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Category: Saturday

How former governor narrowly escaped death inside elevator

The recent incident of an elevator accident that claimed the life of a medical doctor, Vware Diaso, at the General Hospital, Odan, Lagos Island naturally drew public sympathy for the victim and anger against the authorities of the hospital for failing to repair the elevator for years that it had shown signs of distress and danger.

Read Also: Vwaere Diaso: An avoidable tragedy

Not known to many is the close shave a former governor of Rivers State had with death inside a lift in circumstances that were similar to those of Dr. Diaso. An eyewitness, who was trapped in a lift with the governor, recalled what he described as “definitely one of the most horrendous moments” in the life the former Rivers State governor, who later served as a minister.

According to him, the former governor had visited Lagos and decided to have a session with journalists at a high brow hotel on Victoria Island in the build-up to the 2019 elections. After the media briefing, he got into the lift to descend from the top floor of the high rise building in company with some of his aides and journalists.

However, the lift had only descended a few floors when a power outage occurred, living the former governor, his aides and others trapped in the lift for 20 odd minutes!

The source said: “Naturally, we were all in panic mode as the minutes ticked by and our hope of survival dimmed with each second. But the surprise of it all was the disarming calmness with which the former governor reacted to the danger.

“Of course, we knew that he was acting it out so that the rest of us in the lift would not over-react to clear and present danger. But anyone would credit him for his ability not to betray his emotion.

“Rather, he repressed his fear and started cracking jokes to enliven the arena. But the heat was getting worse and we had started sweating. One of the reporters, seized by fear, started complaining about the infrastructural deficit and lack of maintenance but no one seemed to be interested as what was paramount on everyone’s mind was how to get out of the lift.

“One of the governor’s aides tried to make calls to some people that were outside, including the then governor of Northwest state who was waiting for the trapped former governor at the hotel’s lobby, but the calls could not go through because there was no network.

“The former governor himself also tried call but there was no luck either. In anger, one of the former governor’s aides decided to pull the lift’s door apart. It opened, but we could only see an unplastered wall.

“Mercifully the effort was enough to give us access to network. The aide called and the reception was alerted. By the time a second call was put to the reception, a technical person responded, saying, ‘We are on top of it’.

“Moments later, the lift picked up again and the door opened at the 8th floor. There was almost a stampede as we all wanted to jump out at the same time.

“The aides, however, pleaded that the former governor should be allowed to get out first. Even at that, there was no agreement. The former governor then held the hands of two other people and they alighted together while others followed in a jiffy.

“The former governor, who later related his experience to his colleague that had waited for him at the lobby, simply told the latter that ‘this life is vanity’.

August 12, 2023
Obaseki, Shaibu and Edo succession politics

Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki and his deputy, Comrade Philip Shaibu, have parted ways over succession politics. Their interests no longer align. Friendship has turned sour. Who will laugh last?

If Shaibu has not anticipated the turn of events, then, he is not a student of history, but a political novice, contrary to the popular perception that he is an experienced politician.

The deputy governor’s career revolves around politics, which, for him, is both an occupation and vocation. Politics has thrown him up as a state lawmaker, a federal legislator, a deputy governor and a household name in the Southsouth state.

Read Also: Obaseki, Edo APC chair clash over performance

Like many ambitious politicians, the governor’s seat has been his target since 2020, and his actions and inactions have been shaped by that latent aspiration.

But it appears Shaibu has forgotten how Dr. Pius Odubu’s ordeal played out, when the erstwhile deputy governor embarked on a futile journey into the inner chamber of the Edo State Government House. His office was like a stone throw from that of his boss, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole. Politically, it was the farthest; literally, the distance was like walking from Benin to Lagos.

As close aides and associates scrambled for the governorship ticket, the comrade-governor beckoned on a man who never struggled for it, Obaseki, deployed the party’s and government’s arsenal behind him, and he defeated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Osagie Ize-Iyamu. The rest is a history that Shaibu doesn’t seem to have learnt from.

The deputy governor may have also forgotten that he was not Obaseki’s preferred choice and that Oshiomhole only paired his two lackeys. The impression Obaseki has conveyed is that Shaibu should acknowledge his limitations, despite being his senior, initially, in Edo politics.

Obaseki is hiding under zoning to edge his deputy out of reckoning. His position is logical. He explained that ex-Governor Oshiomhole is from Edo North and he, from Edo South, succeeded him. Therefore, the next governor should come from Edo Central. In Obaseki’s view, Shaibu should go to the Senate.

But it is obvious that the deputy governor never bargained for anything lower than the driver’s seat. He had the front seat in mind when he joined his boss to liquidate his political mentor. The only reference now to the political romance that was discontin

EDO State Governor Godwin Obaseki and his deputy, Comrade Philip Shaibu, have parted ways over succession politics. Their interests no longer align. Friendship has turned sour. Who will laugh last?

If Shaibu has not anticipated the turn of events, then, he is not a student of history, but a political novice, contrary to the popular perception that he is an experienced politician.

The deputy governor’s career revolves around politics, which, for him, is both an occupation and vocation. Politics has thrown him up as a state lawmaker, a federal legislator, a deputy governor and a household name in the Southsouth state.

Like many ambitious politicians, the governor’s seat has been his target since 2020, and his actions and inactions have been shaped by that latent aspiration.

