The Nation Newspaper

Category: Saturday

  • February 25th and the choices before Nigerians

    February 25th and the choices before Nigerians

    The Nigerian general election is around the corner. The Presidential and National Assembly election would be on the 25th of February while the governorship and Houses of Assembly elections would be held on the 11th of March. Sadly though, there seems to be a general misconception of the real essence of democracy. There are 18 candidates contesting for the Presidency. The National Assembly  and some governorship candidates seem very subdued in their campaigns, most hiding under the influence of most of the major candidates.

    This is one of the signs of a very weak political system. The attention is on the center because the presidency in Nigeria is a very powerful position. Not that the presidency is less important or less powerful in any nation but Nigeria is a peculiar case. The loss of innocence just six years after independence with the first military coup seems to hunt the country perennially. The coups and counter coups, the civil war of 1967-70 and post war coups and counter coups seem to have corrupted the essence of leadership in the sense that even civilian governments seem to consistently replicate the ‘command and control’ system of the military.

    The country and its political class seem to have groped in the dark for so long as the military years were a seeming cocktail of both the military top echelon and the political elite. In a country that  found oil and saw the benefit of oil boom with excess petro-dollar with little or no visionary leadership over the years, the country seems to have moved in the same path for more than five decades. A nine-year military head of state, Gen. Yakubu Gowon (RTD.) is today globally remembered for his very juvenile assertion that, “Money was not the problem of Nigeria but how to spend it”.

    For decades, that statement seems to have become the albatross of Nigeria. The access to the center implies a control of the oil and other resources found abundant in the country. The presidency is seen in Nigeria with a monarchical lens. With a weak system that has not really seen a marked departure from the immediate post-independence style, the center has become like the proverbial nectar that attracts all the bees. The only difference is that while the bees produce honey with its plethora of value, the political class and the military in their hey days merely drew the map of consumerism.

    So since September 2022 that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) blew the whistle for political campaigns, the country has witnessed a lot of emphasis by the major political parties on marketing the Presidential candidates. The governorship and other candidates seem to hide under the influence of the major candidates who by the way have individually built their political and public lives over the years on individual basis.

    Here then is the albatross of the Nigerian political tragedy. There is less emphasis on the legislative arm of government at both the federal and state levels.  The lack of political ideologies by the political parties adds to the complexity. The power structure in the political parties does not make it possible for politicians contesting for posts to stand out and earn their positions based on personal merit in most cases. The judiciary seems overburdened  by the political parties as there have been judicial interventions in the electoral processes that often detracts it from other core roles in a democracy.

    It could be tricky for the political elite to find an alibi for the lack of vision and cohesion in the running of political parties by claiming that the democracy since 1999 is nascent. The Roundtable Conversation believes that the development variables like most technological innovations and discoveries that have seen the world change must impact also on the way Nigeria ought to run the republic. Those who bring up the flawed narrative that excuses must be accepted because the democracy is young must have a rethink.

    As we watch the presidential candidates campaign across the  country, there are observations that must matter. Because the presidency in Nigeria assumes too much power, other tiers of government like the local and state governments play the Ostrich. Most citizens believe that all the problems they experience are created and thrown at them by the presidency erroneously.

    While the presidency ought to and is a powerful position, it is almost like a coordinating  arm of government as it makes policies and has the powers to appoint cabinet that it believes can best interpret those policies with the help of the legislative arm of government. However, the Nigerian political class seems to be blind to this reality of the need for the independence of the three arms of government.

    It is funny that while Nigeria prides itself with copying the American presidential system, most of the processes are cherry-picked for their personal socio-political expediencies. The structured political party administration seems to be lacking in Nigeria. The marked ideological differences between the Republicans and Democrats are missing in the political parties in Nigeria. The difference between political parties in Nigeria seem to be that between six and half a dozen and it does not matter whether they are just two or twenty.

    The mid-term elections in America is often a referendum on the incumbent president and by extension his political party (‘his’, since America in its more than two hundred years history has never had a female president). In a way, the focus is always on the candidates and that is why each candidate especially at the legislative level makes sure they are held accountable.  While the President does his bit, he too is held accountable, he is independently assessed. Legislators, Mayors and state governors understand that each of them is assessed on their personal merit first and their political party as an icing on the cake. This is why a Democrat can win in a Republican stronghold and vice versa.

    If it were in America, most of the legislators that voted out the five gender equity bills in the Nigerian National Assembly would find it difficult to be re-elected to congress. In Nigeria though, there is the problem of illiteracy and poverty that enable most elected officials prey on the people. No nation grows under this situation. The political philosophers like Baron de Montesquieu understands the human capacity to abuse power when they fashioned the possibility for checks and balances amongst the three arms of government.

    The loud silence of most legislative candidates on the campaign trail is in line with the long cycle of individuals just hiding under their political parties and/or presidential candidates to access power and at the end of the day, they fail their constituents  while hiding under either party loyalty or executive/legislative harmony/protection. This is one wound that Nigeria must heal for democracy to develop beyond what currently exists.

    Nigerians must begin to demand that the pressure on the presidency must be eased for better efficiency and accountability. Checks and balances in a democracy is the pillar that holds democracy. Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.  As such, a great part of the democratic experience is in allowing the three arms to be independent in the purest sense. The Nigerian legislators are some of the most highly paid in the world, yet they seem to be the least productive and protective of both democracy and the people.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that the weakness of Nigerian democracy as the country goes into another election cycle can be corrected by the people learning that the presidency is important but then a powerful president and a weak or inactive legislature and judiciary cannot develop the country beyond what it now exists.

    Nigerians can only help themselves by having a better understanding of the democratic processes that renders functionality and efficiency. The people must interrogate the candidates on their individual merits and shun the idea of voting for those who hide under candidates that have paid their political dues over the years. If Nigeria must pride itself on running the American model of democracy, it must be holistic even if we agree that certain cultural nuances might affect certain choices in some areas.

    Since 1999, most state governors operate as emperors in ways that they monopolize power and solely determine who goes to the state and national assemblies based not on the capacity to deliver but other parochial reasons that do not improve the welfare of the people. It is even funny that most governors that were failures in their states manipulate the electoral process and go to the senate to represent a constituency they never made better during their eight year tenure.

    The history of the Nigerian legislature since 1999 has not been about the best and most functional going to advance democracy but mostly men who use their economic or political influence to access that arm of government at both state and federal levels. In later years, it got worse with former governors who retire to the senate just to sit out the rest of their lives and  remain politically relevant but contributing little or nothing to national development. February 25th election must be different, Nigerians must elect a legislature that can put the country back on the global economic growth. How did Nigeria become the poverty capital of the world despite its rich human and natural resources?

    The dialogue continues… 

  • Fuel scarcity, currency swap and antics of enemies within

    Fuel scarcity, currency swap and antics of enemies within

    Nigeria is in turmoil. Its economy is on crutches. Commercial activities are paralysed. There is no money, no thanks to empty Automatic Teller Machines (ATM). There is no fuel at the numerous filling stations for inexplicable reasons.

