Category: Barometer

  • Edo, Ondo polls signpost troubling future

    Edo, Ondo polls signpost troubling future

    Kogi State governor Usman Ododo has so far spoken and acted like someone undeserving of the office his predecessor and kinsman Yahaya Bello single-handedly gifted him. Everything about the new governor betrays his mindset: his wistful look, his unspeakable subservience to the former governor, his first set of appointments, his deferential statements. He will not be the first man to be imposed on a people, nor will he be the last. Those who claim to be his betters, such as ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, had done much worse in imposing misfits and ruining whole destinies. There is indeed hardly any former governor not susceptible to the itch to aggregate to himself the interest of the state’s electorate. In nearly all the impositions, Nigeria has been worse for it. Now, a different kind of farcical electoral shenanigan is playing out in the governorship polls of Edo and Ondo States, for obviously no lessons have been learnt. The field is crowded in Edo State, which will be the first to have a go at imposition in September, and for the November Ondo poll, Lucky Aiyedatiwa, probably the most remorseless of governors, given the way he handled the illness of his predecessor, has a head start in an uninspiring field of aspirants.

    Edo first, then. Governor Godwin Obaseki has no conception of loyalty or finesse. Nor does he care anything about ideology or fairness. He is a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) over which, in the Edo chapter, he has a tenuous hold as leader. He will first need to get his protégé elected in the primary poll slated for later this month, but will almost certainly head into the September poll with a fairly divided house, an unruly field of political and governorship hopefuls, and a hardly disguised preference for Asue Ighodalo, a corporate lawyer and investment banker. But then there is also Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama from the Dan Orbih/Nyesom Wike PDP faction, and the cantankerous and sometimes disagreeable deputy governor, Philip Shaibu, who is determined to be a pain in the neck of Mr Obaseki. The governor won his second term exemplifying the state’s suspicion of the godfather phenomenon, an electoral tool deployed with devastating impact against ex-governor Adams Oshiomhole who denounced his leadership and backed Osagie Ize-Iyamu, a pastor. The governorship primaries in the PDP and APC are therefore expected to be keenly contested, but the victors are unlikely to underscore the beauty and independence of democratic practice in Nigeria.

    The dynamics of the Ondo governorship APC primary is unusually different. With a less congested field, which appears more worrisome than Edo’s in terms of leadership capacity, the state may head for an anticlimax. Sen Jimoh Ibrahim is a powerful and wealthy aspirant, but he will have to move mountains to best the incumbent. In his reactions to the late governor Rotimi Akeredolu’s health crisis and eventual death last December, Mr Aiyedatiwa hardly put one foot right. He needed to be patient, circumspect, calculating, and even dissembling if the situation demanded. Instead, he spoke brusquely, displayed abrasive and grating manners, and came across as unfeeling and dismissive. Since assuming the governorship, his tactlessness has left many people squirming and bewildered. But, for a governor, patronage is a powerful tool, and the Ondo governor has won many officials and ordinary people to his side. It is nevertheless too early to determine whether he would win, for his opponents will match him in every department of the game. But incumbency, regardless of how long a governor has been in office, can be stifling and unnerving to any opponent.

    Edo and Ondo, however, reinforce and exemplify Nigeria’s deeply flawed succession politics that keeps churning out misfits as local government, state, and federal administrators. The administrators may have flattering academic qualifications, but leadership is far more than academics, far more than loyalty, and far more than looks, eloquence and to some extent even charisma. Decades of focusing on wrong leadership yardsticks have worsened Nigeria’s existential challenges. There will always be global economic pressures triggering or exacerbating domestic economic crisis. And there will always be internal conflicts sometimes consequent upon warped constitutional arrangements and safeguards incapable of mediating ethnic, religious or regional suspicions and pressures. No part of the world is immune to such disharmonies and pressures. What makes the difference is the capacity of their leaders and perhaps too their imagination and boldness. There is nothing in the coming elections in Edo and Ondo that encourages the belief that prospective governors will be judged using the right yardsticks. In Ondo, a flawed Mr Aiyedatiwa schemes his relevance by positioning himself, against all scruples, and even before his benefactor is buried, to take advantage of the state’s desperate situation. And in Edo, the controversial and overhyped Mr Obaseki, who spoke glibly about democracy and denounced godfather politics when he campaigned for a second term, is now desperate to reproduce his kind, with scant attention paid to democratic practices. He believes his preferred candidate’s impressive CV should clinch the argument.