But it appears Shaibu has forgotten how Dr. Pius Odubu’s ordeal played out, when the erstwhile deputy governor embarked on a futile journey into the inner chamber of the Edo State Government House. His office was like a stone throw from that of his boss, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole. Politically, it was the farthest; literally, the distance was like walking from Benin to Lagos.

As close aides and associates scrambled for the governorship ticket, the comrade-governor beckoned on a man who never struggled for it, Obaseki, deployed the party’s and government’s arsenal behind him, and he defeated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Osagie Ize-Iyamu. The rest is a history that Shaibu doesn’t seem to have learnt from.

The deputy governor may have also forgotten that he was not Obaseki’s preferred choice and that Oshiomhole only paired his two lackeys. The impression Obaseki has conveyed is that Shaibu should acknowledge his limitations, despite being his senior, initially, in Edo politics.

Obaseki is hiding under zoning to edge his deputy out of reckoning. His position is logical. He explained that ex-Governor Oshiomhole is from Edo North and he, from Edo South, succeeded him. Therefore, the next governor should come from Edo Central. In Obaseki’s view, Shaibu should go to the Senate.

But it is obvious that the deputy governor never bargained for anything lower than the driver’s seat. He had the front seat in mind when he joined his boss to liquidate his political mentor. The only reference now to the political romance that was discontin

make them to feel that they purchased the executive positions from the electorate. Many governorship candidates sold houses, expensive cars and other valuables to fund state-wide campaigns, with party stalwarts and others milking them. In fact, some borrowed money to augment logistics and campaign expenses.

The consequence is the development of the feeling that politics is an investment that must yield bountiful returns. The power-loaded governor is further strengthened to feel that he is a sole administrator and dictator at the sub-national level.

Under the presidential system, some governors see their deputy as Personal Assistants, a mere errand boy imposed by the demands of constitutional pairing. The constitution treats the deputy governor as a nobody except when the governor is indisposed, incapacitated or impeached. Judging by power relations, he is like a puppet who could even be made inferior to the governor’s special assistants. He is suspected as a potential usurper and beneficiary of the governor’s fall in the time of trouble. This is one of the fallouts of the practice of presidential democratic system in Africa.

Only few deputy governors have succeeded their governors. The history of Second, Third and Fourth republics are replete with strained relations, discord and bickering between the number one and two indigenes of states. Akin Omoboriowo was at loggerheads with Adekunle Ajasin over second term in Ondo State. Sunday Afolabi and Bola Ige broke ranks in Oyo. Demas Akpore and Ambrose Ali disagreed openly in Bendel State of old.

Deputy governors were impeached in Osun, Imo, Lagos, Akwa Ibom, Ekiti, and Abia when their principals were fed up with them. Where it was impossible to remove them, they only warmed the seat and were deprived of limelight.

To demonstrate the perception of the deputy governor of Edo as an inferior entity, former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike once retorted: “Who is he? A deputy governor? Who is his father?”

But why are deputy governors treated by the system as appendages? Many factors are responsible. They may not be the natural choice of the governor they are paired to work with for four years. They are often imposed on the governor to satisfy the criteria of gender parity, geo-political balance and other ethno-religious considerations.

Yet, the position has remained curiously attractive. The status is theoretically superior to that of a commissioner and the occupant remains the natural successor, if the governor dies or he is impeached in extremely rare occurrences.

Options left for Shaibu are few. His chances of pulling the rug off Obaseki’s feet are slim. Reminiscent of how ward members showed Oshiomhole the way out, many PDP members from Shaibu’s Edo North District have disowned him while dancing to the governor’s tune.

The court can salvage his career and prevent his impeachment, an allegation Obaseki has tactically denied. Even at that, the deputy governor, who claimed that duties are no longer assigned to him, notices of crucial meetings, including that of security, are no more extended to him, and whose phone calls are now ignored by his boss, has become a political pariah.

If he defects to APC, the likelihood does not exist that he will pick the ticket. If he defects to any of the mushroom parties, he will likely lose his deposit at the poll.

The question is: what future awaits the comrade deputy governor of Edo?

Only time, the eternally parturient and amenable parameter of existence, can tell.

August 12, 2023
Super Falcons mustn’t suffer again

The events leading to the commencement of the Women’s World Cup being co-hosted by Australia and New Zealand were so shameful as they concerned Nigeria’s flag bearers, Super Falcons. The girls’ preparations were treated with levity. It didn’t matter to those who administer the game in the country if the girls qualified for such an important Women’s World Cup or not. It was a setting in which every passing day threw up one new controversy. When the team’s manager Randy Waldrum isn’t exposing one flaw exhibited by his employers, he is reminding them of his outstanding wages and outstanding match bonuses of the coaches, players etc for tournaments attended in the past and friendly matches prosecuted by the girls. Waldrum has been a pain to his employers so much so that they tagged him a serial failure. One wonders what they will be saying given the team’s outings in Australia. Pity.

Perhaps, those entrusted with the spirit and letters of the beautiful game in Nigeria looked at the teams in Group B where the Falcons were pitched and threw their hands up to surrender, leaving the girls on the prowl knowing that the girls’ participation in the ladies’ games wasn’t one filled with shocking results. Our football chiefs prepared the Falcons to fail. But like the Igbos would say Madabuchi (man isn’t God).

Group B where Nigeria had the current Olympic Games champions Canada, one of the co-hosts of the 2023 Women’s World Cup Australia and debutants in the competition, Ireland. In fact, the way the Falcons’ matches were structured was such that any lily-livered follower of the game struck out Nigeria from emerging as one of the two countries to qualify from the group. Indeed, Nigeria’s first game was against Canada last Thursday, then Australia and finally on Monday against Ireland.