    Everything is at standstill. People are only clinging to hope, the elixir of life. The government’s explanations are illogical and untenable. It is akin to a war situation.

    Even, a cloud of uncertainty hovers over the general elections. The critical contest that should herald the periodic constitutional transfer of power is being threatened. Thirty-six states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) are enveloped in disaster, panic, agony and confusion. 

    This is the awful picture of the most populous country in Africa. The fragile, beleaguered and trembling pseudo-federal entity has ceased to be a model of economic development and political growth. Citizens are anxious. The international community is confounded by the turn of events. 

    Yesterday, a stalwart of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, bemoaned the national crisis. 

    He dissected the twin evils of fuel scarcity and currency change, attributing the chaos to the activities of a few cabals who wields enormous influence in Aso Rock, the seat of power. He said there are certain elements plotting the downfall of the party at the poll. 

    A frank and blunt El-Rufail traced the hullabaloo to the APC presidential primary, which produced the best candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. 

    Four months after, certain powerful forces are still locked in malice and hate, and throwing obstacles. The Kaduna governor said these anti-Tinubu forces in Aso Villa are not APC members in the real sense, but those clinging to the Commander-in-Chief.

    El-Rufai said: “I believe there are elements in the Villa that want us to lose the election because they didn’t get their way; they had their candidate. Their candidate did not win the primaries.

    “They are trying to get us to lose the election, and they are hiding behind the president’s desire to do what he thinks is right.”

    The indisputable fact is that if these “elements” succeed in their plot, they apparently have nothing to lose. They cannot also be held responsible. The APC will be the ultimate loser. 

    In the past, Buhari’s wife, Aisha, was in the same frame of mind. Raising an eyebrow, she pointed out that certain people around her husband were clogs in the wheel of progress. 

    But, Information and Culture Minister Alhaji Layiwola Muhammed, tried to puncture El-Rufai’s claim. In his rebuttal, the minister said President Muhammadu Buhari was unaware of the entrenched forces in the topmost corridor of power working against the standard bearer. 

    Mohammed said: “If there is anybody working against a candidate, we don’t know officially.” 

    The interpretation is that there may unofficial acknowledgement of people working against the candidate, but whose activities have not been tackled either officially or unofficially by the presidency. 

    The chief occupant of the presidential villa occupies dual positions in this electioneering. He is president and has the duty to provide a level playing ground for all parties and candidates. 

    But, he is also a product of his ruling party, and cannot be indifferent to succession, or the kind of successor that should take after him. For political and moral reasons, he should be leading the campaigns for Tinubu and Shettima on the platform of APC. So far, he has aptly identified with the campaigns in some locations. 

    While Buhari may not favour any candidate, he is expected as leader of APC to support the candidate of the party. Remarkably, the president, as a party man, has reiterated that Tinubu is his candidate.

    But, more importantly, party members want him to intervene and halt the persistent petrol scarcity and the debacle unleashed by the Central Bank. Nigerians in general want an end to the nightmares. 

    Tinubu, an experienced politician, patriot and statesman, had voiced his opinion on what has now snowballed into a national emergency. 

    In the last month, cries of despondency have filled the air. Long queues at filling stations. Many are in the queue for hours in search of elusive fuel. They pay as high as N500 per litre in towns and cities. 

    What is striking is that those who carry jerry cans get fuel which they resell than vehicles in the long queue. 

    Also, long queues at ATMs have become features of banks’ premises in the metropolis. There is a strange ceiling on what a customer can withdraw. In many banks, a customer can only withdraw N2,000. Yet, the currency finds its way to POS agents who sell to people at social parties. 

    There is no end in sight to the mess. There is no assurance that the terrible situation will improve. There is a breakdown of trust, following the expansion of the gulf between the government and the governed. 

    The timing of the currency redesign that has flopped and the orchestrated fuel scarcity, according to observers, is wrong. It underscores a plot to create an unfavourable atmosphere for the general election. 

    The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) holds customers in the jugular. In a breath, CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele, following protests by stakeholders, including National Assembly members, reluctantly extended the deadline for the currency swap till February 10.

    In another dimension, he said although the old Naira notes will not be legal tenders as of February 10, Nigerians can still redeem old notes in their custody if they approach CBN between February 10 and 17. 

    This condition is worrisome. Many Nigerians have never done any business directly with the apex bank before. CBN only has one branch in each of the 36 states and FCT. 

    President Buhari is the petroleum minister. The Federal Government has not lived up to expectations as a solution centre. It is ironic that the sixth largest producer of oil in the world is starved of an adequate supply of petrol for domestic consumption. 

    But, the collateral damage that should be averted is a public outcry, which attempts to link the candidates of the ruling party to the malady supposedly created by the government the party has birthed.

    As Nigerians vent their anger, opposition parties are exploiting the scenario and converting it into a campaign advantage.

    At the APC rally in Abeokuta, Ogun State capital, Tinubu, cried foul, saying that fifth columnists and saboteurs were on the prowl. His views resonated with Nigerians.

    In his opinion, unscrupulous elements were exploiting the fuel scarcity and currency redesign that had gone awry to embarrass the president and demarket APC. 

    Echoing this logical line of thought yesterday, El-Rufai said the CBN policy was not the policy of APC and the APC government,  but the policy of those who want to bring the country down.

    Tinubu said: “They are using fuel scarcity to distract Nigerians. I assure you, it will be a thing of the past. They are hoarding fuel and new naira notes to frustrate Nigerians. They don’t want the election…They think they can bamboozle us or confuse us with fuel scarcity. We shall bring the fuel price down. They didn’t want this election, but they have failed.”

    When Tinubu alerted the government and citizens to the dangers, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) twisted it to cause friction between him and the President. 

    But, other institutions of state being hampered by the crises have also cried out. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has warned that without fuel, the fate of the proposed elections hangs in the balance. 

    INEC Chairman Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, who expressed worry about the perennial scarcity, said the electoral agency shared public concern about the fuel situation and its impact on transportation on election day. He emphasised that the commission’s arrangements may be negatively affected by the non-availability of fuel.

    To restore order into a state of pandemonium, speed is required as delay could be dangerous. 

    The buck stops at the president’s table. The country will like him to leave a good legacy.

  • Professor Diji Aina on factionalism,Economic Parasitism and state fragility (1)

    Professor Diji Aina on factionalism,
    Economic Parasitism and state fragility (1)

    Although his inaugural lecture interestingly delivered on the ninth day of March in the ninth year of his promotion to the rank of professor at the Babcock University in 2016, Professor Diji Aina’s dissection of the phenomenon of factionalism, economic parasitism and state fragility with particular reference to Africa and Nigeria specifically is one of the most exhaustive and insightful searchlights on the subject that I have read. The issues raised in the lecture are ever so refreshingly relevant to the push and pull of communal life in diverse polities across time and space. Titled ‘Factionalism, Economic Vampires and the Fragile State’, the discourse analyses diverse forms of cooperative and thus healthy factionalism as well as competitive, conflict-laden and thus dysfunctional  factionalism in polities ranging from South Korea, Eastern Europe and Latin America, Western Europe, the United States of America and of course Africa.

