I could ring changes on some of the 25 players listed in the country’s campaign at the 2023 Africa Cup of Nations matches slated to be held in Cote d’Ivoire. I’ve been drinking water to push down thoughts of some of the misfits Coach Jose Peseiro has forced down our throats as those to actualise our dreams of lifting the Africa Cup of Nations diadem like we last did in South Africa in 2013.

    What one finds disturbing is the invitation extended to injured players such as Wilfred Ndidi and Kelechi Iheanacho who both play regularly for Leicester City in the English Championship. You don’t need any special skill to find out why hitherto regular players are exempted from a winning team’s matches.

    You don’t need to be physically present to uncover the reasons why big stars in the Championships or any other cadre of the leagues in Europe are watching their team’s matches from the stands. Commentators spot them at the stands or by the way they walk into the stadium wearing mufti clothes to tell listeners why Ndidi and Iheanacho aren’t playing games. Of course, during pre-match discussions with the media and post-match analysis, mention would be made by the pressmen wishing to know when they would be back onto the pitch to play for the club.

    What is clear from Iheanacho’s and Ndidi’s invitation is a failure of leadership in the NFF. It puts a lie to the public that the NFF’s technical committee is functional. It is just a rubber or at best existing only in name. If the NFF did their homework well by watching European league matches regularly, especially those involving Nigerians, they would have known that the duo had been missing from games. If NFF members had been listening to news belts on European matches on DSTV, they would have seen the visuals where the duo were taken out of the pitch at different times.

    Most disturbing is the fact that Peseiro didn’t do enough due diligence of the health of his players before listing them for Nigeria’s AFCON matches. The practice would have been for Peseiro to visit those he shortlisted in their different clubs to physically assess them to know those who are recuperating from injuries. The reason most Nigerians root for foreigners to train the Super Eagles rest with the fact that clubs would easily open up to them about their players’ medical history. Peseiro can’t commit this kind of blunder in saner climes, yet keep his job. This is a kindergarten error in coaching. It shows clearly that Peseiro has no cordial relationship with his players and their different clubs’ coaches.

    In quotes relayed by LeicestershireLive, the Foxes manager, Enzo Maresca said: “Kele and Wilf are both injured, but they are now going to be with the international team.

    “We’ll see if they’re going to keep them or send them back. But they are both injured unfortunately for us. “

    Iheanacho missed the Foxes’ 2-0 win over Cardiff last Friday. He was also not named in the match-day squad in the Championship table-toppers victory over Huddersfield on Monday,  revealing further doubt over his fitness. Foxes’ boss Enzo Maresca virtually mocked Nigeria over the poor decision of inviting sick players to camp. Indeed, if there was a line of communication between the coach or the federation’s technical department, they would have known the players’ current health conditions and advised the NFF President forthwith, if the coach picked them. No foreigner would love the country more than Nigerians.

    It has taken the alarm raised by the Foxes’ manager for Peseiro to accept that Ndidi is out of Nigeria’s plan to lift the African Cup of Nations trophy. But what amazes followers of the game is Peseiro’s stoic silence of another big Eagles star,  Iheanacho’s inclusion in Nigeria’s final 25-man squad. Words from Iheanacho are that he would make the country’s squad going through his recovery processes with the medical crew at Leicester City. What Iheanacho doesn’t understand is that recovery from injury is a different exercise from being match-fit to prosecute Nigeria’s AFCON game. AFCON is a competition for the fittest and the best African players, not for recuperating or orthopaedic patients.

    The flipside to Ndidi’s and Iheanacho’s absence is that it throws the door wide open for others to seize the opportunity of their absence to unseat them. It also reduces the selection challenges Peseiro would have faced in picking his first team players and knowing who should be deployed during games as substitutes. While one wishes both players a quick recovery from the injuries that would keep them out of this edition of AFCON, they should take solace in the fact that the platform of playing at the next World Cup begins in March, barring any form injuries.

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    Perhaps, it is important to plead with the NFF president, Ibrahim Gusau, to leave the aspect of picking the Nigerian squad to Peseiro. It is the only measure to judge the coach’s tactical savvy during the competition. Besides, it would be easier to sack the coach if all the decisions were Peseiro’s, not Gusau’s. This writer isn’t impressed with Gusau’s comments on Iheanacho’s role in the team, especially as he hasn’t been part of the squad which trained in ABU Dhabi, in the past 10 days.

    Iheanacho is nursing a muscular injury, but the NFF president said the player is recovering well.