Those who gave the Falcons hope of qualifying from the group did so because they were unrepentant optimists about anything involving Nigeria for good irrespective of how well or how badly the team was prepared by the custodians of the beautiful game on behalf of FIFA. In this case, the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF). Plans and agreements reached between the girls and NFF management were jettisoned on the altar of not having money. These NFF chieftains may have forgotten that FIFA gives every country that qualifies for the Women’s World Cup $960, 000 to prepare for the tournaments. In fact, NFF responded to Waldrum’s question on FIFA that it was used for the friendly games they played. Waldrum kept shaking the table on this FIFA cash. Friendly games for which no cash was given to the girls as appearance fees or winning bonuses. What won’t we hear from NFF when the issue concerns cash and how it was spent?

Read Also: Customs confirms closure of Niger border

Besides, the manager’s plans to have the girls bond as an indivisible unit in Nigeria for two weeks first and then the other three weeks in a location close to Australia for reasons such as acclimatisation was thrown into the lagoon. They , NFF chieftains branded the team’s manager as an opportunist who just wanted to ride on Nigeria’s crest to glory in which he would add Nigeria’s participation in the 2023 Women’s World Cup to his Curriculum Vitae (CV). Can you beat this idiotic submission? These mouthy NFF eggheads only remembered to pay the Falcons’ manager seven months’ wages out of the 14 months owed the American.

Not forgetting the match bonuses and other pecks reached through an arrangement with the girls. The NFF chieftains brazenly reneged on this agreement citing FIFA’s new resolve to pay the girls good money drawn from the cash received from the competition’s sponsors and other revenue sources. How FIFA’s generosity translated to denying the contingent what ought to be their right still remains a puzzle for watchers of the game in Nigeria. The question to ask these NFF members is if they would dare behave in this tardy manner to the Super Eagles.

Simply put, the Falcons arrived in Australia as the worst-prepared football nation. Interestingly, while the Nigerian girls were shamefully arriving Down Under in batches, one of the African nations, Zambia was busy playing friendly matches, beating one of the world powers in the game, Germany 3-2 on the day our girl made a pitiable presence in Australia. It must be stated here that the Zambians were debutants, to the Mundial and did the impossible by beating Costa Rica 3-1 in the last group game in which a Zambian girl scored the competition’s 1000th goal.

The 2023 Women’s World Cup co-hosted by Australia and New Zealand has been a watershed for African women with three representatives Nigeria, South Africa and Morocco qualifying for the Round of 16. It is the first time in history that three African nations will pass the group stage at the FIFA Women’s World Cup. The Zambians did well in spite of the fact they lost their first two matches woefully. Zambia beat Costa Rica in the last game 3-1. Indeed, the four African nations won at least one game out of the mandatory three group games.

Interestingly Falcons like some other women’s teams have had issues with their federations concerning match bonuses and entitlements, forcing FIFA to mediate by paying directly into players’ accounts according to Fatma Samoura, the outgoing scribe of FIFA.

But Aisha Falode, who was in the room when Samoura made the declaration, added that FIFA only instructed the federation to ensure the money goes to the players.

“FIFA did not say it would pay the players directly. It says working through the member association – working through your federations, we will pay you this money through the federations,” the former NWFL chair said.

“FIFA will pay the federations the money, and the federation pays the players with the instruction. Everybody knows it is there in black and white.”

The government should restore our image before FIFA by constituting a Presidential Task Force for our contingents to international sporting competitions such as the World Cup, Olympic Games, Commonwealth Games etc where the government can release cash and such a committee empowered to outsource cash for the teams.

For instance, it won’t be out of place for the Super Falcons to be hosted to a dinner with the First Lady where stakeholders in the game, sports-friendly companies, blue-chip firms, wives of the 36 States in the country and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) etc are acknowledged and recognised during such an event. The dinner with the First Lady would offer the President’s wife opportunity to reveal the government’s plans.

The PTF members would be mostly women and would have easy access to the First Lady. The sports-friendly firms would be told what they would benefit from their patronage of sports such as mouth-watering tax reliefs.

A fundraiser should be anchored by the wives of the 36 State governors and FCT’s Boss’ wife. Cash generated would be used to prepare all our national teams’ preparation and effective participation in such competitions. We may need to embrace this PTF platform and use it to fund our sports ambassadors’ trips.

Sports is the biggest Public Relations (PR) tool that any government can use to change people’s perception of its citizenry. Unfortunately, the jackboot era effectively used sporting activities to douse tension in the country and to perpetuate their stay in government. You need to walk along the streets whenever Nigeria has a sporting activity and see how the streets would be desolate. You would only realise that people are indoors from the thunderous roars from different houses when our sports ambassadors conquer their opponents. The descriptions of how the feats happened are compelling, especially those delivered by the native speakers of the languages in the country. Can our administration learn from what others do? You tell me.

August 5, 2023
APC, ideology and poverty alleviation

In any theatre of life that he finds himself, the individual must possess an ideology that guides him on his mission through life and towards the accomplishment of purpose. This opening sentence is a paraphrase of an extract from one of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s numerous speeches and newspaper interviews. Ideology refers essentially to a systematically related set of ideas encompassing a value system, political inclination and a philosophical orientation geared towards the accomplishment of stated goals. Without an ideology which impels them to move swiftly through turbulent terrains of life to fulfill their destinies as individuals many persons glide through this side of eternity with neither a sense of purpose nor a direction.