    The succession battle raging in Rivers State between Mr Fubara and ex-governor Wike should serve as signal lesson to political leaders eager to impose successors. Nothing is ever guaranteed. Most states where succession was midwifed by meddlesome political leaders have ended in a cul de sac. But no one takes history lessons to heart, and as Ondo may yet prove, perhaps even those who will vote at the party primary as well as at the governorship election seem absolutely incapable of learning anything. The choices facing Edo may be less complicated than Ondo’s; but simple or complicated, the chances of producing first-rate leaders, when the outgoing leader is himself third-rate, is one in a million.

    Atiku, Makinde and Ibadan blast

    A farcical drama played out in Ibadan last week when Governor Seyi Makinde, still smarting from the January 16 explosion in Ibadan, openly jousted with former vice president Atiku Abubakar over the latter’s lack of empathy for the people of Oyo state. Labour Party’s Peter Obi, a former presidential candidate, had visited the state to condole with Mr Makinde and Oyo people over the loss of lives and destruction of properties. The PDP’s former presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku, said the governor plaintively, had not deemed it fit to visit and commiserate.

    The former vice president’s media aide, Paul Ibe, however, refuted the governor’s claims. Mr Makinde, a notable member of the famous G-5 was too busy minding other things, he said, to read the letter of sympathy published in the media and issued less than 24 hours after the blast. How the spokesman missed the inanity of his response is hard to say. Of course Alhaji Atiku’s statement was published in the media, but for a former vice president conversant with bureaucracy and officialdom, it is passing strange that he considered such impersonal methods adequate, let alone one a spokesman would openly boast about. Does vindictiveness not have a limit for Alhaji Atiku?  

  • LP chairman’s revelations on Datti

    LP chairman’s revelations on Datti

    Labour Party (LP) chairman Julius Abure has been incredibly caustic in his revelations about the politics of Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, Peter Obi’s running mate in last year’s presidential election. Mr Datti has become deeply controversial and divisive since his party lost last February’s election by an unbridgeable margin. He had threatened fire and brimstone, dared the electoral commission to announce the winner, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and warned of Armageddon should the winner be sworn in and Nigerian politics remained the same. However, his party had provided no evidence it won the poll, nor admitted which party did. Yet, he has continued to speak daggers with such ferocity that Mr Obi himself sometimes winced. So far, Mr Datti’s rage is yet to be mollified.

    It was thought that only opponents of the LP or enemies of Mr Datti felt miffed by his politics and rhetoric. There is now obviously evidence that even his party chairman, Mr Abure, is mystified by Mr Datti’s persistence and excesses over the last presidential poll. Online medium Sahara Reporters published an interview Mr Abure had last Sunday with Rudolf Okonkwo of 90Minutes Africa. In the interview, the LP chairman made seismic statements regarding the personality, temperament and politics of Mr Datti. The LP chairman’s views may not represent the official position of the party, but they are undoubtedly pervasive among its members. Should Mr Obi attempt to run again in 2027, and given what he and the party now know and probably fear about Mr Datti, they are unlikely to include the Baze University founder on the ticket. He was of no electoral value in the 2023 poll; his fierce and uncompromising views make him far less valuable than anyone first thought.

    Does Mr Datti look at himself in the mirror? Obviously not. Mr Abure has now offered him that unsolicited service. In the interview with 90Minutes Africa, the LP chairman said with shocking candour: “…If Datti was the presidential candidate, he wouldn’t have been able to create the movement, the following that gave rise to the results that we have in the first instance. So the analysis isn’t correct…The analysis doesn’t follow because a lot of people joined the Labour Party because of Peter Obi’s personality. Apparently, because of his character, performance, and behaviour, people saw him as a leader and, therefore, wanted him to be. Datti is not on that same pedestal. Datti doesn’t have that kind of followership that has the capacity to change the political trajectory that we had before. And therefore, he wouldn’t have been able to create that situation that would have given rise to what could have happened with the election. But after the election, after the election and the outcome of the election, if it was that, probably the country would have been divided, and in the end, a lot of people would have died by now. Every folk has their perception, has their views. But I think that having a peaceful country, and we are still available in the country, still alive to be able to agitate for reform, put the government on the spot, and continue to agitate for a better country, I think, is better…We are already here. We are here talking about the 2027 election. If the country were at war or in a crisis, we wouldn’t be here talking about the 2027 election. So, however we look at it, I think we’ve done very well. Datti and PO were a very good combination.”