    Although some scholars have an essentially atomistic view of man as an isolated individual fundamentally preoccupied with the selfish pursuit particularly of his existential material interest at the expense of others, the philosophical basis of the ‘economic man’ of capitalist society, man is basically a social or political animal in Aristotelian terms whose life can only be meaningful in his relationship with other fellow homo sapiens. The imperative of living in society since man is not created to live a Robinson Crusoe-type of self-reliant existence makes the interaction of individuals with others in society inevitable essentially through the formation of groups which may be economic, religious, cultural, military, professional, educational, ethnic, leisure-related or, of course, political in nature.

    The political association in the form of the political party in democratic polities’ is perhaps the pre-eminent group in society since it competes with other like groups for the control of state power and the legitimate authority to coordinate and allocate values as well as determine, in the formulation of the political scientist, Harold Lasswell, who gets what, when and how in the societal distribution of resources even though he is criticized for not paying sufficient attention to the production of those resources as well as how much goes to the constitutive classes of society.

    Stressing the inevitability of factionalism in organized society, Professor Aina notes that the phenomenon “is an integral part of the political process whether in corporate political settings, autocracy or democracy. Party politics globally has served only as a tool of factional strategy in order to achieve political power. In other words, party politics depended on factionalism because the goal of party politics has been about access to power, the route to economic resources”. He sheds further light on the concept of factionalism stating that “Whereas in the cooperative and competitive typologies, the State is strengthened; in the degenerative model, the fragility of the state is seriously highlighted. For instance, factionalism contributed to political paralysis of the Soviet Union in the late 1970s, delayed Gorbachev’s political reforms in the 1980s, made the prospect of Obama’s last two years dull, and created an ugly scenario in 2015 in Nigeria’s national politics, thereby stultifying the change mantra”.

    Incidentally, for the first phase of governance in post-colonial Africa, the fractious character of democratic politics as captured by Professor Aina’s conception of factionalism bred a distrust for liberal democracy with some of the modernization theorists such as Samuel Huntington at the time in the early 60s and 70s,  perceiving and promoting the military, for instance, with its supposed organizational attributes of discipline, efficiency, primacy on order, hierarchy and promptness as a modernizing agent through what was described as ‘developmental dictatorship’. It was this same kind of rationalization that sought to justify the rash of military, one-party and one-man dictatorships across Africa at the time that was perceived as more suited for the attainment of Africa’s desired rapid development than the rancorous debates, noisy disputations, intra-party disputes and inter-party conflicts and protracted legislative deliberations characteristic of liberal democracy, a scenario vividly captured by Professor Aina’s conception of factionalism, which was seen as unduly distracting and obstructive of accelerated transformation in underdeveloped societies needing fast-paced transformation.

    It took bitter experience for African and other underdeveloped countries to see that imposing the peace and seeming order of the graveyard on a polity in the quest for development, rather than being a sure and speedy route to development, bred pervasive corruption, drove grievance, dissension and faction underground, inevitably nurtured political persecution, oppression and pernicious human rights abuse while worsening instability and deepening underdevelopment. In Nigeria since 1999, for instance, the most intense forms of intra-party disputations, political disagreements, poor governance, degenerative violence, unbridled corruption among other perverse manifestations of the political process have not tempted Nigerians to desire a return to military or any other form of dictatorship. Sometimes chaotic factionalism is increasingly being seen as an integral part of political contestation in a free and plural society and society must incrementally and systematically develop the capacity to manage such within the prism of democratic culture, institutions and processes.

    Illustrated throughout Professsor Aina’s lecture is the thesis that “Factions are ubiquitous aspects of life. From the Caudillos of Latin America where, according to Lewis (2006) strong colorful personalities impose their will on the people through the “hyper-presidential” system to political paralysis leading to Mikhail Gorbachev reform politics of the 1980s in the defunct Soviet Union to the gridlock cum divided government of the United States, factions have either strengthened or weakened the state”. But while relatively strong institutions as well as restraining moral or cultural values have been able to help contain the dysfunctional and disruptive consequences of governmental gridlock or democratic decay in advanced democracies such as Donald Trump’s America or Boris Johnson’s United Kingdom, factionalism has had more devastating and destructive consequences in underdeveloped polities like Nigeria.

    As Professor Aina explains, “Unlike in the United States where the political system is confronted by a gridlock and a divided government arising from multiplicity of interest groups and policy options, the Nigerian space is perforated by rampaging economic vampires, predatory elite gangs and a disoriented civic populace whose mind is sold to a complex web of patrons”. The economic parasitism of the political elite described by the professor as ‘rampaging political vampires’ is thus the key explanatory variable that links extreme and divisive factional contestations in Nigeria to state fragility and debilitating underdevelopment.

    As he pungently makes the point, “The concept of vampire is mythological. It conveys the idea of an entity or being whose goal is sucking out the life essence (i.e. blood or life sustaining fluid) of other living beings. In this lecture, we use economic vampires to represent all agents of the State and non-State actors who fuel factional flames and fan the embers of degenerative politics with the ultimate goal of preying on the economy. They come as political and economic entrepreneurs, multi-national corporation actors as well as other entities and persons whose apotheosis is putting profit ahead of all other goals and to the exclusion of ethical and moral considerations”.   In the concluding part of this essay, we will relate Professor Aina’s ideas to the character of politics, paralysis of governance, decay of values, heightened state fragility and developmental degeneracy in Nigeria’s fourth Republic with particular attention on the forthcoming general elections.

    •This article was first published September 10, 2022

    Illuminations returns next week

  • 2023 Elections: The day after…

    2023 Elections: The day after…

    NIGERIA’S democracy will take the global center stage the 25th of February when the people of Nigeria would go to the polls to elect  a President and members of the National Assembly.  This is just one of the processes that hands the people the power to choose their leadership. Political parties have played a bit of their part by handing their tickets to the candidates and it is left to the candidates and the parties to define for the people the vision they have.

    For months now, the political parties and their candidates have been going round the states campaigning and persuading citizens to vote for them on election days which of course would be completed on the 11th of March after the election of the state governors in more than two third of states and the members of the state houses of assembly. It is the hope of Nigerians and the global community that the most populous African nation with its potentials in human and material resources would conduct a free and fair election where all votes would count.

    The Roundtable Conversation has followed the pre-election political processes and observed that although there is no perfection to the system, Nigeria has made some progress. The signing of the Electoral Act Amended Bill 2022 into law by President Mohammed Buhari has given some positive expectations to Nigerians. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on their own has continuously assured the people that the use of technology as contained in the new law would help to restore confidence in the electoral system.

    The Presidential candidates of most of the political parties and their Chairmen had in September 2022 signed the Peace Accord committing themselves to a peaceful campaign for the 2023 elections. That was a commendable move by both the organizers and the political parties and the main actors and their leaderships. However, despite the signing of the Peace Accord, we have observed the use of very divisive rhetoric by some of the candidates, their spokespersons and other media aides. The dire implications is that even though we could assume that the politicians are never enemies based on shared interests and prior partnerships and associations, their actions and inactions including that of their aides and surrogates have far reaching socio-political implications that often linger long after elections and sometimes lead to post-election violence.