If ideology, whether it is consciously held or just an instinctual inculcation, is so critical to the individual, it is even a greater necessity for a political party, which produces the government of the day with hundreds of elected officials at all levels. A country without a sense of focus, purpose and direction, which are elemental properties of an ideology, can only make niggardly progress if any. Several years back in the late 1970’s, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, in his delivery of the Kwame Nkrumah Annual Memorial Lectures, rigorously articulated the case for an ideological re-education in Africa if the continent is to transcend debilitating underdevelopment.

After this general framework we can now examine more specifically the APC and its ideological orientation. It is not for nothing that the founders of the party utilized the word ‘Progressive’ in the name of their party. Progressiveness has been a distinct factor in the politics of Nigeria long before now. The AG in the First Republic and Aminu Kano’s Northern Elements Progressive Union in the same period; the UPN and the PRP in the Second Republic. There was the military-created Social Democratic Party (SDP) which made pretentious ideologically being ‘a little to the left’ Today, the country has come full swing and a ‘progressive’ the All Progressives Congress (APC) is in power at the centre. Has the party maximally utilized the opportunity given to it for the same time that a progressive party will be in power at the centre? Not many would respond to this question in the affirmative. Many have argued that the removal of the fuel subsidy and the attendant inflationary spirals with negative implications for the vast majority of Nigerians especially, food and transportation costs, discredits the progressivism proclaimed by both the APC and PBAT. This argument is difficult to sustain. By announcing the fuel subsidy removal on the day of his inauguration, the President made a decisive decision that made a policy that sought to stem the massive looting of collective resources a thing of the past. Had he not taken that step immediately, he would have continued like his predecessors who kept on postponing a decolonization of the matter. But is there then any contradiction between the progressive ideology of the APC and the intense suffering caused by the removal of fuel subsidy.

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This kind of argument again is quite mistaken and misbegotten. Yes, there is considerable pain in the land. But with the removal of the subsidy over 1 trillion Naira has poured into the Federation account, the highest shared by the three levels of government since 1999. Of course, there is no less critical need for these increased revenues to be channeled to cushion the effects of the fuel subsidy and be managed efficiently. And while at that, urgent steps must be taken to decisively address the current unacceptably and atrocious costs of governance.

In this whole issue what has come across as most pertinent is the humility of PBAT and his servant-leader style of governance. Many leaders would have refused to go back, for instance, on the proposed policy of N8000 for 12 months but Tinubu did having read the body language of a majority of Nigerians and taken into consideration the strong points of opposed

No less important is the huge impact made by the President’s broadcast to the nation on the fuel subsidy pains during the week. He demonstrated empathy for the people and identified with their pain and suffering in a touching manner. And to demonstrate his commitment to leading the country out of economic servitude and misery, he reeled out far-reaching economic policies designed to address short-term challenges and promote long-term economic sustainability.

August 5, 2023
PDP crisis: Wike’s ghost rears head again

Between former Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it is different strokes for different folks. While the former is basking in the euphoria of his nomination by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as a minister, the latter is enmeshed once again in the quicksand of crisis.

Recall that five governors elected on the platform of the party in the last political dispensation, namely Wike, Samuel Ortom (Benue), Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu) and Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia), popularly called the G5, had vowed not to support the candidacy of the party’s presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and their stance was widely believed to have aided the success of the APC candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, in the election.

Read Also; Ministerial nomination: Oyo APC youths make case for Raji

The grouse of the G5 governors was that the then national chairman of the party, Senator Iyorchia Ayu, ought to have been replaced with a party member from the southern part of the country since the party’s presidential candidate was also from the north. Their demand was, however, ignored by the party’s leadership, leading to the crisis that ultimately resulted in the party’s defeat at the February election.

But while the party is still smarting from the defeat, the crisis has assumed another phase with suspicions in the Atiku camp that Umar Ililya Damagum, the chieftain of the party appointed to replace Ayu as in acting capacity, is a loyalist of Wike, the acclaimed leader of the G5. Consequently, Atiku camp’s members are demanding Damagum’s removal.

August 5, 2023
Ministerial list: Tinubu fulfills pledge to Owan-Enoh

Promise, they say, is a debt. The age-long aphorism is not lost on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, hence the inclusion of Cross River State Senator, John Owan-Enoh, on the list of ministerial nominees announced at the Senate on Thursday.

Senator Owan-Enoh had contested the governorship ticket of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in May last year but lost to the current Cross River State governor, Bassey Out, following which he dragged both the party and Otu to court, alleging irregularities.

But in a deft political move, Tinubu, during his campaign visit to Cross River State as the presidential candidate of APC in December last year, publicly pleaded with Owan-Enoh to bury the hatchet and withdraw the case from court.

Read Also; Ministerial nomination: Oyo APC youths make case for Raji

A few days later, Owan-Enoh heeded Tinubu’s appeal and addressed a press conference where he announced the withdrawal of his court case.

“The public appeal by the presidential candidate and National Leader of our party is such a humbling experience which I cannot ignore under any circumstances. On this note, therefore, I have taken the hard decision to put an end to the litigation and instead work for the success of the party,” he said.

Owan-Enoh’s response was not lost on Tinubu who then promised the Senator representing Cross River Central District: “for honouring me, I will honour you.” It is remarkable that seven months later, President Tinubu has fulfilled his promise by listing him as one of the ministerial nominees.