    Read Also: Datti’s enigmatic views

    Mr Abure was responding to the interviewer’s supposition that had Mr Datti been the presidential candidate, and the LP made the same political impact, what would have happened? The LP chairman rightly argued that the question was unscientific, for had roles been switched, Mr Datti would never have made the kind of impact Mr Obi pulled off. But more critically, the LP chairman lashed out, perhaps without really meaning to, at Mr Datti’s divisiveness. Knowing full well that a tomorrow beckoned, Mr Obi pursued the legal option and resigned himself to fate after unfavourable judgements. All through the court cases, he did nothing more than express his anger and disappointment. Mr Datti was not cut from the same cloth. He was enraged even before INEC declared the final result, threatened fire while the first runner-up, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was less inflammatory, and spoke the language of fascists on a scale that left many Nigerians transfixed. Why was this political neophyte eager to plunge the country into war despite his party coming a dismal second runner-up? After the INEC declaration, Mr Datti simply lost his mind and began to call for insurrection. Such a man, said his party chairman, would have plunged the country into war. They were not behind him, and they were not even beside him. He was on his own. It was far better to lose an election and still have a country than to go to war with uncertain outcomes, said Mr Abure ruefully, while unequivocally deploring Mr Datti’s fanaticism.

    The variables that will influence the next presidential election will be quite different from the ones that influenced the last election. Even if the LP still retains some relevance in the next poll, it is unlikely to perform as well as it did last year. More, and obviously worse, Mr Datti will not be on the ticket. He is not a politician at all, not by a wide margin. Many observers may even begin to wonder what kind of university proprietor he is, considering his lack of accommodation, restraint, moderation, and vision. With one careless throw of the dice, Mr Datti exposed himself in all his ugly details as a man unfit for office, if not any responsibility.

  • Lagos should learn from Ibadan blasts

    Lagos should learn from Ibadan blasts

    The details of what caused the explosions that leveled a whole street in the Old Bodija section of Ibadan have not been released. However, it is already clear that malfeasant businessmen conducting unscrupulous deals were fingered. The little gleaned from Oyo State government is that they were not aware of what was happening in their domain, and had no clue whatsoever who was stockpiling anything or what was stockpiled. Old Bodija is a fairly medium density environment. Should that blast occur in most parts of Lagos, a state which has exceeded its carrying capacity by more than a hundred miles, the death toll would have been unimaginable.

    Read Also: Rush to judgement: The Ibadan blasts

    Oyo State government didn’t know what was happening in its backyard; does Lagos monitor its backyard and businessmen? Does the coastal state know in nearly all cases who owns what and by what means those things were bought? It took the drug law enforcement agency to uncover properties in highbrow neighbourhoods illegally converted to drug labs. Where else in Lagos are unscrupulous people dealing in unwholesome businesses capable of wreaking death and destruction, especially as people sand-fill swamps and build houses without approvals? The Ibadan blasts should be a wake-up call for Lagos to intensify enumeration of properties and businesses. The state cannot afford to blame the constitution, which sanctions free movement of people, to justify dereliction of duty. 

  • Ex-governor Akande on ‘vagabonds’ in power

    Ex-governor Akande on ‘vagabonds’ in power

    Former Osun State governor and first chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bisi Akande, was simply being prescient. In his remarks during his 85th birthday celebration last Tuesday in Ibadan, he warned political office holders of the dangers they will confront in the near future as a new set of rich and ambitious but unprincipled people make a bid for power. It will be a war of uncertain outcomes portending great danger for peace and stability. There were enough powerful politicians in the audience to take heed of his warning, if they can, and it is probably even more appropriate that Vice President Kashim Shettima spoke eloquently on the lecture theme titled The Leadership Question: Prospects for Nigeria. It is, however, not certain that the generally fearful political class drained by tyrannical social media voices will pay enough attention to the uncertain future looming against them.

