Category: Barometer

  • Peter Obi, Kenneth Okonkwo and verbal jousting

    Peter Obi, Kenneth Okonkwo and verbal jousting

    The battle began innocuously days ago, and it provided a window into the mind of former Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate in the 2023 election, Peter Obi. A certain Katch Ononuju, director general of the Abuja-based Heritage Centre, had declared in an interview that Kenneth Okonkwo, lawyer, actor and former LP presidential campaign spokesman, had lobbied to be the publicity secretary of the party. Mr Okonkwo was not just incensed but also shocked. He said that he expected Mr Obi to halt the antics of someone lying in his name. It seemed a simple enough fight; but it soon snowballed into a fiery exchange between the actor and the former candidate, with Mr Ononuju, the agent provocateur, becoming a bystander.

    Convinced that he had never lobbied anyone for a position, let alone for a lower position, Mr Okonkwo painted his disappointment colourfully. Said he: “How is it that people are lying with Peter Obi’s name, and Peter Obi would hear such a thing publicly and would not react to it and would not call them to order publicly? You can never use me, Kenneth Okonkwo, to lie against Peter Obi, no matter the situation, because I detest lies. It shows a leader who cannot even defend the truth or defend people who have worked for him. These are the kind of problems Peter Obi has, attracting even street urchins, classless street urchins who are ill-bred. Those are the kind of followers he’s attracting now.”

    Here is where the story got incandescent. Instead of simply refuting Mr Okonkwo’s allegations, Mr Obi sidestepped the part that involved Mr Ononuju, and launched into a discourse on egalitarianism. Or, to be more historical, and in perhaps an unconscious imitation of Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Diderot,  the French philosophes, Mr Obi wrote a disproportionate thesis on the concepts of egalite, equalite, fraternite – all to answer why he failed to set the records straight in the matter of Okonkwo vs. Ononuju. It may seem sophomoric philosophy, especially seeing that he was a student of philosophy himself, but Mr Obi is capable of throwing red herring and using colourful yet uncharismatic language. For the former governor, the acerbic exchange between Mr Okonkwo and Mr Ononuju was not about truth or falsehood; it was instead about how to view the poor and the dispossessed, his eternal and jejune fancy. To him, it was, indeed, about street urchins.

    Read Also: APC group to Peter Obi: tell Otti to account for Abia’s revenue management

    Here is how Mr Obi framed the answer to a question not posed by Mr Okonkwo: “Humanity is paramount in my politics, no street urchins. Lately, I have heard a few people say that those who follow Peter Obi are low-class Nigerians, and some have even gone as far as calling them ‘street urchins’ and people of no value. It is deeply unfortunate that in today’s Nigeria, citizens now look down on fellow citizens in such a degrading manner. I have never and will never look down on anyone, except to lift them up…My involvement in politics has never been about associating with the so-called high and mighty, but about standing with the ordinary Nigerians whose voices have been silenced and whose resources have been stolen by the same ‘big names’ who now parade themselves with all sorts of titles and names…No Nigerian is a street urchin. It speaks volumes about the state of our nation that everyday Nigerians are now battered by poverty and hardship, to the point their leaders refer to them as of no value, and urchins.”

    Mr Obi said he ‘heard a few people say’. For inexplicable reasons he was unprepared to mention Mr Okonkwo, the secondary object of his thesis, by name. Yet, his explanation about street urchins and how they are treated smacks of excessive condescension. It is clear that Mr Okonkwo made reference to street urchins in the context of a class of people unable to engage in the smallest exercise of logical deductions. Well, one is a lawyer, and the other a third-rate philosopher. Worse, rather than set the records straight, Mr Obi actually preferred to politique. Thereafter, he engaged in extrapolations and then deplored Nigerian leaders’ view of the poor, putting words in their mouths, and all but concluding that Mr Okonkwo belonged to that category of snobbish leadership. Mr Obi obviously and alarmingly views all this as politics. But he was not done, for, as he is wont, he must end every public statement with jaded sermons. Hear him: “Every Nigerian deserves dignity, opportunity, and care. That is why I will continue to do my part to ensure that the ordinary Nigerians enjoy a better life, one built on access to education, quality healthcare, and genuine efforts to lift them out of poverty. True leadership is not about mocking the weak; it is about lifting them up.” Nigerians do not have a global reputation for mediocre reasoning or tolerating mendacity. It is, therefore, mystifying why a loud and impertinent section of the populace finds Mr Obi’s drivelling fascinating.