August 5, 2023
Challenges before Chairman Ganduje

Immediate past Kano State Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje has assumed the office of the national chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) at a very challenging moment in national history.

The ruling party has made a lot of promises to Nigerians, which President Bola Tinubu is expected to fulfill to retain their admiration and support. Although bold policies and programmes are being implemented by the administration, impatient Nigerians are complaining about the preceding but transient pains; they don’t appear ready to consider the long-term benefits of reforms.

APC is also engulfed in some self-contradictions reinforced by the misdemeanours of certain big wigs in its fold. These are the party officials whose activities have negatively affected the cohesion of the National Working Committee (NWC) and the National Executive Committee (NEC). Matters that should be discussed and ironed out internally are sensationalised in the media by some garrulous top officials.

Many chapters are divided, following the outcome of primaries that heralded the last general election. Crisis-ridden chapters include Rivers, Gombe, Oyo, Edo, Delta, Nasarawa, Osun, Ogun, and Plateau. Even as the party prepares for polls in Kogi, Bayelsa, Imo, Edo and Ondo states, the activities of gladiators tend to pose some threats to the platform.

Read Also; Ministerial nomination: Oyo APC youths make case for Raji

Many had predicted that the former national chairman, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, would not last in the topmost position. He was catapulted to the party office, not by the collective wish of the majority, but through the insistence of the party leader, former President Muhammadu Buhari, who was reverenced by many party elders.

The party, under Adamu’s leadership, produced President Tinubu. But the gulf between the party and the young administration it midwifed became widened too soon. Tension was brewing as both appeared to be working at cross-purposes. For example, the endorsement of National Assembly principal officers by the party through consensus was said to have been opposed and resisted by the erstwhile chairman.

Also, the management of party’s finances sparked a controversy when auditors were said to have raised eyebrows.

As Adamu and former National Secretary, Senator Iyiola Omisore resigned, the urgent need for replacement arose. Although it was speculated that Ganduje had been tipped for a ministerial position, the mantle of the party’s leadership instantly fell on him.

It is instructive that presidential preference also played a major role in his selection as chairman, following widespread consultations with members of the National Caucus, the NWC, the NEC and other top party stakeholders.

The lesson is that loyalty and dependability are great virtues on the part of the former Kano governor. These have rekindled the confidence of the President and National Leader of APC. It is now incumbent on Ganduje to beware of the pitfalls and mistakes that drew the curtains on the tenure of his predecessor.

APC is moving into another phase in its history. The fusion of the legacy parties – the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), Congress for Democratic Change (CPC), new Peoples Democratic Party (nPDP) and a faction of the All Progressives Congress Grand Alliance (UPGA) – was a miracle. The 10-year-old party has survived the stress, storms and strains of politics, of which it is a major contributor. It is not an ideological party, although there is evidence of its disposition towards welfarism by many of its progressive members.

APC has also boxed itself into confusion, inaction, trepidation and fear, as underscored by its lack of boldness to tackle what has been described as the “national question”. The party raised the hope of Nigerians when its panel on restructuring, chaired by former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, submitted its report on devolution and federalism. It seems the recommendations are now in the dustbin; or, at best, on the far corner of a dusty shelf.

Hope is not lost as the snail-like progression to devolutionary processes suggest.

However, from being an opposition party nine years ago, the party has dazed the opposition, winning two presidential elections and demonstrating that it has a better strategy than its main rival, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the noise-making “structureless” Labour Party (LP) of scattered and “disarticulated” Obidients.

Yet, it is indisputable that APC has been addicted to crises or intra-party squabbles, resulting from the battle for control. Between 2014 and now, the party has produced six chairmen. This underscores a sort of leadership instability.

A feature of APC is the dominance of party affairs by governors.

Five of them – Chief Bisi Akande (pioneer Interim National Chairman), Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, Adamu and now, Ganduje – are former governors. One of them, Mai Mala Buni, is a serving governor.

Apart from Akande, the tenure of other chairmen were marred with crises of varying proportions; some of them were precipitated by the governors.

Akande vacated the interim leadership after laying a good foundation. Odigie-Oyegun had to leave when a tenure extension agenda was checkmated. Oshiomhole got into trouble at home where he was suspended by his ward chapter. The court upheld the sack. Buni’s caretaker committee enjoyed tenure extension, contrary to the initial plan. It was a sit-tight interim structure. Adamu could not get along with the president. The governors saw to his exit.

The Progressive Governors’ Forum (NGF) is a potent force in the party. It was the bloc of influential stalwarts who insisted on presidential rotation or zoning to the South. The governors are party leaders at the state level. They constitute a very powerful force that cannot be sidelined in any critical deliberation and decision-making process.

Today, apart from other governors in the Senate and those coming to the Federal Executive Council (FEC), President Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Godswill Akpabio and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, are former governors.

Governors played critical roles in the downfall of Odigie-Oyegun, Oshiomhole and Adamu. Also, prominent NWC and NEC members got to their current party positions through the influence of their governors. To survive, it is expected that Ganduje should carry along these governors. As one of them until May 28, he should demonstrate that he understands their language.

As the chairman of the National Caucus, much is expected of the erstwhile Kano governor. The National Caucus should be positioned as the moral voice and clearing house for major decisions and policies to be implemented by the government. The major assignment of the Caucus is the upholding of party supremacy and restoration of party discipline.