    No one knows exactly what Chief Akande really thinks about the warning he gave, whether he thinks the current political class or their successors have the stomach for a fight or the savvy to even win. But for whatever it is worth, the former APC chairman nevertheless spoke his mind. Referring to the lecture theme, he said: “I am becoming afraid because you are talking about leadership. In my party, it is even more difficult. Our governors are our leaders in our party. But the war has started and when the battle comes, I pray to be alive. I know my body will be feeble; I will not be in the front but I will be behind you. This will be a party of our leaders and new brand of vagabonds. The new brand of vagabonds is ready to fight you and is all out. They have not named the date but they will fight a serious battle with you. Take note so that when the fight comes, you will know that the future leaders are going to fight with the new brand of vagabonds. The language they use is to call you corrupt. They say politicians are corrupt, but this new brand of vagabonds is the most corrupt. They are everywhere in this country and they are gaining more adherents every day.”

    Edo 2024: I will get APC’s ticket, win gov election – Ize-Iyamu declares

    Chief Akande was not simply warning ‘others’, he was even more insistent on the ruling party, his party, wondering whether its leaders could sense the war shaping up in the horizon. Anyway, he continued, this time with added poignancy: “The new brand of vagabonds are the drug barons, crude oil thieves, (illegal) bunkerers. They are among you; they are richer than you; they are calling you corrupt and hiding behind the cloak that they are not corrupt, but they are more corrupt and they will fight you. So, we are in a Nigeria now where everybody is struggling to be corrupt and the mindset of everybody is corruption, and they don’t point the fingers to themselves; they are pointing it at you, politicians. But that is not the end; they are going to fight. They are in your ward meetings, they are struggling to become ward leaders, they want to become local government leader, state leaders. By the time they become ministers and everything, we are all in trouble. The Armageddon is coming.”

    The war may have already begun, however. But perhaps what is obvious now is that the war is nothing more than mere skirmishes that may soon become full-blown in the near future. If the United States could be confronting in Donald Trump hints of its own dystopian politics, nothing suggests that Nigeria with its weak and faltering institutions, could build the moral and institutional ramparts to forestall a catastrophic political future. The dangerous populism fostered by the social media and the cleverness of ambitious but amoral politicians taking advantage of loopholes, may both combine to undermine Nigeria’s political and leadership future. Chief Akande’s warnings need to be taken seriously. But why he thinks he is speaking about the future is not known, for his warnings are alarmingly apposite and apocalyptic for today, perhaps concealing far more than he revealed in his plaintive remarks. Respected for his methods and observations than for his political tactics, he is nevertheless quick and smart enough to suspect many of those who offered themselves for leadership positions in the last polls, men and women who had ‘laundered and legitimised’ their acquisitions, and whose rhetoric fooled countless and undiscriminating millions. If those nefarious politicians could make such huge impacts in the last election cycle, imagine what they are capable of in the coming years. As Chief Akande said, there is trouble ahead.

  • Misplaced anger at crowdfunding for ransom

    Misplaced anger at crowdfunding for ransom

    Addressing the press after last Wednesday’s Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting, Defence minister Mohammed Badaru warned about the dangers of crowdfunding for ransom payment. It would exacerbate kidnapping, he moaned, insisting, however, that he was not unmindful of the dilemma hurting families desperate to secure the release of their relations faced. Taking his point of departure from the agonising story of the abduction of the Mansoor Al-Kadriyar family from the Bwari area council of the Federal Capital City (FCT), the minister referenced the existing law on ransom payment to remind the public that paying ransom was counterproductive.

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    Unfortunately, while the minister is right about the drawbacks of ransom payment, especially because it incontrovertibly gives fillip to kidnapping, there is little the government can do to prosecute families of victims. It makes little sense to prosecute families paying ransom when the government has proved nearly impotent in stamping out the mass abductions that have made highways and whole communities unsafe for travelling and habitation. It is evidently misplaced aggression to talk of the law while kidnappers run riot. Nigerians expect the government to fight kidnappers with all it has got rather than nitpick helpless and traumatised victims, some of whom have spent months and years in the den of brigands. No victim or their families will listen to Mr Badaru. They will suggest he reorder his priorities.