  • Atiku’s Janus-faced politics

    Atiku’s Janus-faced politics

    Apart from loving to sell dummies to his audiences everywhere, former vice president Atiku Abubakar also likes to dissemble. In the months ahead, he will be badgered by questions on the 2027 presidential elections. Speaking in an interview with BBC Hausa last week, he insisted he would not leave the newly adopted coalition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), for any other party should he be defeated in the coming presidential primary. He has jumped ship many times in the past, but at 79 next year, when the primary will be conducted, no one expects him to go anywhere again if he loses the primary. He will stay put. What they cannot confidently say is whether he would also remain committed should someone else be nominated for the 2027 presidential race.

    When he gave the BBC Hausa the controversial interview, the media initially reported him as saying that his ultimate wish was to ensure that his new party had a solid footing to engage in the coming electoral battle rather than the primacy of his candidacy. But the traditional media accurately reported Alhaji Atiku’s words in the proper context. He was not ambiguous about his intention to contest the next election, said the press, only that he would remain loyal and committed to the party in the event of a younger fellow taking the nomination. He appeared to have carefully rehearsed his answers this time before engaging the BBC Hausa, a firm departure from the ambiguities of the past when his spokesmen engaged in brickbats over his words and their intended meanings.

    However, it is still obvious that the former vice president is selling a dummy to the nation. When he spoke about the theoretical possibility of a younger politician defeating him in the nomination race next year, he knew it was practically impossible. No politician in the ADC with any interest in the presidency can muster his reach and resources, let alone square up to him or defeat him in the fight for the nomination. He is yet to announce his membership of the party, of course, but so, too, are the other likely contenders for the ticket: Peter Obi, a former Anambra State governor, and to a little extent Rotimi Amaechi, the overhyped former Rivers State governor. Those are the only younger elements in the party, and neither of them is capable of taking on Alhaji Atiku. While it appears guaranteed that the former vice president will soon announce his membership of the ADC, Mr Obi may still continue to pussyfoot for a little longer.

    Read Also: 450 terrorists arrested, 180 kidnap victims rescued in September – DHQ

    Indeed, what agitates the public is not that Alhaji Atiku is besotted to selling dummies; they are upset by his frequent doublespeak and his general disdain for altruism. It is true he mentioned and even praised his role in joining hands with others to build the ADC to a solid and enviable level, but that seeming selflessness proceeded only from his confidence in having cornered, if not outrightly embody, the soul of the party. In the interview, he spoke fondly and glowingly of how the party had been finally structured at the national level, and of how it was being structured at the local levels. Without saying it, his financial muscle had begun to speak, take and occupy territories for him.

    It is instructive that the same former vice president who denounced a certain Prof Ola Olateju for imbuing him with the altruism of being more concerned with building the party than advancing his presidential interest has suddenly begun to make a song and dance of his efforts to build the party or even step aside should he lose the nomination. More ‘inspiringly’ he even spoke about mentoring a younger candidate should such a person win the nomination. As this column reflected on Alhaji Atiku’s vacillations in the September 21 edition of this newspaper, there is nothing solemn or sacred about the former vice president’s words or positions.

    Here is how Barometer put it on September 21: “In late August, speaking through his representative Ola Olateju, a professor, Alhaji Atiku declared that he was not as desperate to be president as he was in midwifing a new and prosperous Nigeria. The genial professor spoke on behalf of the former vice president at a ceremony in Lagos while welcoming defectors into the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the special purpose vehicle the coalition of opposition forces plan to use to unseat President Tinubu. The ink had not dried on that ascription of altruism before Alhaji Atiku denounced the ascription and self-immolated…Another of the former vice president’s spokesmen, Tunde Olusunle, issued a swift rebuttal on facebook a day or two later, insisting that his principal would vie for the presidency in 2027. Quoting Alhaji Atiku, Dr Olusunle posted: ‘I did not issue that statement. When people stand in for me at events, we preview my thoughts on the instant subject and what my contribution or intervention will be, so that we are on the same page. In this particular instance, there was no engagement with me to distill my thoughts. Prof. Olateju was not speaking for me. I will run in 2027.’”

    Make no mistake about it, Alhaji Atiku is determined to vie for the party’s nomination, and to win, and to contest the 2027 poll. But whether he acknowledges it or not, he ran his last real race in 2023. His fellow party men will bring unbearable pressure on him to abandon the race and to restrict himself to revelling only in the joy of unseating their archenemy, President Bola Tinubu. But the former vice president would be repudiating all he stands for and who he really is by succumbing to those illicit pressures. His world revolves around him; nothing else will satisfy.