Conflicts and crises are concomitant with political existence. The new leadership, apart from resolving old conflicts that may have deepened old cleavages through genuine reconciliation, should nip potential ones in the bud before they manifest.

Many left APC to borrow some smaller opposition parties for contest. The new chairman should appeal to them to return. Membership drive should be a continuous exercise.

On the surface, it may appear as if some chapters are not kicking against the criteria for picking ministerial nominees. It is the duty of the party leadership to douse brewing or repressed tension by placating silently aggrieved chieftains and reassuring them so that they can have a sense of belonging.

Ganduje should anticipate predecessor/successor crises between former governors and new ones; governor/deputy rifts, which may be rear, and governor/minister face-off in some chapters. Abuja and home politicians should team up for the progress of the party.

Post-primary crises in state chapters warming up for off-season governorship elections, particularly in Kogi, Imo and Bayelsa, should be resolved. Complacency, aloofness, hypocrisy and overconfidence may herald unexpected electoral misfortunes. Rival parties are not in deep slumber.

Ganduje must ensure that the party puts its house in order. APC should be a party of justice. There is need for internal democracy and genuine mechanism for crisis resolution.

If there is crisis in the party, it will distract its government. Officers should never deviate from the party’s rules and constitution. APC should, therefore, govern itself so that Nigerians can have confidence that the party can also govern the country in accordance with the constitution and rule of law.

August 5, 2023
Thoughts on the President’s speech

I watched President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s speech on the economic challenges been presently experienced by Nigerians as a result of the twin policies of the removal of fuel subsidy and flotation of the Naira administered by the Tinubu administration.

The speech appeared to be reminiscent or modeled somewhat after the popular fireside chats of President Frederick Delano Roosevelt, FDR who in his drive to restore the then depression battered US economy back to health. Roosevelt held these fireside chats as a means to address citizens of the United States on the reasons behind a number of his policies whilst ameliorating their fears and concerns about such policies or the drive to restore the American economy to the times of

prosperity prior to 1933. President Tinubu was merely having his own fireside chats with Nigerians, one many considered as timely.

Read Also: PROFILE: Meet Tinubu’s new ministerial nominees

The president appeared to exude confidence, despite this, he however did not attempt to sound brash or assertive, by taking a “You must accept this set of policies by fire or by force” but compassionate, understanding clearly that Nigerians were presently enmeshed in serious pains and needed that assurance from the administration that had taken them down this path.Nigerians deserved such a conversation and the President did have to mount the soapbox to lead such!

As the president described it, the philosophical thrust of his economic policies is built on three pillars: reversing the waste that had allegedly gone into subsidizing fuel and putting an end to the ownership and existence of the rent seeking enterprises in both the fuel subsidy scheme and currency speculators.

Tinubu unlike his predecessors in Obasanjo, Jonathan and Buhari seemed to have finetuned his pitch on the economy, whilst reeling out the palliative measures to help ameliorate the sufferings-of millions of Nigerians. The measures perhaps the skeletal of what many would presume “Tinubunomics” appear to be a well thought out set of measures primed towards the economy and setting it unto a period of growth.

The palliatives regime seems to be much rooted in the simple idea that Nigeria will need to grow the economy from the bottom up and middle up and not from top to bottom: The funding of 75 major industries to the tune of N75bn for a period of nine months in order to enable these industries increase their capacity,expand their markets and create jobs.

Also, the plan to energize the micro, small and medium-sized enterprises and the informal sector as planks for the growth of the Nigerian economy to the tune of N125 billion is commendable. Of the 125 billion, N50 billion will be used to target a million nano businesses all over the federation, while another sum of N75Bn will be targeted at the funding of

a 100,000 MSMEs at an interest rate of 9% interest per annum and at a repayment window of 36 months.

Other measures also include a boost to the agricultural sector such as the release of 200,000 Metric Tonnes of grains from the strategic reserve to households, (farming households ) across the 36 states and FCT to moderate prices. In addition to this is the plan to provide 225,000 metric tonnes of fertilizer, seedlings and other inputs to farmers.

The enhanced cultivation of 500,000 hectares of farmland and all-year-round farming practice is also one of the fundamentals of the “Tinubunomics” plan to get the economy working with the administration earmarking N200 billion out of the N500 billion for the cultivation of 150,000 hectares of rice and maize at the cost of a N100 billion. While another N100 billion will be earmarked for 100,000 hectares of wheat and cassava. The very fact that such an expansive agricultural programme will be piloted through small-holder farmers and leveraging large-scale private sector players in the agric business should be seen as a boon to the agricultural sector.

Lastly, the deployment of the proposed Infrastructure Support Fund for the 36 States of the Federation appears to be the “ Icing on the Cake”

The fund provides states with the wherewithal to intervene, invest and upgrade infrastructure in critical areas such as healthcare and education. Likewise rural access roads are also to be be targeted enhancing the movement of farm produce to the markets with much ease. This is somewhat a calculated effort that could make most states of the federation more competitive making Nigeria the most innovative economy in Africa.

The issue of mass transit was also mooted and this should help bring down or reduce the burden of the increase plan to invest a N100 billion in nine months in which the administration would have acquired 3000 units of 20-seater CNG-fuelled buses and distributed to major transportation companies in the states, using the intensity of travel per capital.

Overall, the speech turned away the brewing pessimism against the President’s economic direction, this became obvious when the president announced that the nation had saved over one trillion Naira, money which would be channeled unto more productive sectors for the benefit of a majority of Nigerians.