  • Sharia Council and govt’s economic policies

    Sharia Council and govt’s economic policies

    It is strange how the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria conflates economic policy and religion, in this day and age, and in a democracy, not a theocracy. The organisation’s president, AbdurRrasheed Hadiyyatullah, disclosed at its recent national conference that they supported and voted for the Muslim-Muslim ticket in order to help the country achieve progress, success and triumph. Instead, he wailed, the nation had sunk deeper into economic hardship.

    Edo 2024: I will get APC’s ticket, win gov election – Ize-Iyamu declares

    He did not say why he thought a religious ticket could achiev the miracle the Council craved. The APC presidential ticket made no such claims, drew no correlation between religion and economic and social progress, and indeed emphasised to the contrary that the party’s same-faith ticket was nothing more than a strategy to win the presidential poll. Clearly not many people were listening to the party’s standard-bearers; instead, groups like the Sharia Council were looking only at the face of the ticket. If it is any consolation to the Council, he should be informed that the wealthiest and most powerful countries in the world neither pray nor have a state religion.

  • Poll 2023 and Supreme Court whirlwind

    Poll 2023 and Supreme Court whirlwind

    In the end, after intemperate political leaders and their equally peevish supporters fulminated against the judiciary, sparing their worst abuse for the Supreme Court, the highest court in the country has opted for conservatism and status quo. There was not one of the eight governors whose elections were challenged that was sacked by the Supreme Court. Despite the thunderous blather by the opposition and the foul-spoken cynics who took on the judiciary, no election in 2023 was decided by the courts. They were all decided at the polling booths in Plateau, Kano, Zamfara, Lagos, Bauchi, Abia, Cross River, and Ebonyi States. In at least three of the states, the top court disagreed with the Court of Appeal and sustained the elections of their agitated governors. Do the cases reflect the Supreme Court as conservative? It is not clear. Do the cases indicate that the top court is generally mindful of the security implications of upturning an election that seems popular, even when the law was not strictly adhered to? Perhaps.

    What is, however, obvious is that the country’s political temperature has been calmed considerably, and the Supreme Court has become the darling of the populace. It does not imply that on a hypothetical tomorrow, those who lose elections and their supporters would still not take on the judiciary with a lot of sloganeering, but it does mean that gradually and quietly, both the political system and the judiciary are maturing. Perhaps if the public can begin to understand the courts and decipher their jurisprudential patterns they will moderate their expectations and become less litigious. Meanwhile, the country can bask in the peace and tranquility which the decided cases have brought upon the country, at least until the next general election. The Bola Tinubu administration will be glad to have this cup pass over them, and the president in particular will have the confidence now and in the future to speak about and defend the judiciary in the face of traducers. Now, he has put the lie to all allegations of manipulating the courts in favour of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It is significant that the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PD), particularly their governors’ forum, has lauded the Supreme Court for delivering justice and upholding democracy. They said it was reassuring that ultimately the votes of the people counted, insisting in a statement by the director general of the forum that they had always believed the apex court would do justice. The judgements of last Friday, they chorused in ecstasy, “represented the triumph of democracy…and reaffirmed the sanctity of the ballot as the determining factor for democratic legitimacy.” On its own, the APC, too relieved by the juridical turn of events to be disappointed, said in a statement by its national publicity secretary, Felix Morka, that the Supreme Court judgements “provide a strong affirmation of the authority, vibrancy and independence of the judiciary.” Cynics may continue waiting for the other shoe to drop; but for now, despite the setback in Kano and Plateau States, which cases the APC thought were slam dunk, they are relieved to get the country back on an even keel. In any case, they have the presidency.

    The PDP’s hands have been strengthened by its victories in the courts, and its position as the pre-eminent opposition party underscored. Peter Obi, the Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate in the last election – not the party itself which has not grown beyond its amorphous structure – attempted in his January 1, 2024 address to his supporters to claim that pre-eminent opposition position. His claim was anchored on nothing other than the name recognition he had conjured when he played a divisive but nevertheless impactful politics in the last polls. His challenge may have now been laid to rest, but he will of course still attempt to energise his base by instigating religious and ethnic fervor. Those factors will, however, not acquire any currency in the medium run nor play any significant role in the next election cycle. And with only one state in the LP kitty and a handful of national lawmakers who would be keen to look out for themselves especially in the absence of a unifying ideology for their party, the grand ambition to play the leading opposition party may be dead on arrival.