    We as a nation must be concerned about post-election peace and rebuilding of national unity and cohesion that can foster more development.  We can see the statistics of areas with high, medium and low risks and it is alarming that only about three states, Ondo, Gombe and the Federal Capital Territory are in the low risk category in terms of possibility of disruptions or chances of violence according to some Civil Society Organizations and INEC projections. This must alarm every Nigerian enough to take any action that would calm nerves whether their preferred candidates win or lose any of the elective positions.

    The Roundtable Conversation spoke to Dr. Sam Amadi, a lawyer and public affairs analyst about the value and prospects of peace after the elections are won and lost. Amadi believes that nothing beats peace as a precursor to unity and development especially in a nation like Nigeria. He believes that the leadership of the political parties and the candidates must sit down and prioritize the national interest ahead of individual, group or regional interests before, during and after elections.

    He believes that the country needs healing and as such whoever emerges victorious at the presidential level has his job cut out for him. There must be humility in victory and a sense of unity that can push for national cohesion and government of national unity that brings people together in ways this nation has not seen since independence.  Times have changed and the triumphant candidates must realize the value of cohesive leadership and the import of unity in diversity in a country so divided by politicians along religious and ethnic lines.

    Nigeria needs not just a conversation for its own sake but a determination to work towards a workable unity because over the years, politicians through their actions seem to have accentuated the differences in religion, region and ethnicity and we can see how divisive that have been. The healing must begin after elections no matter who emerges victorious. The issue would then depend on the victorious party and candidate’s ability to build bridges to foster unity.

    Read Also: 2023 elections defining moment for Nigeria, says Gbajabiamila

    There should be an attempt to reconstruct the Nigerian state by trying to resolve some critical national questions like that of citizenship in ways that can cub the different regional and group agitations. Citizenship of the Nigerian state must have clear, unambiguous but inclusive criteria that give a sense of inclusion and justice to everyone on very equal basis. After the elections are won and lost, the leader work with everyone  to redesign the system to give everyone equal citizenship in reality.

    The second critical question post-election should be how to unleash the vast human capital across the country to maximize the productive talents across the nation in a way that poverty can be reduced. The winner must understand that enough wealth can be created to reduce poverty which ultimately becomes a threat to national security if not tackled. There must be an intentional human development policy that will empower the citizens to create goods and services that can improve the economy and ensure socio-economic stability and prosperity.

    We must look at creating the right framework that can reduce the tension that seems to have been present since 1967. There must be an attempt to create a framework that can address the existential challenges so that peace and justice can reign and all regional nerves calmed.

    We equally reached out to Dr. Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi,  Founder, Women Advocates Research and Documentation Center (WARDC), an experienced gender, law, human rights and development expert and lecturer . We wanted to find out the concerns she has given the fate of women in politics and generally as the major victims of any form of violence before, during and after elections. 

    To Abiola, given the prevalence of violence in Nigeria politics, coupled with a climate of socio-cultural and religious conservatism most competent women are often dissuaded from active participation in politics.  Women are still being subjected to hate speech and different forms of verbal and physical threats on and off the political space. They are targets and often victims of election-related violence. As election approaches, there is need for close monitoring of political space to ensure women’s safety to prevent increase in gender-based. From all indications, government and political parties are not doing much to abate the situation. We can still remember the killing through arson of the Kogi state Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)Women leader during the governorship election in her state.

    Recently, a female campaign coordinator of the Labour party was murdered in Kaduna state. In Nasarawa state, an APC female candidate suffered physical violence that left her with a broken neck. The greatest apprehension is that police that is supposed to act as the first responders to violence against women with the right attitude and commitment to investigate, prosecute and bring perpetrators to justice seem non-existent.

    We need to strongly condemn those killings and many others as witnessed in Kogi and Kaduna. Every citizen including women has the right to choose, vote and be voted for and belong to a political party of her/his choice without fear of intimidation. It is quite unfortunate that more women become victims of electoral violence. Political parties and actors need to give meaning and life to the words enshrined in the nation’s constitution and provisions against gender-based violence in all other extant laws and international instruments.

    According to Abiola, both political parties and candidates should be magnanimous in victory and gracious in defeat. This means that the sanctity of human life should be recognized and human dignity preserved and enhanced, before, during and after elections. We as a nation must call on political gladiators to give meaning and life to the words of the Nigerian constitution by not taking laws into their hands. We encourage all aggrieved parties/candidates to approach a court of law for redress in cases of alleged electoral offences by opponents. No politician’s ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian especially women and the other vulnerable members of the society.

    We as Nigerians must abhor politics of bitterness because this could further heat up the polity and throw the nation into chaos and the past experiences of Nigeria’s post-election violence since  is an ill-wind that blows no one any good as lives and property are lost and the nation remains more divided.

    The Roundtable Conversation believes that nation-building and development is the duty of every citizen. This means is that every Nigerian home or abroad has a stake in the country. Politicians are just trust in positions where they are leaders and their mission must be to contribute their quota to the building of the nation. Elective positions are a privilege from the mandate givers –the people. Elections especially in a nation of global importance like Nigeria must be an example to others in Sub-Saharan Africa.

    Candidates must show magnanimity in victory and be gracious even in defeat because offering to serve is a sign of patriotism and the choice of the people determines who gets that mandate in a free and fair contest. Even when there are post-election disputes, the right thing is to approach the courts with evidences. The conduct of candidates after the elections would determine the peace and unity that will reign and as such make governance easier and unity much easier to attain. Peace and justice enhances development of nations.  Let peace be our watchword.

    The dialogue continues…

  • Governor rebuffs former colleague, friend and candidate

    Governor rebuffs former colleague, friend and candidate

    There is a governor in an oil rich state known for his frankness, boldness and generosity. Only very few people without substantial knowledge of his antecedents would dispute his generous disposition. It is widely believed that no one in need goes to him and returns home without smiling or jumping for joy.

    But that is as far as his admirers go. His traducers, on the other hand, have chosen to view his benevolence from a negative perspective, calling him ‘Mr Donatus’, a cynical pseudonym meant to portray him as a spendthrift; one who squanders what is entrusted to him on behalf of the people.

    However, what many people do not know about him is that he carries out detailed investigation and subject requests for financial assistance to serious scrutiny to determine which one is genuine and which one is not. So it was recently when a former minister colleague of his, who is running for elective office in one of the states in the North, solicited his financial assistance.

    Having contacted the governor, the candidate in question was highly expectant after their interactions. Unknown to the candidate, the governor was not convinced that his ex-colleague in the federal cabinet needed any assistance, hence he ignored the request.

    Believing that he could get a mutual friend and also ex-colleague of theirs to intercede on his behalf, the candidate journeyed to the friend’s abode in another state where he pleaded with his friend to prevail on the governor. The friend obliged, and at what he thought was an auspicious time, reminded the governor about the ex-minister’s request. The governor, however, ignored the request and dwelt on other matters.