  • NYSC just got more cumbersome

    NYSC just got more cumbersome

    The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme is overdue for rejigging to make it less cumbersome, safer, and more attractive to potential corps members. About 650,000 of them are projected to be mobilised next year. But a perusal of Nigeria’s political development casts doubt on whether some of the key objectives of the scheme are even realisable. It is unclear, therefore, whether the federal government’s proposal to qualify a corps member is really the appropriate measure to embark on at the moment, not to talk of stampeding the process to commence on October 6.

    Read Also: We’ve not been served court order on tinted glass permit – Police

    To be mobilised for the scheme, a graduate is expected to attach comprehensive proof of his dissertation in compliance with the national policy for the Nigeria Education Repository and Databank (NERD). The government’s logic is that the NERD requirements could not be satisfied by other means, and that the measure would help raise educational standards. Again, the government presupposes that high standard is an abstraction uncorrelated with Nigeria’s abysmally poor educational infrastructure. However, the government includes some reward scheme for students and lecturers alike in the NERD policy. But is the government saying the reward schemes couldn’t be secured by other means, except by the NYSC route?

    Potential corps members already apprehensive about being posted to danger zones will be reluctant to complain against this extra layer of bureaucracy; but it will certainly add to their frustrations about the country, not to say the frustrations of parents who have always subsidised a scheme that can no longer pay for corpers’ upkeep.

  • Neocolonialism and petitioners of Nigeria

    Neocolonialism and petitioners of Nigeria

    Reacting to the unsealing of Senator Natsha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s office after her six months suspension, former vice president Atiku Abubakar and self appointed leader of the coalition of opposition forces for the 2027 polls declared that the action was indicative of the retreat of authoritarianism. In his words, “It is reassuring that the voice of reason has prevailed at last with the unsealing of the office of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. Though the precious time denied the people of Kogi Central in the Senate can never be reclaimed, this struggle has not been in vain. It has proven, once again, that when we stand together, we can triumph over tyranny.” Not only did he misread the unwholesome incident, as he has misread nearly everything in the last few decades, including his own political modus operandi, the country must take consolation that he left his former habit of petitioning global powers to the senator’s ‘useful idiots’.

    But back to neocolonialism and the custom of Nigerians reporting their country to their former colonial masters. Having burnt his fingers in America over allegations of money laundering, the former vice president has been predictably reluctant to report his political enemies to the US, the superpower which has inherited Britain’s colonial mantle. He leaves that onerous task to ‘useful idiots’, a coinage adopted by Sen. Natasha to qualify agitators, publicists, and activists whom she suborns to energise her politics. But beyond her histrionics, too many Nigerians also ride that chariot of fire to political or social media prominence. On September 22, a group of women, inappropriately called Womanifesto, running errand for the senator authored a petition to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women and Girls alleging that she was unlawfully barred from resuming her legislative duties despite a favourable court ruling.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s 65th independence anniversary: RCCG to host thanksgiving

    It is not clear where they got the idea that the courts ruled in her favour. The courts expressed sentiments in her favour and mused that the suspension was excessive, but to say they declared the suspension unconstitutional was a misreading and propaganda spread by the senator herself. Last February, she had alleged sexual harassment against her by Senate President Godswill Akpabio, but has so far been unable to substantiate or prove it in court. In March, she was suspended for six months for violating senate standing rules, a punishment the Federal High Court in Abuja last July said was harsh but constitutional. For the past one year or more that the senator’s affairs had riveted the public, she had sold all kinds of stories, falsehoods and misinformation to sex-up her position and send her supporters and the rest of the gullible public on a fool’s errand. Indeed, how the ‘useful nonesuchs’ came to the conclusion that the senator was being punished for speaking out is truly bewildering.

    Too many false narratives swathe Sen. Natasha’s histrionics, most of the stories knowingly and mischievously advanced by activists echoing the senator’s phantasmagoria. As one-time presidential aide Reno Omokri, a former victim of the senator, said, she had a history of lying and dishonesty. But those traits have never discomfited her supporters. Nor have her tall stories and general extremes led former vice president Atiku to caution himself about giving a fillip to the senator’s campaign. He insisted on social media that the country stood together and thus triumphed over tyranny. Which national unity was he referencing? And over tyranny? What tyranny? And how on earth did a trifling misunderstanding in the senate become a fight against tyranny, let alone becoming a cause célèbre? Alhaji Atiku and his spokesmen have sometimes, if not always, subordinated substance beneath lexical and rhetorical flourish. It is a reflection of their superficialities, not the ingenuity, sturdiness or ethicalness of the senator, that she has successfully worked her sorcery over them.