    On the list of winners is the judiciary itself. The Supreme Court has sometimes been unadvisedly acerbic in denouncing judgements from the lower courts, in this instance the election tribunals and the Court of Appeal, but notwithstanding that inattentiveness to legal nicety, the judiciary emerges from the election cases in this election cycle a winner. It now has an opportunity to put its house in order once and for all. If the court of last resort genuinely thinks the tribunals and the Court of Appeal had been less than stellar in their judgements, then together with the authorities who appoint judges, they must get their act together and put the best thinkers and jurists on the bench. But who says the Supreme Court can’t be fallible?

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    After the fateful judgements of last Friday and those of the days and weeks before, Nigeria’s political elite can now heave a sigh of relief. It is time for real governance. Having been reprieved by the courts, over which they rhapsodised the beauty of democracy, it is up to them to entrench democracy in the states, eschew the damaging and corrosive act of internal wrangling, sanitise the processes of local government elections, and run their states with Houses of Assembly and judiciary unfettered by executive strictures. They owe the country and future generations this sanity.

    Heavy hints of Poll 2027

    It is in the character of politics that even before an administration completes its first term, hints of a second term would begin to echo from distant peaks. Last Sunday, former Benue governor Samuel Ortom threw caution to the wind at a luncheon in Port Harcourt hosted by FCT minister Nyesom Wike when he declared that the G-5 governors, a coalition of aggrieved PDP governors in the last polls, would back President Bola Tinubu for second term. It is unlikely anyone craved the offer, certainly not Mr Wike nor anyone in the presidency. But the exuberant Mr Ortom made the offer anyway. Some aides of at least two of the G-5 governors reportedly insisted no such meeting was held, let alone reached a decision on 2027 and who to support.

    Pleasantly surprised that religion has not play any role in the Tunubu administration, contrary to the fears of many Christians, and will probably not play any significant role going forward, Mr Ortom and other like-minded politicians may feel more relaxed about speaking up in favour of the administration. If President Tinubu can finally get a hang of the economy and turn the corner, there would likely be a stampede to the APC in the years ahead. But 2027 is still a long way off, though not long enough to quieten the unease in the PDP which has begun to fear that dislodging the APC in 2027 would be truly a tricky and herculean affair. The PDP presidential candidate in the last poll, Atiku Abubakar, first voiced that fear weeks ago when he suggested at an inter-party conference that without a coalition of opposition parties, the ruling party could not be unhorsed. Whatever the case, soon, everyone will begin to talk of 2027 except the president can put a lid on such premature permutations.

  • Oshiomhole’s reminiscences whet appetite

    Oshiomhole’s reminiscences whet appetite

    Senator Adams Oshiomhole (Edo North, APC) a former party chairman and governor, has always been bold and candid. Forged between the hammer of trade unionism and the anvil of politics, he has grown from a nondescript and unexposed trade unionist to an almost permanent and salutary fixture in Nigerian public life. Speaking at a book launch in Abuja last Tuesday, the Edo senator erupted in the perplexed faces of his audience with candid expositions on the roles some of those present at the occasion played in his dethronement as party chairman in 2020. Former national vice chairman (Northwest) of the party, Salihu Lukman, author of the book titled “APC and Transition Politics”, was himself not spared from the boiling oil ladled out by the senator who is famous countrywide for thinking on his feet.  

    Sen Oshiomhole should be working on his political memoir. If so, his eruptions last Tuesday should whet public appetite about impending and more incendiary disclosures relating to overrated Nigerian politicians and their foibles. On Tuesday, the principal targets were former governors Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti and Sen Ibikunle Amosun of Ogun, both Yoruba politicians who benefited from President Bola Tinubu’s help in their political careers but did their worst to undermine his presidential bid many years later. The Edo senator was unsparing. Speaking for over 50 minutes, according to some estimates, the senator spoke about how the two Southwest politicians conspired with other persons and forces, including the author of the book himself, the mercurial Mr Lukman, to displace the Edo senator from party leadership. According to him, they had suggested, without evidence, that as party chairman between 2018 and 2020, he was preoccupied with facilitating the emergence of former governor Tinubu as APC presidential candidate in 2022. They were probably right that he was more loyal to Asiwaju Tinubu than they were, a very unflattering revelation that has finally come to light; but the Edo senator argued that his preoccupation then was the restoration of party supremacy since the presidential primary was still years away.