    Not willing to give up, the ex-minister repeated the request as they were rounding off their conversation. But the move reportedly jolted the governor into action. He reportedly declared in his usual “blunt and direct” way: “That one, he cannot win. Even if it is N20 million, I will not give him. Besides, I hear he has four wives. If I give him money, he will set part of it aside and share it among his wives and help himself with the balance.” The ex- minister, an “accidental politician” (apologies to Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai) was jolted and shocked by what he saw as an exposition of the ways of politicians

    Not done, the governor fired another shot. “Election is serious business. I support people who can win; I don’t waste my money.”

    End of discussion!

    Naja’atu Mohammed:  What manner of activist?

    POLITICAL observers were treated to a strange spectacle during the week with the dramatic change of camp by Naja’atu Mohammed, the director in charge of civil society organisations in the Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) of the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    Like a bolt from the blue, Naja’atu had announced her purported resignation from the PCC, citing lack of access to Tinubu and vowing never to touch party politics even with a six-inch pole for the rest of her life, only for her to pitch her tent with the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, less than 24 hours after.

    Her move naturally sent tongues wagging as political observers wondered what she was up to, dumping the APC camp and showing up with PDP in less than 24 hours. But the answers appear to be coming from different speakers in the APC camp who were privy to what actually transpired between the party and the self-acclaimed activist and human rights crusader.

    Among the ‘sins’ for which Naja’atu jumped the APC ship, according to a chieftain of Tinubu’s PCC, was the APC presidential candidate’s refusal to grant her demand for a whopping N500 million to run her department.

    Read Also: Court throws out suit seeking Tinubu’s disqualification

    The PCC member said: “In a PCC that has hundreds of people, you should know that there would be moles who are there to gather information and those who are there to cash out. Such people are not grounded and it becomes a problem if money is not coming as they expected. I was told that the directorate she led requested for N500 million.”

    Tinubu, being an auditor, was said to have considered the request hollow and promptly kept it in the KIV (keep in view) file. The activist, after salivating endlessly for the anticipated windfall, left the APC PCC in frustration and promptly pledged loyalty to Atiku.

    “Tinubu is a generous person, but he is also an accountant who keeps his eye on money,” the APC PCC member said.

    The position of the APC PCC member would seem to have found justification in the antecedents of Naja’atu, a self-acclaimed human rights crusader who as a member of the Police Service Commission thought nothing of collecting a Prado SUV worth more than N60 million for doing nothing more than attend statutory meetings for a maximum of six times in a year. What a way to fight for a better society! What a way to be the voice of the voiceless!

    Now, the question arises: what was Naja’atu’s mission in the APC PCC; a mole or a gold digger?

    Has Ikpeazu  scored an own goal?

    WITH the quandary in which Abia State governor, Victor Ikpeazu has found himself over the sudden death of the state’s governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Prof. Eleazar Ikonne, there is no better way to justify the saying that what goes around comes around.

    Only two months ago, the National Chairman of PDP, Prof. Iyorchia Ayu, was the object of public ridicule in Umuahia, Abia State capital, as he as well as the presidential candidate of the party Alhaji Atiku Abubakar were shunned at its campaign flag-off.

    Ikpeazu, one of the five aggrieved PDP governors popularly known as the G5, who have vowed not to campaign for Atiku without Ayu resigning his position as the party’s national chairman, had slighted Ayu during the campaign flag-off ceremony by saddling another member of the G5, Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State to perform the handover of the party’s campaign flag to Ikonne; a function that ought to be exclusively preserved for Ayu as the national chairman.

    At the occasion, Governor Ikpeazu laughed his heart out as Wike mocked Ayu and described Atiku as an enemy of progress who blocked Ikpeazu from taking loans to rebuild Ariara International Market.

    In an unusual twist of fate, however, Ikonne died on Wednesday and Governor Ikpeazu suddenly found himself at the mercy of Ayu, who the law saddles with the responsibility of writing to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct a fresh primary election, to help him submit a fresh governorship candidate for Abia PDP.

    Ikpeazu is now in a catch-22 situation where his friends and folks may not be able to give a helping hand.

    The Abia governor is said to be in Abuja looking for Ayu, his inherited enemy, while Ayu and some other leaders of the PDP are in the field campaigning for Atiku. Nobody is sure of what Ayu would do.

  • Elections, alarms and signals

    Elections, alarms and signals

    The  alarm  raised  by the presidential candidate of the ruling APC Jagaban Bola Ahmed Tinubu  that  those behind the present persistent fuel scarcity ,      and   against the  new naira redesign  are against  him  winning  the election of Feb 25 2013   but   that people should just go and vote for him  to win anyway , prompted today’s topic   for discussion  . I  see the alarm as  a follow up  to the topic of last week which  was   about weaponisation  and the topic was  ‘Weapons , Wars and Ideas ‘’.  I leave it to  your  conclusion on whether I am  right  on the matter   or  not     but   that  can only be if you have read the piece . Since habitually I  do  not  dwell  in the past on my write  ups, I     move   ahead   to   take a look   today  at  similar alarms  raised  in the past on not only elections but on culture ,religion  and  especially    politics .   This    is  to  see if such alarms or the signals that prompted them      are  false or  real  and  whether  we can  use the expression ‘ crying wolf where there is none ‘ to describe them or not  .

    This  alarm  by the Jagaban  can be viewed  today  in the context  of his now timely and  righteous indignation of ‘ its  my  turn ‘ indignant  outburst   in English  ,  which   he said   in Yoruba    –  Emi   Lokan  – before his party’s   presidential  primaries that secured him the presidential  ticket  of the ruling APC . I    will  compare  the Asiwaju’s alarm today with  that  of two  world  leaders who  were  suspicious  of the circumstances they  found  themselves and the odds against  their  leadership at  a point in time and who  saw signals that they raised  alarm over  and what  happened thereafter . One was Donald Trump  and his alarm  over covid lockdowns on the eve  of his  re election campaign   in   the 2020  US presidential    election which    he lost .  The    other   leader   is President Vladmir Putin  of Russia  and his fears  that the Obama Administration  was  planning against  his return as president  of Russia after    his   first   tenure    [ 2000 — 2008 ]   when his surrogate  Dmitry  Medvedev  was president [  2008  – 2012 ] and he was  PM for  one term [ 2008—   2012  ] in consonance with the provisions of the Russian  constitution then . Which he later amended   to literally  become president  for life on his return  as  Russian  president culminating  in the invasion of the Crimea in 2014  and the  on going Russian  invasion of Ukraine .

    Let  me now  examine  these three  events    first  in the signals they emitted and  the context of today’s  topic . Briefly  and  in Nigeria ,  the Jagaban is saying that  his opponents  are trying to  foment trouble and confusion  on the eve of the Feb 25  elections but that if the  voters turn out as he urged      them   confidently,  he would win .  That sounds   like a  reasonable   fear ,  albeit an alarm and  it is logical  for him to assume   and raise   the alarm that a peaceful election is a sine qua non  for  an enabling environment to conduct a fee and fair election   which   he plans to win . I  ally myself with  his alarm and wish  him well  with his ambition . 