    Most Nigerian activists and agitators, like the rest of their compatriots, are at bottom suffering from inferiority complex. Having been colonised by White men, they have found it extremely difficult to get their cultural independence after securing political independence. Hence the constant report to their prefectural colonialists. The classical definition of neocolonialism indicates “a situation where a former colony, though officially independent, remains dependent on its former colonial power through indirect means such as economic, financial, political, and cultural pressures, instead of direct military rule.” This explains the abiding faith many Nigerians repose in skewed and culturally dominating global institutions, and at a time Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger Republic are exiting those oppressive and condescending world bodies. It explains why activist Deji Adeyanju is petitioning in the US against former Rivers governor and Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister Nyesom Wike over house acquisition and money laundering.

    The neocolonial hangover is so bad in Nigeria, the most populous black nation on earth, that some Nigerians sometimes organise protests to foreign embassies asking them to blacklist Nigerian officials and deny them visas. They also organise protests wielding foreign flags, denigrating their country, and idolising Western nations, including lauding their criminal justice systems despite those systems being hobbled by systemic racism.

    The US may, through President Donald Trump’s shenanigans, be exploding the myth nurtured by Nigerians about the ethical, legal and cultural superiority of foreign countries, but old habits die hard. If ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, citing practical reasons, could set up a few corrupt Nigerians governors in foreign countries and even report his former vice president to the US, it will take more than routine campaigns to exorcise the neo-colonial mindset from Nigerians and their leaders. Sen. Alhaji Atiku and Sen. Natasha proved how arduous the campaign would be, and many ‘useful idiots’ and mercenary activists will not allow themselves to be coaxed into increasing their self-esteem. And unlike old Sparta, which taught their young to endure unimaginable pain for heroic reasons, the ‘useful idiots’ would rather expose themselves to a judgemental world while being incapable of weaning themselves off the appalling neocolonial diet fed them by White societies.

  • El-Rufai on Tinubu’s life presidency

    El-Rufai on Tinubu’s life presidency

    Exasperated by the noticeable improvements in the economy, and unable to cite hardship as justification for his acidic political campaign against the Bola Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) administration, former Kaduna State governor and chieftain of the political coalition assembled to take the presidency in 2027, Nasir el-Rufai, has changed tack. Instead of whining on behalf of the poor and hungry and angry, as he was wont many months ago, he has now begun to seize upon extraneous reasons to pillory the administration. If he is not drawing attention to what he described as the dictatorial tendency of President Tinubu, he is griping about his unsubstantiated fear that the president might want to be a life president should he win a second term.

    Read Also: Tinubu: Northern group slams El-Rufai over tenure extension claim

    The former governor made the wild life presidency claim when former vice president Atiku Abubakar paid him a visit at his Abuja home last week. First he flattered his visitor by falsely describing him as a fighter who took on the military, and then went on to serenade him as a man of experience in democratic governance. In addition, he arrogantly suggested that Nigerians had made up their minds to unseat the APC in favour of the coalition, and without addressing the inconvenient fact of how the former vice president split the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and stood unmovable on that division, he also described Alhaji Atiku as a man of forbearance and diplomatic skills in bringing people together. Like everything about Mallam el-Rufai’s hyperbole, his insinuations about President Tinubu’s life presidency ambition remain unsubstantiated. But does he care?  

  • Ageing, conservative Atiku as revolutionary

    Ageing, conservative Atiku as revolutionary

    DAYS after his spokesman, Paul Ibe, issued a statement on his behalf waxing ebullient about revolutions, former vice president Atiku Abubakar has still not disavowed it. His statements, many Nigerians and the media have come to understand, must be taken with caution, especially when they are posted on his social media handles. To conclude that his posts inevitably represent his views may, for this budding but really ageing revolutionary, be fallacious. Last Monday, Mr Ibe quoted the former vice president as warning the Bola Tinubu presidency to beware of looming revolution because of hunger, thus simplistically correlating sundry crimes with hunger. He had bellowed: “The most violent socio-political eruptions and revolutions all over the world had often been powered by pervasive hunger and unbearable material conditions – especially the paradox of squalor amidst plenty in our land.” He also added grimly: “The current unacceptable situation offers an opportunity for reflection, (in line with) the French Revolution, the 1917 Russian Revolution, and the Arab Spring in which a young man caught in the maelstrom of unbearable frustration set himself ablaze in a development which occasioned violent socio-political eruptions starting out from Tunisia and engulfing the Middle-East and North Africa.”