Now, while there are questions to be asked, particularly on the modality on how such funds are to distributed to the would be beneficiaries, well meaning Nigerians would naturally agree that the speech depicts the fact that the Nigerian economy is much very central to the President’s “Renewed Hope” agenda.

August 5, 2023
Reviewing the proposed N8,000 cash transfer

A number of my readers responded to my piece last week, notably, one of them who I presume must be an academic wrote in that the N8,000 was to be an addition to what this people earned and thus was a suitable amount, he also made the suggestion that states could also wade in. He also attacked the other plank of my argument on the allotted six months , stating that palliatives ought not to last longer than a specified period of time, otherwise they (the beneficiaries) would never want it to stop.

I appreciate the thinking that went into the reply, but I will still disagree with the academic and my reasons are numerous. First of all, yes the N8,000 is indeed a palliative, to support their meager incomes. The question now is this: Will the N8,000 be enough to support these families on their meager earnings which the hikes in fuel price and its inflationary trends will have on the purchasing power? Given the fact that these families are amongst the poorest of the poor, will #8,000 provide three or even two balanced meals? Can it afford to provide quality education for children within these households? What about healthcare provision?

The second point of my argument lies within the fact that six months isn’t enough time to help the poor out of the fuel subsidy mess, since it is obvious that the mess is isn’t going to go away in that six months. In other climes, most governments come out with policies that succeed such cash benefits transfers, perhaps a public works program or a skill acquisition program that affords members of these households such an opportunity not only to grapple with the challenges brought about by the fuel subsidy removal but also to clamber out of the poverty trap. It is definitely not ideal to believe that a particular amount for six months is enough to cater for the poorest of the poor. The Tinubu administration is silent on these aspects and this gives skeptics the required ammunition to play down the sincerity of the administration’s palliative regime, such that even organized Labour has threatened to pull out of the subsidy committee and are even calling for a strike.

Read Also; Subsidy: Tinubu orders review of proposed N8,000 planned palliatives

Thus, I would suggest that the Tinubu administration allocate to these poor households the sum of N15,000 per household and such should be extended for the period of two years and not six months as earlier proposed.

Thankfully the administration has announced that there is more to the palliatives package than what had initially been unveiled. It is my hope that the administration will likely redress these measures and perhaps borrow or present a semblance of some of the ideas presented here.

My second grouse is with the National Social Register which the National Economic Council has recently rejected.

The register which was designed by the National Social Safety Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO). and deployed by the FG’s Ministry for Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development as a channel for its cash transfers to those captured in the register.

The National Social Register (NSR) of Poor and Vulnerable Households (PVHHs) which is the aggregate of the State Social Registers- is the brainchild of the National Social Safety Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO). The NSR is the sum total of the geographical targeting, and community based targeting which both identify poor and vulnerable households within these states.

However understanding that this is Nigeria, there are many who feel that the NSR is a bogus document riddled with fictitious names or persons. There is the argument that since the register is a collection of registers from the states it is obvious that a number of these governors filled such lists with their supporters and relied on these supporters to bring in the votes during elections. As it stands now, there are new sherrifs in town, new governors who appear not to be too comfortable with such a list or register they had little or no input in, this may be the reason for Soludo’s declaration of near unanimity by these new governors on the issue of the social register!

This however does not affect the fact that the register cannot pass the integrity tests required of it neither does it make the states the best channel to generate such data which owing to the peculiar Nigerian way of doing things will likely fail another integrity test.

The best option for the Tinubu administration will be to jettison the pervious register and then create a new one via the collaboration between the concerned federal agencies, state governments and the local government administrations, this would produce a more wholistic National Social Register and confer upon it the much needed integrity, a situation we may likely not have should we leave the exercise entirely to the state governments as NEC had erroneously agreed to in their last meeting.

Concluding, I do hope that the Tinubu administration will be able to review positively such palliative measures for the good of the Nigerian people and with the intent on cushioning the painful effects on millions of Nigerians who surely deserve better.

July 29, 2023
Ministers Nigeria needs and the semantics of ‘screening’

The long awaited ministerial nominees’ list has been sent to the senate for screening. Not many Nigerians realize that being nominated for a ministerial post is not synonymous with automatic occupation of any public office. Screening according to the Oxford English Dictionary means ‘the evaluation or investigation of something as part of a methodical survey, to assess suitability for a particular role or purpose’. Some nominees had in the past been rejected from being confirmed.

Since 1999, Nigerian presidents have all had a weird pattern of just sending the names of nominees to the Senate for the so-called screening without attaching the expected positions the nominees would likely occupy in the cabinet. This has in a way been very worrisome to political analysts and all those who are familiar with global best practices. How do you literarily interview a prospective employee without being sure what position the applicant would be filling?

Read Also: FULL LIST: States yet to get ministerial nominees

Many have insisted that this idea of merely sending the nominees for what has seemingly become a ‘blind screening’ process in the senate trivializes the process. If Nigeria has fashioned its democracy after the American model, it should be seen to copy the most functional processes. Technology and the internet has made globalization more functional than earlier imagined. Nigerians have been watching the American Senate screening of nominees and have seen how thorough the senators who conscientiously work for the nation do their constitutional duties.

We all watched how a Hilary Clinton was grilled for almost twelve hours having been nominated as Secretary of State despite being a Yale alumnus, a former two-term Senator representing New York and former Arkansas and United States First Lady and a successful attorney. The Senators put value to the position of Secretary of State and the impact on both their national security and foreign policy objectives. There was no room for partisanship.