    In  Donald  Trump’s  case  I   wrote  before that  he saw  a premonition that  he would lose the 2020 presidential  election if he allowed  the  shrilly  fear  of covid  on health and lock  down the US economy . His  opponents knew this too and forced his  hand and had  a willing collaborator in the Covid  health  authorities ‘ and    fought back  Trump’s  desperate efforts  to down play covid and  prevent the lock down of the US economy . Indeed his  opponent who eventually  won was locked down  in his  bunker during the election campaigns . If  the issue  of the lost  lap  top of  President Joe Biden’s  son   Hunter   had become an issue too on the eve of the 2020 presidential  election ,  as it should indeed have  been , there is no doubt that  Trump  would have been re elected .The   Russian Collusion that trailed Trump  presidency which turned  out to  be false was another false alarm use to derail Trump’s  reelection  chances .  That  he later turned out to call the election  of his opponent as president a  ‘stolen election ‘ is a result of his frustration that  all  the alarms that he raised on the signals he saw which  the media and big tech companies branded as misinformation or fake news  ,  were  not heeded . That  of course was the nature of US politics in an unexpected time and regime  of a global  pandemic  and Trump  perished  politically  in terms of  his lost  presidency making Joe Biden the new president and main beneficiary of the covid presidential election of 2020 .

    In  the rift  between the US and  Russia  which  the present Russian invasion of Russia has escalated ,  leadership  personality clashes  between the Obama Administration   and   Putin’s    regime played  a major part . A look at Putin’s two  presential  tenures will show that he was more at home with Republican  US  presidents   namely George Bush 2001 – 2008  and  Donald Trump 2016 – 2020 . He  had    disdain for the Obama  Administration because he thought it was indecisive on issues and  the fact  that it made gay politics and sympathy a corner piece of its administration . Even though Russia is communist  its government sees itself as quite democratic. That  was what it was trying to show the world when Putin stepped down  to be PM and  return as a more powerful president later .  In addition  Putin  has accommodated the Russian Orthodox Church which again is  anti gay and anti abortion which the Democratic Party  support  fully in the US . Before the Russian Invasion  of   Ukraine  Putin  hinted  at   ‘the arrogance of  some leaders to think  they own the world ‘  It  was    a veiled   reference  to the Biden Administration  . He  tested the mettle of the Obama Administration twice when he supported the leader of Syria who was using chemical  weapons against  his people and Obama promised to do something to stop it but did nothing . This  emboldened Putin  to invade the Crimea in 2014    and he got away   it   with,  hence the Invasion  of Ukraine later ,  on the excuse of NATO   encirclement  and security  concerns .

    There  is no doubt  that if Donald  Trump  was president Putin  would not  have invaded Ukraine . This is because he has respect  for  Republican  presidents and even rode horse like a cowboy when  he visited George Bush’s  ranch  on a visit to  the US during that American president’s  tenure . In addition Putin   reportedly    seriously   believed  that     protests in Russia    on the eve of his return to office as president    were  encouraged by the American Secretary of State then Hillary Clinton  and there was   no love lost between the two . Anyway  Putin seemed  to have misjudged the timing and duration of his present invasion of  Ukraine . He had planned for a   blitzkrieg like  Hitler  and  like he did in Crimea  but this is turning into a long war of attrition and miscalculation from which it seems  he ccan  ever  emerge  victorious . American  arms and financial  support as well as crippling sanctions which  Russia  lamely claims  it is used to,  have shown that even though NATO and the US  are  shouting from the rooftops that they  are  not at war  with Russia ,  the  world  is not deceived that they  are they  are raising a false  alarm  or sending a wrong signal .

  • Sanwo-Olu: Path to second term

    Sanwo-Olu: Path to second term

    Lagos has been a lucky state. Many other states envy the Centre of Excellence and its vast potentials. But the lesson of Lagos development is instructive: previous projections and meticulous planning have resulted in the current gains that are propelling the state into future prosperity.

    Leadership is key. The state is blessed with visionary leaders who can think, innovate, generate ideas, mobilise resources, coordinate efforts and strive at development goals.

    Strategically located, the former federal capital is Africa’s commercial hub, the city that never sleeps. Lagos Atlantic brings the benefit of oceanic economy in coastal corridors. It is a far cry from River Olua in Ekiti, River Ogun in the Gateway State and River Oyan in Oyo/Osun states.

    A heterogeneous state, ethnic groups cohabit peacefully without discrimination based on ethno-religious and political leanings. On daily basis, people from across the federation migrate to the City of Aquatic Splendor for real and imagined greener pastures.

    Many of the migrants have become settlers. Thus, future projections are affected by sudden and steady population pulls. This puts a lot of pressure on infrastructure in the metropolis.

    Some of the military administrators and civilian governors that oversaw the affairs of the state made varied efforts at building the state for future standards. The late erudite journalist and frontline administrator, Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande (LKJ, as the late sage Chief Obafemi Awolowo, used to call him), set the pace. He came up with a metro-line and a housing scheme. But the military truncated all his plans through the 1983 coup d’état. Erstwhile Military Administrator, then Colonel Buba Marwa (now retired Brigadier-General) also tried to push the state to another level of development. 

    But nobody else has given modern Lagos the type of vision Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has given the state. He had anticipated the current challenges before assuming office as governor in 1999. He girded his loins and set to work to justify the popular mandate conferred on him.

    Today, the 1999 Vision of Greater Lagos is still bearing fruits. Asiwaju Tinubu met a state that was not living up to expectation. An accountant and financial surgeon, the then governor knew that the functions of government include raising and spending of money for developmental purposes. From N600 million monthly, he jacked the internally generated revenue (IGR) to billions. Little did he guess that a perilous time would come. When the hand of President Olusegun Obasanjo was heavy on Lagos, the state still survived, despite the seizure of its allocations. The financial creativity of the governor enabled the state to survive the presidential high-handedness.

    Tinubu injected fresh ideas and developed a blueprint, a 24-year plan for rebuilding the critical sectors – education, health, transportation, infrastructure, environment, sports, tourism, finance, and security. He assembled a cabinet of talents; patriotic, competent and hardworking men and women who cooperated in driving the vision.

    Tinubu also groomed successors for the continuity of the progressive beat. After his two terms of eight years, in which he established himself as the architect of modern Lagos, he passed the baton to his erstwhile Chief of Staff and Commissioner in the Cabinet Office, Babatunde Fashola (SAN).

    After building on the solid foundation built by Tinubu, Fashola handed over to Akinwunmi Ambode, who in 2019 handed over to Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu. Thus, in the last 24 years, either under the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Action Congress (AC), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) or All Progressives Congress (APC), Lagos has fared well under progressive platforms.

    Will power shift in March? It is highly remote. The prevailing mood is that there is no vacancy in the State House, Alausa. The reasons are obvious.

    In the last three and half years that Sanwo-Olu has been in the saddle, there has not been any complaint by the ruling party. The governor who has been part of government since 2003 has garnered experience and learnt from the strengths and weaknesses of his illustrious predecessors.