    Not done, he then added: “Back home here in Nigeria, it may not be out of place to argue that even the ‘ENDSARS’ protest was fuelled by the traumatising  frustration of hunger and  insensitivity on the part of the government.” Alhaji Atiku’s love for theorising and abstractions is legendary. Whether he really understands the foundations of his beliefs or the dynamics of the social forces he declaims about so magisterially is another thing entirely. Indeed, as his records show, when any of his pontifications proves unpopular, he disowns them instantly.

    On May 13, 2022, one day after Deborah Samuel, a student of the College of Education Sokoto, was lynched by fellow students in an appalling case of murder carried out before a global audience, Alhaji Atiku was rightly outraged enough to denounce the murder. Said he on Twitter: “There cannot be a justification for such gruesome murder. Deborah Yakubu was murdered and all those behind her death must be brought to justice. My condolences to her family and friends.” His tweet, however, attracted a swift backlash from some northerners, perhaps Sokoto indigenes, who swore not to vote for him should he win the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) presidential nomination yet to be conducted at the time. And with alacrity, and writing in Hausa language on facebook that same evening, he recanted his belief and outrage, posting: “This evening I received information that a post was made that doesn’t agree with my orders. I use this to announce that any post without A. A. is not from me. May God protect us.” So, what about the murdered Miss Samuel? Silence, ponderous and crushing silence.

    Read Also: Tribalism a malignant disease hindering Nigeria’s progress – Atiku

    In late August, speaking through his representative Ola Olateju, a professor, Alhaji Atiku declared that he was not as desperate to be president as he was in midwifing a new and prosperous Nigeria. The genial professor spoke on behalf of the former vice president at a ceremony in Lagos welcoming defectors into the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the special purpose vehicle the coalition of opposition forces planned to use to unseat President Tinubu. Hear Prof. Olateju: “Atiku Abubakar’s plan is to build a better Nigeria. So, it’s not about him being the president. It’s about having a better government, a good government able to deliver for Nigerians. It’s not a personal thing for him, and that’s why some of us are with him. It’s not about Atiku having to be president at all costs…It’s not about a personal thing that he must be president. No, it is not a matter of must. The must is for him to see Nigeria deliver as wished by all…” The ink had not dried on that awkward ascription of altruism to Alhaji Atiku before he denounced the ascription.

    Another of the former vice president’s spokesmen, Tunde Olusunle, issued a swift rebuttal on facebook a day or two later, insisting that his principal would vie for the presidency in 2027. Quoting Alhaji Atiku, Dr Olusunle posted: “I did not issue that statement. When people stand in for me at events, we preview my thoughts on the instant subject and what my contribution or intervention will be, so that we are on the same page. In this particular instance, there was no engagement with me to distill my thoughts. Prof. Olateju was not speaking for me. I will run in 2027.” In the Miss Samuel case, the former vice president cowardly and mystifyingly placed his ambition above his principles, if not his character. In the Prof Olateju case, Alhaji Atiku was sadly unable to even recognise when his unflattering image as a vacillator and opportunist was being burnished.

    And then came the revolutionary buncombe. When he anchored his belief on a looming revolution on the examples of Russian and French revolutions as well as the Arab Spring, it was all but certain that Alhaji Atiku had very superficial understanding of the forces he casually referenced in his statement. Not only was he ignorant of the remote and immediate causes of the revolutions, he also failed abysmally to draw the right lessons from the social earthquakes that sundered those countries and defeated the objectives of the revolutions. It has indeed become fashionable to talk of revolution, even by conservative and reactionary politicians who, like the former vice president, cannot be trusted to stand for anything.

  • US, social media and Charlie Kirk murder

    US, social media and Charlie Kirk murder

    Last Tuesday, the Department of State Service (DSS) sued activist Omoyele Sowore for calling the president names on social media. Sued along with him were tech giants Facebook and X. The activist has also countersued, insisting that he was merely exercising his constitutional right to free speech. Weeks ago, the social media set Nepal on fire because of warped perception of freedom of speech. There, the courts intervened strongly and determined that boundaries should be set, including getting tech giants operating in that country to register with the Communications and Technology ministry. The proscription of the tech giants that followed the non-adherence to regulations triggered massive and violent protests that led to the burning of public buildings, looting, raping and the death of dozens of protesters, policemen and innocent bystanders.