    “I have spoken to Iheanacho, he’s recovering fast and has even started running,” he told Totori News.

    “He will most likely join us in Lagos, where the team will be hosted to a dinner on January 9.”

    My dear President, I appreciate your concern towards Iheanacho’s health. But, medical clearance for any medical issue should come from Leicester City’s doctors not from the player. It is out of place for the President to clear Iheanacho. It would send a wrong message if Iheanacho makes the team. Muscle strains don’t heal quickly. The game is a contact sport, making a reoccurrence most likely; and with Iheanacho avoiding crunchy tackles. This crop of Super Eagles has enough prolific strikers not to miss recuperating Iheanacho.

    I’ve been waiting for Peseiro or the NFF’s President’s comments on the absence of Victor Osimhen from the camp as of Wednesday. Indeed, Italia Serie A’s defending champions Napoli released the Nigerian one week before the last round of matches in December. The striker was seen at different functions to celebrate his African Footballer of the Year crown. Why Osimhen isn’t one of the early birds in Abu Dhabi is still a mystery. One hopes that when Osimhen starts to fluff goal-scoring chances during AFCON, we will all know why.

    Osimhen should know that he would be the poster boy for the competition, not just Nigeria, as the reigning Africa Footballer of the Year. Osimhen ought to be the pivot of the Eagles’ attacking foray. Yet, he left the team in the lurch in Abu Dhabi.

    I’ve refused to discuss the Eagles’ chances at big competitions because they are full of surprises. When you write off the Eagles, they perform. When you shout to the rooftop about their potential, they fall like a pack of cards to minnows in the game. So, dear reader, if you insist on knowing my predictions on the Eagles’ chances of lifting the 2023 AFCON trophy, I will say, ”Lord have mercy”.

  • Atiku and his 2027 calculations

    Atiku and his 2027 calculations

    For Atiku Abubakar, Wazirin Adamawa and former Vice President, it is not yet time for retirement from politics. To him, the vocation is for life. The goal is the attainment of power, to which he has committed a 30-year-old struggle.

    The 2023 presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has returned to the drawing board. He is already gazing at 2027, according to his associate, Daniel Bwala, a lawyer. The old political warhorse is exhibiting an example of courage and resilience, a rare optimism that has consistently served as the propeller in a journey of over three decades characterised by ups and downs, successes and failures, hectic struggle and fruitless search for the elusive key to Aso Villa, the seat of government.

    The corollary of what Bwala has told the world is that the former Vice President is not afflicted by any fatigue but is being spurred by a renewed dedication to pursue an unfinished business. Like Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who got the key after the fourth attempt, Atiku remains undaunted.

    By 2027, the eminent politician would have been involved in the presidential contest, either as an aspirant or candidate, seven times. The significance of his involvement is that as an eminent Nigerian and a politician of high pedigree, he has been in a vantage position to exercise his inalienable right to seek the highest office in the land in accordance with the Electoral Act and the Constitution.

    It is noteworthy that voters have also exercised the constitutional right to reject his bid.

    By 2027, Atiku, who is over 76 years now, will be 80. To his fanatical supporters, old age is not a barrier. Even, in other climes, like the United States of America, 81-year-old President Joe Biden is not showing any extreme signs of tiredness or exhaustion. He is still on the firing line, insisting he will contest for a second term.

    Atiku may have been motivated by the resilience and consistency of two American politicians – Lyndon LaRouche and Harold Stassen – who got their parties’ presidential nominations seven and nine times. But neither man became president.

    The former Vice President might have also read the history of former American President Abraham Lincoln who contested for political offices several times before he was finally elected president of the United States.

    In his book, titled: Accidental Civil Servant, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, hinted that some marabouts had prophesied that Atiku would be president. But they never gave details about time, season, and circumstances; neither did they disclose the conditions for attaining the rare feat then, now, and in the future.

    Besides, the greatest motivation for Atiku is the quest for self-actualisation. Like his old friend and associate, President Bola Tinubu, who worked hard to realise his lifetime ambition through a rare diligence,  hardwork and divine grace, Atiku sees the presidency, which has been eluding him since 1993, as the ultimate. Last year, it was psychologically painful and demoralising to him and his supporters that Asiwaju Tinubu, an experienced politician but a first-time presidential contender, defeated him.