    Dr Fayemi has not responded to Sen Oshiomhole’s diatribe, and it is doubtful whether any response from him would not open a can of worms. But Sen Amosun has refused to let bad enough alone. The Ogun senator’s response was cheeky, fiery but empty. He abused Sen Oshiomhole, describing him as poorly educated and dangerous to party politics in Nigeria for organising the worst primaries ever. Yet, he said absolutely nothing about how, despite being Yoruba, he allegedly turned coat and joined forces against Asiwaju Tinubu. More than that, said the Edo senator, the former Lagos governor facilitated Sen Amosun’s return to the dominant party in the Southwest. Indeed, at the book launch, it turned out that Sen Oshiomhole said only little about how both Dr Fayemi and Sen Amosun orchestrated his removal as chairman, and virtually nothing about how they ensured that the APC candidate Osagie Ize-Iyamu lost the 2020 governorship election to Governor Godwin Obaseki. Neither Dr Fayemi nor Sen Amosun appears prepared to talk about how they influenced the election in Edo State, especially since Sen Oshiomhole himself did not delve into that topic. Nor will they talk about how they dominated and tyrannise the ruling party in their states, with the former Ogun governor riding roughshod over the 2019 party primaries and daring aggrieved aspirants to head to Abuja to lodge complaints. It was an inglorious era exemplified by so-called progressive governors who betrayed the party and scandalised its rules and regulations, an era the Edo senator tried valiantly to reform.

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    Indeed, the value of Sen Oshiomhole’s reminiscences is not so much about who played what ignoble role in the 2019 general election and onwards, but about his own candour and the unspoken conclusion that Dr Fayemi and Sen Amosun typified the short-sightedness and haughtiness bedeviling Nigerian politics. His phrasing of the role played by some political personalities in that period remains fascinating and revelatory. Here is one example: “Lukman was there when I wrote a letter inviting the governors for a meeting to discuss the guidelines for conducting primaries; this was to help me know the thinking of the various interest groups. I had discussed it with the president; and I needed to discuss it with the governors so that once the guidelines were out, the party could claim ownership of it because it had been debated. I wrote to the governors for a meeting. The governors said no, I should come to Imo House, not the APC office. He (Lukman, author of the book) was in there where they were holding the meeting. He did not see anything wrong with that. It felt as though I was in a military barrack.” The senator noted that the governors were combative and rebellious, thus prompting him to also lose his cool. In his words, he had shot back: “None of you can lecture me about the power of a governor, because I have been governor twice. Eight years uninterrupted. At a point, I told Fayemi, ‘You did a resit. You were elected, and by the second term, you lost. That means you failed.’ I did not do a resit, and you are lecturing me about power…”

    In contrast to the misjudgement of the two Yoruba politicians and their fading influence, Sen Oshiomhole has improved his moral and intellectual substance and kept his verve and relevance. It is not clear whether he deliberately plotted that relevance beforehand, or whether providence lent him a helping hand. What is undisputed is that since his trade union days, and notwithstanding his modest and unassuming background, Sen Oshiomhole has become an exemplification of grass to grace story, a politician whom heaven enthusiastically paved his road to fame and relevance. That road was undoubtedly full of thorns; but it was also festooned on both sides with white and red roses. No one can explain why Sen Amosun could not resist making jest of Sen Oshiomhole’s modest beginnings, but by his perspicacity, humility, sound judgement, and generally equanimous disposition to intrigues and wicked schemings, the Edo senator has demonstrated far more enduring strength of character, moral superiority and purer appreciation of politics in the most quintessential sense than the former Ogun governor and the other traducers.  

  • Fubara takes Rivers to the brink

    Fubara takes Rivers to the brink

    A few activists suggest that last Tuesday’s attack in Rivers State that led to the killing of four soldiers and two drivers, and the abduction of two South Korean Daewoo construction workers, is symptomatic of the old Rivers State when militants ruled the roost. They blame the rising spate of kidnappings and militancy in the state on the disagreement between ex-governor Nyesom Wike and Governor Siminalayi Fubara. Some of the activists argue that the disagreement between the two political leaders is due to the governor resisting the former governor’s control. The past two weeks have seen relations between the two, which had been simmering with discord for months, plummet to a new low, leading to acrimonious debates in the House of Assembly and open discord between legislative officers. In the melee, a part of the legislative building was put to the torch in October.