    Right-wing activist and United States president Donald Trump’s ally, Charlie Kirk, was also shot and killed in the State of Utah by a white man, Tyler Robinson, radicalised by extreme and fierce political rhetoric online. As the governor, Spencer Cox, said in an interview last Sunday, “I believe that social media has played a direct role in every single assassination and assassination attempt that we have seen over the last five, six years.” President Trump has also filed a $15bn lawsuit against New York Times for defamation, even though his own incendiary speeches and statements on social media have been inflammatory and divisive. The tech giants are by their permissiveness clearly nudging the world, not just Nepal or Nigeria, into chaos. The world may very well get there sooner than expected.

    Read Also: Who really was Charlie Kirk?

    What Mr Sowore can’t figure out is that though he is at liberty to oppose or dislike any president or even individual he wants, that freedom is circumscribed by propriety and law. Otherwise, one day, someone will also post on social media hurtful things about his family and plead free speech or any other justification. It is, therefore, up to the courts to determine what boundaries should be set for commentaries or whether the society is, as it now seems, defenceless against slurs, innuendoes, and outright hurtful fabrications authored by malevolent and dysfunctional personalities.

  • Nepal burning, social media and Nigeria

    Nepal burning, social media and Nigeria

    Days after the Nepali government banned 26 social media platforms for failing to register with the authorities, youths embarked on an orgy of violence that shocked many at how rapidly it grew in intensity. The immediate cause of the riots was the ban. But the remote cause, as cited by the self-styled Gen Z youths themselves, was unremitting governmental corruption. Protesters torched the house of a former prime minister, leading to the hospitalisation of his wife; parliament building and hotels were burnt; and looting, arson and rape were recorded. Even though the government lifted the ban last Monday, the rioters were not assuaged. More than 22 protesters had died by Tuesday, and 51 by the final tally on Friday. Analysts suggested that rampant poverty, in contrast to the luxury public officials basked in, probably fuelled the protests. By midweek, though the army had begun to intervene, the violence was yet to be extirpated.

    The Nepali protests reflect how deeply troubling and dangerous social media had become, not only in Nepal but globally. The youth are hooked on social media, and modern businesses view the platforms as their lifeblood. But social media remains largely unregulated, and now seems obviously impervious to laws and conventions. In 2023, Nepal had introduced comprehensive guidelines and directions designed to regulate the growing influence and use of social media platforms. Under the guidelines, social media platforms were required to register with the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology. Failure to enlist would attract a blanket ban. In April 2024, a digital media entity published texts and audio clips indicating that two chairpersons of top media houses in Nepal met with former and serving Supreme Court justices as well as senior lawyers to undermine some 400 corruption cases, including particularly an April 2021 court verdict. Two days after the digital media publication, the Supreme Court initiated suo moto contempt proceedings against the offending media organisation, and judgement was delivered last August. In the judgement, the Court ordered that social media platforms, whether domestic or foreign, must be mandatorily registered, and mechanisms put in place to evaluate and monitor undesirable content.

    READ ALSO: FULL LIST: Countries with largest military air fleets in 2025

    On August 28, 12 days after the judgement, the Communications ministry issued a seven-day notice expiring on September 3 that directed all social media platforms to register with the authorities as directed by the Court. TikTok, already registered, was spared the ban. Some 26 others, including the world’s leading social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, and X, among many others, declined and were banned. Protests erupted spontaneously, leading to violence and carnage. The riots, mainly led by youths, continued even after the country’s leading newspaper and Army chief had called for and effected the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. For days no one was in control of the government, but the military eventually restored normality without seizing control of the government. There were arguments that the Nepali government’s approach to regulating the social media was a little too drastic and sweeping, unlike India for instance; but most countries have begun to understand that an unfettered social media could spell disaster. Indeed, the challenge many countries face today is how to balance free speech on the one hand and national security as well as individual privacy rights on the other hand.