    Sanwo-Olu has not allowed power to get to his head. As governor and custodian of the people’s mandate, he is at liberty to exercise power and authority. But, to his credit, he has not allowed power to use him, as he continues to serve with the best of his ability. The governor has a listening ear; he has been accessible and he has fostered inclusion in the ruling party and government. His traits and styles offer the best examples of simplicity and humility, and indeed, loyalty to his party, leader and the Lagos cause.

    More importantly, the governor has not deviated from the Lagos City Development Plan, which Tinubu and Fashola implemented faithfully. His THEMES Agenda, premised on need analysis, had its root in the comprehensive plan, with a greater Lagos rising through its implementation.

    The leadership acumen of Sanwo-Olu was tested by two challenges, which created distractions. The emergencies were not anticipated. He became the Incident Commander when the global pestilence, COVID-19, hit Lagos, which became the epic centre. The governor mobilised human and material resources to combat the disease and liberate the state from the scourge.

    Read Also: ‘Sanwo-Olu invests in people through EKOEXCEL’

    Lagos had not recovered when the #EndSARS protest, which went to the extreme, nearly brought the state to its knees. Caution was thrown into the wind when a legitimate demonstration against police brutality was hijacked by arsonists and area boys who were on rampage, looting and destroying public utilities.

    Later, social media influencers invaded town with fake news. In a bid to dent the image of the state government, the purveyors of misinformation and propaganda alleged massive bloodletting or massacre. It was a case of bloodletting without blood and corresponding casualties, which was confounding to the panel of enquiry.

    Despite these distractions and constraints, development was not stalled. Vital projects inherited by the administration were not abandoned. It was because the slogan of continuity was internalised. Lagos became a huge construction site, and Lagosians were satisfied that their vote for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was not in vain.

    The projects are evenly distributed across the five divisions of Lagos, Badagry, Epe, Ikeja, and Ikorodu, and across the three senatorial districts.

    The Pen Cinema Flyover was completed. It has underscored an innovative urban renewal and eased traffic in Ogba/Agege axis. So were the link roads in Lagos/Ogun boundary towns, Lekki/Oniru Road networks, Ibeju-Lekki/Epe roads that have opened up the axis, Itamaga/ Ijede Road, Ogolonto/Ipakodo Road, Mile 12/Ketu-Agboyi Road and Somolu inner roads. The latest is the ongoing Opebi/Odo Iya Alaro/Ojota Link Road. So far, no fewer than 308 inner roads have been delivered.

    Apart from new classrooms springing up, Sanwo-Olu has completed 16 housing projects, including those of Alimoso, Gbagada and Ikorodu.

    Health facilities are being upgraded. Lagos now has new hospitals in Badagry, Ikorodu, Igando, Eti-Osa, and Epe.

    The state-owned polytechnic and colleges of education have been upgraded into universities. Tertiary tuition fees have been slashed to the advantage of indigent students. More teachers have been recruited apart from establishing new primary and secondary schools, while facilities in existing ones were upgraded. Today, over 1,000 classrooms have been constructed, teachers are being trained and through the ‘Eko Excel,’ tablets are distributed to students for learning.

    The investment has yielded enormous gains. More students now pass their WAEC and NECO examinations in the state.

    The BRT was conceived by Asiwaju Tinubu. It was implemented by Fashola and Sanwo-Olu is building on the legacy. What would Lagos have become without LASTMA? The roads would have been permanently crowded and Lagosians would have surrendered to traffic chaos. The BRT buses and LASTMA operations attest to the power of initiative and foresight. New buses were procured for effective operations.

    Seventy five per cent of Lagos is water. Thus, the administration has invested in water transportation with jetties and ferries plying Epe, Ikorodu, Lagos, Apapa, Amuwo-Odofin, Badagry routes.

    During his two-day visit to Lagos, President Muhammadu Buhari, who endorsed Sanwo-Olu for a second term, acknowledged the giant strides, urging other governors to emulate him.

    During the ‘Festival of Project Inauguration,’ the Phase One of the Blue Line Rail from Marina to Mile 2 were commissioned. So were the Rice Mill at Imota in Ikorodu Division, the Lekki-Epe Expressway, and the Randle Centre for Yoruba Culture and History. Also, the deal for the second phase of the Blue Line Rail from Mile 2 to Okokomaiko was signed.

    The train is expected to move more than 500,000 passengers daily when the phases are completed. Having taken the delivery of new trains from Milwaukee, United States, the Red Line system is also expected to commence soon, with each train carrying 1,500 passengers. It will run from Agbado to Oyingbo within 30 minutes.

    On the 90 hectares of land lies the $1.5 billion Lekki Deep Sea Port, the biggest in the country. It is a joint partnership among private investors, Lagos State government, and the Federal Government. The project will boost the economy of Lagos and create job opportunities. Lagosians now look towards the commencement of the Fourth Mainland Bridge project, comprising three toll plazas and nine inter-changes. The 37-kilometre bridge, when completed, will be the second longest in Africa.

    Government has also intensified efforts in the areas of effective refuse disposal, environmental sanitation, urban renewal, street lighting, and road maintenance.

    Sanwo-Olu has presided over a peaceful state. His achievements speak for him. That is why the stakeholders, including party leaders, captains of industry, leaders of commerce, clergy and laity, traditional worshippers, market women, other women and youth groups, community development associations and various ethnic nationalities in Lagos, have endorsed him and his deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat, for continuity.

    However, despite the feats already recorded, there is room for greater improvement.

    Lagos is said to be a rich state. But it is also a city of tax evaders. How can the tax net capture these evaders, individuals and organisations?

    How is the state government, or the House of Assembly, monitoring the activities and performance of the 57 councils? Are they complementing the efforts of the state government at the grassroots?

    New settlements are springing up due to expansion in Badagry, Epe, and Ikorodu. Government has to extend a duty of care to them through the provision of schools, roads and health facilities.

    Lagos is a mini-country. Therefore, the pressure on the amenities will continue due to the daily influx of people. This is why the state should not relent in its agitation for special status or special economic assistance.

  • Flying antelopes need help

    Flying antelopes need help

    Do antelopes fly? None that I know, have seen or heard of. This question is a subject for another day. The Flying antelopes in today’s discussion are the immutable Enugu Rangers International, easily the most successful football team in Nigeria in Africa. How can anyone forget Christain Chuwkwu, Emmanuel Okala, Adokie Amiesiamaka et al? These were some of the household names that compelled Nigerians around the country to leave their houses to the stadium in their locality to watch Enugu Rangers anytime they were scheduled to play a game.

    Enugu Rangers represented everything the game craves as their players never disappointed their fans and got new faithful as they strut their trade to the delight of spectators at home and in the stadium. Enugu Rangers’ brand of football was unique with the players playing games as if their lives depend on it. If you have ever watched Rangers’ matches, the crowd left the stadium satisfied that they had been thoroughly entertained. There was a dull moment whenever Rangers played be it in victory, or drawn games of defeat. Their Spartan fighting spirit stood out like a sore thumb.