    There is clearly tension in the state. What began as an executive kerfuffle has obviously snowballed into a political maelstrom threatening to consume the state. There is no consensus on the exact causes of the disagreement between the two leaders, but there is general agreement on its course, if not its consequences. First the legislature, which is largely pro-Wike, attempted to douse the crisis by threatening to impeach the governor. Mr Fubara, who appears unpopular with the lawmakers, responded by splitting the legislature. He, however, only managed to win over to his side four lawmakers. To prevent the impeachment process from taking roots, someone torched a part of the assembly and threw the state into bedlam. Since then, the state has known no peace.

    Drawing a connection between the political crisis and insecurity flare-ups may be stretching the issue too far. But whatever connections exist are, however, probably tenuous. It is of course disturbing to murder soldiers and others on a routine escort assignment. What many analysts fear is that the eyes of the governor may have been taken off the security ball on account of his fixation with the political logjam in the state, though he is expected to multitask. Not only is he failing to multitask, his handling of the political crisis has been largely bewildering. He showed no interest in apprehending the culprits who torched the House of Assembly, and in counteracting the threatened impeachment against him, he behaved without the characteristic maturity and dexterity expected of him. If insecurity is rising in the state, it may be partly because miscreants sensed the loopholes in his overall approach to the difficult and complex issues of governance.

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    Activists should be careful in drawing connections and conclusions between the state’s political crisis and the killings and abductions returning to the hitherto volatile state. Even if a state or country is at war, it does not prevent the enunciation and execution of measures to curb insecurity. If such measures are not forthcoming, it is not just a reflection of political crisis as it is an indication of the chief executive’s inattentiveness and dilatoriness. It may be expedient to excuse insecurity on political disagreements, especially when that disagreement is attributed to external provocation, but in reality the governor should be expected to have zero-tolerance policy against arson, not to say bloodcurdling killings of security agents on escort duties.

    Rivers people have been strangely somnolent on the crisis. They can’t afford to be. More, they can’t afford to be as facile in their appreciation of the ongoing crisis as activists who attribute the whole problem to Mr Wike’s intolerance and obtrusion. Mr Fubara is also partly to blame. If the state is not to degenerate into worse chaos, the governor must now take the bull by the horns. He has a responsibility for the safety and security of the people. His nemesis, Mr Wike, has not kept administration of the FCT in abeyance; Mr Fubara cannot excuse the new wave of insecurity threatening to break out in his state. He must assume urgent responsibility in getting the two kidnapped South Koreans freed and the killers apprehended and brought to justice. To shrug the shoulders and see the abductions as routine is to give criminals the signal that they could get away with murder. And to kick-start his renewed interest in combating insecurity, let Mr Fubara apprehend those who torched the House of Assembly in October.

  • Disturbing political parallels

    Disturbing political parallels

    Ondo, Rivers and Edo States are examples of disturbing parallels. While Ondo ran full tilt into trouble even before the 2024 governorship succession had been consummated, Rivers is currently deeply enmeshed in succession crisis already consummated, with the governor battling his predecessor through proxies. Edo on the other hand is taking a more subtle, but nevertheless similar, approach by allegedly covertly designating a successor. But if Ondo could come to grief even before a succession is consummated and Rivers is enflamed by succession battles, it is unclear why Edo should think its tailored succession politics would lead to a peaceful, happy-ever-after outcome.

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    Two states have demonstrated skillful succession politics: Lagos and Borno. Rather than funnel favoured candidates through sentimental sieves, the two states simply projected fairly competent politicians with demonstrable skills in managing men and materiel. It is unclear whether Edo is flying that chute. Rivers has taken a kamikaze plunge into the void, as events are showing. No one is certain just how many fingers must be burnt before a better and more tested approach to succession politics is adopted. Ekiti is maintaining a tentative truce. And as Kaduna State is showing, with Governor Uba Sani reversing some key decisions of his predecessor thereby drawing his ire, succession politics is replete with heartaches and uncertainties. Is it really worth it?

    Despite the uncertainties surrounding governorship succession politics, however, it will obviously take a cataclysm to deter outgoing governors from handpicking their successors and ramming them down the throats of their parties and electorate.