    Indeed, Atiku justified his worth in 2023 by garnering over seven million votes. The only dark side was that the figures were insufficient to earn him the crown. Compared to the over eight million votes Asiwaju Tinubu got, it appeared that despite his frantic efforts, Atiku made some wrong calculations which made Asiwaju to pull the rug off his feet.

    Other permutations also fell flat. The recourse to ethnicity, the subtle religious campaigns by some of his fans, the resort to blackmail, the doubtful grounds for post-election litigation, social media tirade, and the deployment of other forms of propaganda did not yield the desired results.

    Bwala has indicated that the old lion can still roar. The PDP chieftain also gave some reasons for believing that it was not yet the end of a political career for a juggernaut. He said Atiku has the experience, particularly in the private sector, the capacity, knowledge, and wisdom to give Nigeria a worthwhile political leadership. Bwala, who projected what could be described as the strengths of the Adamawa-born politician, was, however, silent on his weaknesses as a candidate and the factors that may puncture his aspiration to appeal to the generality of Nigerians, if he offers himself again for leadership.

    Further confirmation from the horse’s mouth may be required. But the ruling party and other opposition platforms should also be able to read the body language of the former Vice President. It is doubtful that they will treat his ambition, which portends a formidable threat, with levity, except to their peril.

    The impetus may be that Atiku has always got the ticket of his party, as he once remarked with confidence. But what now appears as a sense of entitlement may as well be infuriating to other ambitious, dedicated, and relatively younger party stalwarts who may not be inclined to step down in the future primary, despite the possibility of enlisting certain partisan regional leaders to mount pressure when the time comes.

    How much of post-mortem Atiku has done since his 2023 ambition collapsed at the poll and Supreme Court is unknown. It was his closest to getting the coveted crown. Never has such an opportunity come his way. Also, never has a devastating blow been done to his plans.

    The future is in the womb of time. But it does not appear, for now, that Atiku will be the major face of the opposition in the long journey to 2027. His overtures to the former Labour Party (LP) candidate, Peter Obi, have been rebuffed. The thinking in Obi’s camp may be that he can even get to the presidency if he puts in more effort. Here lies the imminence of another electoral disaster.

    Apart from a proper synergy and collaboration among political parties, reminiscent of the cooperation between Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), new Peoples Democratic Party (nPDP), and a section of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), which culminated in the birth of the All Progressives Congress (APC), cross-ethnic collaboration is also a factor in winning the presidential election.

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    Instructively, President Tinubu, winner of the 2023 presidential poll, won in four of the six geo-political zones. The poll result was a product of bridge building. But what has now happened, or what is likely to happen, between now and the next electioneering, to convey the impression that PDP will wax stronger? Has the party resolved to put its house in order and embark on genuine reconciliation at the national and state levels?

    Up to now, the PDP has not resolved the zoning challenge, which polarised the platform ahead of the 2023 poll. The issue is still likely to shape the next general election. The assumption will be that if the North had produced a President for eight years, should the South be denied? This view may gain prominence if the Tinubu administration delivers on its mandate to Nigerians.

    Echoing the Southern sentiment, former PDP Deputy National Chairman, Chief Olabode George, said: “I don’t really understand the rhetoric in some quarters these days that a member of the party from the North is strategising or plotting to return as the presidential candidate of our party in 2027.

    “A northerner cannot be the presidential candidate of our party in 2027, pure and simple. The earlier some members pushing this agenda knew this truth, the better for our collective sanity.”

    The argument is that if the North, represented by Buhari, had occupied the seat for eight years, the South should also occupy it for eight years, in the spirit of equity, fairness, and justice.

    The battle for the control of party structure in the main opposition will be fierce, now that the declaration of ambition on Atiku’s behalf has inadvertently kicked off the 2027 race when the INEC has not released the timetable. What is likely to happen in the PDP is that future presidential aspirants will start sharpening their arrows ahead of the next convention of the party to produce key members of the National Working Committee (NWC) who will play prominent roles at the primary.

    The battle for the election or selection of the next national chairman of the PDP would be shaped by the 2027 permutations of the gladiators. An unresolved puzzle is which zone should produce the next chairman. The mood of the party is not likely to accommodate the selection of the party chairman and presidential candidate from the same bloc zones. The most dominant and influential bloc in the PDP is the governors’ forum. How will Atiku unite them and rally them to embrace him as a candidate?

    What happens in the PDP in the months ahead will determine how far Atiku will be able to go in the attempt to realise his presidential ambition. Obviously, he may not be able to go far, if his political platform does not align with his modus operandi, no matter the clout he may bring into the race next time.