Screening nominees is not supposed to be a perfunctory legislative duty. It is a serious national assignment that senators must take very seriously. The senators suspending their break to carry out the national duty is commendable but not enough. They must be seen to go beyond that and take the road less travelled. They must be seen to thoroughly do a good job that would show the people that truly, they have the interest of the nation at heart.

The list of the twenty eight nominees is out, many analysts both professionals and motor park analysts have been giving their interesting opinions about all the nominees. The most interesting is obviously from those who believe that the President has through the list shown a very profoundly political strategic thinking. The list has about four past governors, seven seemingly young women making up about 25% of the list, up from the 17% that the former President Buhari administration gave to women.

It is interesting to note that the nominated women seem to enjoy more credibility quotient than the male nominees despite having some past governors on the list like that of Rivers, Nyesom Wike, Kaduna’s Mallam Nasir El’Rufai and Ebonyi state’s David Umahi. Many are however shocked that after struggling to be elected a senator, Umahi went ahead to allegedly lobby to become a minister. The Roundtable Conversation hopes that the screening process would shine the torchlight on his thought processes that is convincing him to ditch representing his constituents as a senator to wishing to be confirmed a minister.

A former governor Nyesom Wike screening should provide clarity on what appears to be his very contradictory political odyssey in the last few years. He was a founding member of the People’s democratic Party (PDP). He was a local government chairman, a state commissioner, a minister of State for education, a two-term governor of his state and today a ministerial nominee under the All progressive Congress (APC). He is possibly more famous for his alleged anti-party activities through the G-5 Group of alleged PDP dissidents of which he is seen as an arrowhead than any other achievement as governor of his state. The viral old videos of him saying he did not wish to be a minister or to join the APC that he likened to moving from malaria (read PDP) to a stage 4 Cancer (APC). It would be a thing for the history books to see the senators take him on on these issues among other relevant questions.

The former governor of Kaduna state, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai has been as controversial as he has been a long beneficiary of political positions. He started off as the Chairman of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) to being Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) to being a two-term governor of Kaduna state and is notorious for his handling of the murderous herders/indigenes clashes in the state. His often insensitive political statements have had many question his empathy quotient.

The former governor’s very poor handling of the lingering Southern Kaduna conflict/killings is one legacy he would have trail his tenure as governor for centuries. It would be very interesting to hear the senators thoroughly push him to unbundle his legacies as he gets ready to work on the national stage again. We would be waiting and watching to see how the 109 senators screen this former governor.

For all the political fireworks and import, the screening of these two would be a sure spectacle but we would not want anything to overshadow an objective and patriotic work by our senators. It is unfortunate that most often politicians assume that governance is their business exclusively. That is an erroneous belief. Every Nigerian has a stake in the country. When those we elected or who the elected appoint assume offices, it is not for them alone, they become servants of the people and each citizen has a say. That is accountability.

The Roundtable Conversation is equally worried that the list is full of former senators and party chieftains both male and female. The worry is not because they don’t deserve or qualify to be there but because in Nigeria, allegiance to party, group and regional interests have impacted how governments perform. Would the APC senators who are in the majority be objective enough to understand that at the national level, capacity and merit trump any other consideration? When the ministers are sterling in character and capacity, the whole nation and the governing party take the credit. Would the senators let patriotism trump party or other mundane considerations? We hope that they understand the implication of being in the apex legislative body.

There is equally the emotional consideration that some past senate tried to show because they felt that due to the fact that there is a global clamour for more inclusive governments, they at some point failed to screen the women but told them to just ‘bow and go’. The Roundtable Conversation has interacted with most of the nominees but being called up to national duty at this time of our national life is another kettle of fish altogether. Feminism does not confer competence or sense of patriotism. To this end, we expect that like Hilary Clinton, all the female nominees must be grilled to prove their competence and readiness to work for the nation.

We want women to be included but we also know that most of the women that served in the past administration performed below average. There are many qualified and ready women not just in the APC as a party but in the country even if they are not politicians would be in a position to work diligently for the development of the country. We need women and men who would work for the people and this can be ascertained only through a thorough screening process.

The Roundtable Conversation had before these nominations advocated the idea like many Nigerians that the names be attached to the future positions the nominees would be expected to serve in so that the screening process would be done in the best democratic style and to really scrutinize the nominees based on the portfolio. The explanation of Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, the President’s Chief of Staff that not attaching names to portfolio would make it easier for President Tinubu to change his mind if need be seems very confusing to many. Cabinet appointment is about the team that can work with the President or governors to achieve development goals, by not naming them appropriately to help the senators ask the relevant questions, the same President or governors would be losing the confidence of the people if per chance based on wrong-headed questions the nominees are not thoroughly grilled and they fail to perform.

We feel that part of valid political strategies is to be in a position where the legislature either at the state or federal levels can help the executive grill their future teams. We have been doing the wrong things for so long and the results have not been positive. Why can’t we strategically put all the right measures to make sure that the right pegs get into the right holes?

Nigerians expected that given the socio-economic issues that is keeping the nation on the edge of the precipice. A better strategy would have been to take the road less travelled but closer to the destination. We however wait and watch the 10th national assembly as the nation expects they can only help the people by patriotically doing their jobs diligently. A President’s cabinet says a lot about the prospects of development and the ball is in the Senate’s court. The world is watching.

The dialogue continues…

July 29, 2023