    Enugu Rangers’ players weren’t weaklings. They were tough men with eyes seemingly spitting fire out as they awaited the commencement of a big game. Their players literarily wore the faces of warriors, they were focused and had this remarkable way of dancing on the touchline to the melodious tunes from their supporters who played like an orchestra. Flying antelopes’ fans rendered Christian songs which dragged the spectators to the area where they sat in the stadium to join the sessions.  The opposition had to eat well and grid their loins to stand any chance of getting favourable results. Rangers’ players fought to the finish. It was victory or nothing, a mantra that stood them out anytime. Not so anymore. It hurts.

    Today’s Enugu Rangers are weaklings. They lack all the traits the founding players represented. They aren’t big and strong; they lack the bulldog fighting, which was one of the Rangers’ of yore’s characteristics that endeared them to the fans n match days and stood like partygoers heading for the discotheques the way they looked before the game now.

    In fact, today’s Enugu Rangers have no home. The team’s The Cathedral at the Nnamdi Azikiwe Stadium in Enugu is under lock and key with the organisers of the domestic league unwilling to temper justice with mercy for the good of the game here. Would anyone blame IMC for insisting on the rules of the game? Certainly not. Enugu Rangers, based on its exploits since inception shouldn’t be talking about playing inside a rented stadium but being owners of a sports complex equipped with modern facilities that would be the envy of other clubs in Africa. Enugu wasn’t a Nigerian brand. It was the ideal club for lovers of the game. Those were the good times.

    I did my NYSC in Anambra State and had the privilege of sitting very close to and knowing some of the icons of the team of yore such as Ogidi Ibeabuchi, of blessed memory, Christian Chukwu, Christain Madu et al courtesy of one of the cricketers in Anambra State Mbamalu. I was a member of the state’s cricket team as a youth Corper and could gain entrance into the stadium to watch Enugu Rangers. It is important to write here that I support Bendel Insurance FC of Benin City. But Enugu Rangers had this alluring appeal which attracted soccer faithful to them both on and off the field.

    Back to Enugu Rangers International of yore. It wasn’t just a soccer team but a movement which drew fans to them. Each time the team’s bus drove into any stadium, it was quite some effort for security operatives to ward off their teeming fans who cheered them endlessly.

    Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, the Enugu State Executive governor should have asked critical questions from his sports commissioner over the dwindling fortunes of the Enugu side than issuing an ultimatum to the engineering firm renovating the Nnaamdi Azikiwe Stadium. How come Rangers don’t have a home where its teeming fans can troop into the stadium to cheer them to victory? Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi’s two-match ultimatum to Rangers’ coach was misdirected and it hasn’t also come as a surprise that the coach has asked that his services be dispensed with. Throwing the job back at the governor who ought to have prioritised Enugu Rangers’ issues, not to treat their files on his table at Government House in Enugu isn’t good for the team’s image. The governor should, henceforth, direct his commissioner to transfer all files concerning Rangers to his office. Possibly pay them from the governor’s office.

    Other traditional clubs in the Rangers’ league such as Bendel Insurance FC of Benin City and 3SC FC of Ibadan all play their home games in  Benin and Ibadan in the full glare of their supporters. It isn’t a fluke that Bendel Insurance is the joint leader in the league with Remo Stars. The two teams have built their teams on the experiences of their sojourn in the lower divisions and strengthened their squads to be what it is today – very formidable. Will Rangers rise again? Of course. The team’s current lower-rung representation will force the governor to reconstitute the management committee for effective organisation.

    Rangers are being made to catch up with the other teams due to their owners’ absentmindedness. It shows clearly that the Enugu state government didn’t review the team’s performances last year such that the findings would have formed the basis for effecting changes where there is the need for such movements. While other teams wait in their different stadia for Rangers to honour their games to smile to the bank because of the Flying Antelopes’ antecedents in the domestic league, the Enugu boys are being made to travel on our bad road networks weekly. They get to match venues tired with sore limbs arising from sitting for long hours inside uncomfortable buses, most times. Rangers are pioneers of the professional league competition in Nigeria in 1990, not forgetting that Flying Antelopes rose from the ashes of the better-forgotten Nigeria Civil war to become the symbol of a race – the Igbo man’s identity. For such a team to play every game in the domestic league on away soil tells the story of the level of regard attached to their welfare. My dear governor, football isn’t a lottery ticket. Victories in soccer come with proper planning, not guesswork.

    The three weeks old league hasn’t gone without some sad tales, especially with the poor performance of certain referees. They have been identified and suspended pending when the full investigation is completed. This promptness in decision-making will make others sit up. Some of the errors could be human mistakes. Though some others could because such referees are grossly incompetent.  And it is only fair that the referees’ suspension is looked into. It is too early for referees to start any manipulations with the teams since there is a Super 6 to decide the eventual winner of the abridged league.

    The IMC should revisit the stadia used for matches to inspect them again, especially the playing surfaces. Pitches which are looking like a pigsty should be delisted and the owners of such premises directed t improve on the questionable areas before matches can be played again. The IMC should as a matter of policy have zero tolerance for bad pitches now that the rains are around the corner. The inspectors should insist on seeing that drainages around the pitches aren’t blocked and that they are functional for the good of the game.

    Will Enugu Rangers be relegated at the end of this season? No way. These antelopes will gallop out of the murky waters of relegation to give the title race a piece of their fighting sprit. Current leaders, beware.

  • Atiku’s lie in the house of God

    Atiku’s lie in the house of God

    Considering the open confrontations he had with his boss while he held sway as Vice President between 1999 and 2003, Atiku’s bravery as a politician is never in doubt.  But very few people would expect him to display the same audacity in the hallowed auditorium of a church and lie in the presence of clergymen.

    Atiku, represented by a former Speaker of the House of Representatives as a guest at the 2023 extraordinary General Church Council (GCC) of the Evangelical Church Winning All (ECWA) in Jos during the week, said he had never contemplated same faith ticket in his entire political career.

    “My business and political partners come from different backgrounds with zero expressions of religious or ethnic sentiments. I have never contemplated same faith ticket throughout my political career. The Muslim/Muslim ticket adopted by some people is a recipe for disaster,” he said.

    It would seem that the former vice president has excised from his political career his desperate bid at the national convention of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) in Jos, Plateau State in 1993 to become the running mate to the party’s presidential candidate, the late Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola, who was a Muslim like Atiku.

    Abiola’s decision to opt for Alhaji Babagana Kingibe as his running mate is believed till this day to have fueled the conspiracy that culminated in his not being sworn in as president.

  • Sule Lamido thirsts for history

    Sule Lamido thirsts for history

    As a former minister and erstwhile governor of Jigawa State, Alhaji Sule Lamido is no doubt a major player in the Nigerian political space. But there is more to him in the forthcoming general election than a statesman in search of free and fair elections.

    Beyond successful elections in the nation and Jigawa in particular, Lamido will fancy his chance to make history as the first Nigerian whose biological son would be governor after he had occupied the same office.

    With his eldest son, Hon. Mustafa Sule Lamido, as the governorship candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state, the older Lamido is leaving no stone unturned in his effort to ensure the former’s victory at the poll. Little wonder he has been deeply involved in his son’s campaign rallies in different parts of the state.

    The former governor and his son were sighted together on the rostrum as the latter’s campaign train hit Buji Local Government Area of the state during the week.