    After Nepal’s government lifted the ban on the social media last Tuesday, the youths refused to be placated. Instead, they declared that the real reason for the protests all along was the need to end corruption. As is usual in such matters, one concession always leads to more agitations. Recognising that such a demand could not be met under agitation but is a process that extends over a long period, the Army suggested that everyone involved should engage in dialogue. The problem, however, was that as at last Wednesday, no discernible leadership had yet emerged for the protests. The Gen Z mobilisation had been done almost entirely on social media. Recall that the June 2024 Kenyan revolt also started with agitation against the country’s Finance Bill that provided for tax hikes aimed at cutting Kenya’s debt burden of more than $80bn costing the country about half of its tax revenues to service. Even after the finance bill was withdrawn, protesters expanded their demand and began agitating for an end to corruption as well as the resignation of President William Ruto. The cost of the protest made nonsense of the amount saved by abrogating the bill. In Nepal, the army clearly tried to anticipate the demands of the protesters by calling on the prime minister to resign. However, Mr Oli’s resignation did not produce peace until Sushila Karki, a former chief justice, was sworn in as Nepal’s first woman prime minister. However, normality was not restored until Friday.

    No matter how long the Nepali protest, corruption will not end in a day, or even in a year. The protests may help to discourage impunity and create bureaucratic conditions and laws to curb corruption, but there will be no overnight miracle. More importantly, if the social media should remain unregulated and no one is held accountable for atrocious news and reports, anarchy would loom larger than any protests can deal with. Nevertheless, the Nepali Gen Z overreach is explicated by the country’s socio-economic conditions. Nepal, a country of about 30 million people with a per capita GDP of a little over $1,400 and a nominal GDP of about $43.6bn, is the 165th least developed country in the world. About 32 percent of the population lives on between $1.90 to $3.20 per day. It is a poor country, with corruption worsening its plight. The protests are, therefore, understandable. But reprieve will not come from burning their parliament building, sacking lawmakers, or torching government buildings, including a part of the Supreme Court. The military has inevitably stepped in, further dampening the enthusiasm of democrats and complicating the country’s tentative and unsteady progress towards economic development and national stability. Neither Nepal nor Kenya provides an enviable template for how protests should be organised or led.

    As the protests cooled last Wednesday, Gen Z protesters shamefacedly admitted that various but unidentified interest groups had hijacked the protests, leading to unimaginable destructions, including iconic Nepali buildings. They should have known. By organising a leaderless revolt, it should be expected that untold and unheralded consequences would follow. Jailbreaks, looting, arson, rapes and all sorts of violent crimes accompanied the leaderless protests. Now, taxpayers’ money will have to be allocated to reconstruct or repair the damaged buildings, further retarding the progress and development the protesters advocated. While the Nepali Gen Zs have shown remorse, it is tragic that a few Nigerian human rights lawyers, civil society organisations, and sundry agitators have recommended the Nepali example for Nigeria. Nigeria has a combustible mix of ethnic groups forever engaged in fierce competition for influence and control. Should Nepal’s protests, which flamed for two days of madness, take hold of Nigeria, there is no predicting what the short-term or long-term consequences would be. This is why it is urgent for Nigeria to find a novel way to regulate what is increasingly becoming a complex and ungovernable social media space, and to conjure a formula that balances free speech with national security interest and stability. Nepal escaped the ethnicisation and religionisation of the protests partly because the country is over 80 percent Hindu. Nigeria may not be so lucky should it embark on a mindless and foolish imitation.

  • Nasir el-Rufai unravels quickly

    Nasir el-Rufai unravels quickly

    As is his custom, former Kaduna State governor Nasir el-Rufai has talked up a storm anytime something politically agitating catches his fancy. No topic is off-limits to him, and no personality or organisation beyond his sanctimonious rage. He has been widely quoted for his last Sunday’s television pontifications on the inanity of presidential aspirants making one-term promise, and on his number crunching that already predicted the winner of the 2027 presidential election.  On both points, he has been very assertive and magisterial. Firstly, he took on his comrades in the African Democratic Congress (ADC), the platform they wish to use to win the presidency, asking them to quit lying about their promise to do only one term in the event of winning the poll. And secondly he accused the federal government and Kaduna State of bribing and inevitably empowering bandits to halt their attacks on beleaguered northern states afflicted by banditry.

    No one is sure whether Mallam el-Rufai is not just stoking fires in order to sustain his visibility in the news or whether he really means what he says. Regarding the one-term controversy, he accused his comrades, former governors Rotimi Amaechi and Peter Obi, of dangerous populism. No president can change Nigeria’s fortune in four years he asserted. According to him: “On the question of people saying they will come out and do one term, I don’t think that anyone believes them and I don’t think that it’s right. You should not constitutionally give up what is yours and frankly, as someone who has been governor for eight years, Amaechi and Peter Obi have both been governors, they know the time it takes to make meaningful changes in governance; four years is not enough. I want to appeal to everyone to stop making this commitment of ‘I will do four years’ because nobody believes you.” But since the National Assembly expunged him from the ministerial list, he has not stopped excoriating the Bola Tinubu administration, insisting that it should perform miracles in rebooting the national economy and midwifing utopia.

    READ ALSO: North frantic about 2027

    What is more, his former political mentor vice president Atiku Abubakar, with whom he had wanted to migrate to the Social Democratic Party, and latterly to the ADC, has also promised four years in the presidency should he win. Even Mr Obi, famous for his farfetched ideas and impossible scenarios, has sworn that four years as president would be enough to remake Nigeria. All the politicians of note who surround Mallam el-Rufai, and who have defected into both the ADC and SDP, are convinced that the only way to win in 2027 is to promise a four-year term. It is not clear to what degree the former Kaduna governor can isolate himself or become the sole party philosopher capable of charting the only and infallible path to the presidency for the parties in question. However, gradually, he is beginning to be aware that he is becoming politically emasculated, and has thus started to whine about burying his own ambition in order to lend support to other aspirants to win the presidency. Indeed, he is so confident his adopted party – whether the ADC or SDP, he did not quite say – will win the 2027 election, probably on the second ballot, and President Tinubu would not even qualify for the runoff. It is no fanciful theory to come to that conclusion, he said sarcastically.

    In the same interview last Sunday, he indulged in another hyperbole on the subject of banditry, and especially on the non-kinetic approach to defeating the menace. As he put it: “What I will not do is to pay bandits, give them a monthly allowance, or send food to them in the name of non-kinetic. It’s nonsense; we’re empowering bandits…You don’t empower your enemy; you don’t give him money to go and buy sophisticated weapons. That is why the insecurity problem has not gone away and will not go away as long as this policy continues…My position has always been that the only repentant bandit is a dead one. Let’s kill them all. Let’s bomb them until they are reduced to nothing, and then the five per cent that still want to be rehabilitated can be rehabilitated. They can deceive, they can cover up, they can do propaganda, but those that live in Katsina, those that live in Zamfara, those that live in Kaduna,  they know what is happening…Let the governor or anyone come and deny. When the time comes, we will reveal everything.”

    Mallam el-Rufai appears disconcerted by truth. In the early years of his governorship, he embraced a different approach to banditry in his state, Kaduna. Yes, it is possible for politicians to change their mind, but they need to explain why, and admit they had made mistakes. Not Mallam el-Rufai, especially not when he lies about his change of mind. In the Sunday interview, he said his position had always been that the only repentant bandit was a dead one, and they needed to be killed, all of them. As governor, however – and there is video proof – he admitted seeking out and paying off militias killing indigenes of the state, with Southern Kaduna being the worst hit. It is reassuring he has changed his mind, but it is a little too late not to be seen as an opportunist. Perhaps one day, he will also change his mind about the December 2015 killing and burial in mass graves of nearly 350 Shiite members in Zaria mere months into his first term in office.

  • Jonathan goes fishing

    Jonathan goes fishing

    Three Sundays ago, the enigmatic former military head of state Ibrahim Babangida turned 84. He is in good octogenarian company. Except those assassinated during violent takeovers of government, Nigerian leaders have done very well for themselves, achieving a life expectancy most developed countries find enviable. The general neither got the throng he was used to receiving decades ago nor voluminous paid advertisements wishing him happy celebrations, however, many highly placed individuals and leaders have not forgotten him. How could they?

    Former president Goodluck Jonathan, speculated to be renewing his interest in the presidency, was at the former military head of state’s Hilltop residence in Minna to wish him a happy birthday. But was that all he did? Maybe. He described the 84-year-old former leader as “one of the finest leaders whose legacies remain relevant to the nation’s unity and development.” Gen. Babangida, he added, “stands out clearly as a committed leader…” Hopefully he believes his own words, and was not just fishing for support in line with the speculations surrounding his alleged interest in running for president 10 years after he left office. There is of course not a chance he would do better than when he first ruled. Worse, he would in fact be even more beholden to special interests should he get another chance. Now that he has set this scintillating precedent, there are other birthdays for him to consider honouring: Abdulsalami Abubakar; Yakubu Gowon; Olusegun Obasanjo.

    READ ALSO: How long can Wike walk the tightrope?

    Many commentators are daily imploring Dr Jonathan not to run. On the contrary, he should. The pains of his 2015 defeat are yet to abate, and the only remedy he sees is another shot at the presidency, and a win. He is of course chasing a chimera, but he won’t see it that way until he comes a cropper and rubbishes the little honour he garnered in his unexceptional years as president.