Category: Sunday

  • And now the enfant terrible trumps l’Etat terrible

    And now the enfant terrible trumps l’Etat terrible

    Oh dear, oh dear, there can never be a dull moment in Nigeria, no matter the tragedies and tribulations. There is always room for some absurdist drama or some life sketches straight out of Eugene Ionesco’s Theatre of Chaos. This is perhaps what is responsible for the strange resilience of Nigerians and their baffling staying power, not to talk of the sheer psychological stamina. 

       Has anybody seen a video of newly minted lawyers, Barrister Omoyele Sowore and friend and comrade in arms, Barrister Deji Adeyanju, taking time off to exchange verbal howitzers with some delinquent staff of the EFCC as the duo casually strolled to the venue of their investiture?  Having taken the worse of the exchange and some memorable body blows, the EFCC retreated to their den with Sowore in hot pursuit. It is the crime buster that seemed to have gone bust.

       It is only in Nigeria that you can have this kind of bizarre entertainment, with the hunter rapidly becoming the hunted. It is not a reassuring sight to see EFCC officials whining like a toddler after some severe spanking. In a hint of unworthy melodrama,  one or two of the EFFC squad were even hinting of being subjected to persecution by Sowore and his accomplice.

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      This is as maudlin and mawkish as it can get. The organization ought to have known better than grasping at the tail of a bruised tiger like the veteran and battle-tested civil rights campaigner. Coming at a time when the public had almost lost total confidence in the capacity of the organization to effect its originating mandate but for the recent stirring performance of its new leadership, this can only be an exercise in further self de-marketing and demystification. If its officers are politically savvy and well-trained enough, they ought to have avoided a public brawl which could only have ended in utter tragedy had the situation deteriorated further.

       But there is some silver lining in every situation however terrible. First of all, congratulations are in order. It has taken a nasty spat to draw attention to the fact that while he was undergoing a deliberately convoluted trial for a treasonable offence, the irrepressible campaigner still had time and the concentration to finish his legal studies. This is a worthy tribute to the dogged and indomitable spirit of the average Nigeria. We urge Mr Sowore to take advantage of his status as a new member of the Nigerian bar. 

     Let us end with a parody of a famous song by an immortal Nigerian musical prodigy that Sowore himself holds in highest esteem. It was in honour of another irrepressible contrarian and prodigious gadfly, Kanmi Isola-Osobu, aka the guru.

    Luku lawyer, he no dey run ooo

    Luku lawyer, he no dey run ooo.

  • Debating the parliamentary system again

    Debating the parliamentary system again

    Suddenly, almost out of the blue, debate has begun over what system of government Nigeria should adopt or return to. It is not certain that the debate stands any chance of gaining sufficient traction, not to talk of procuring the outcome its proponents desire; but for now, apart from some vague acquiescent whispers on social media and knowing winks in the traditional media, the debate is given life solely by a coterie of national legislators. They want a return to the parliamentary system of government to save or manage cost of governance in the face of dwindling revenue. Sponsored by House minority leader, Kingsley Chinda, and 59 other House of Representatives members, the bill virtually repudiates the presidential system practiced in Nigeria since 1979, pockmarked by some cruel and violent hiatuses.

    Sixty out of 360 House of Representatives members, or one out of six, may not seem significant enough, but the pro-change lawmakers have at least enlivened the debate on Nigeria’s system of government. It is of course class suicide, for dozens of them now flourishing in a bicameral legislature might be edged out in the race for relevance in a unicameral system. They are probably sensitised to the risks they face advocating for a return to the First Republic system of government, but given the eagerness with which they pursue their latest cause, they seem inexplicably unperturbed. How equanimous they would be in the face of unplanned and unexpected electoral setback in the future remains to be seen.

    There has so far not been a reliable computation of what it costs to operate Nigeria’s democracy. Structurally and culturally, that cost is presumably very high. Structurally, because the current presidential system is bicameral, it will require almost twice what it costs to run a parliamentary system, in terms of personnel and material costs. And culturally because Nigerian officials have not quite mastered the art of running things efficiently, nor are they disquieted by the obscenity of grandiloquent appearances, whether they pertain to legislative buildings, duplicated ministries and agencies, or even disproportionate perks and emoluments. But in vague and general terms, assuming Nigeria does not still find an ingenious way to make a unicameral legislature extravagant, a parliamentary system appears cheaper. The sponsors of the bill thus have a prima facie case against the presidential system. If they do not run out of steam sooner or later, they will win many unwary minds to their side.

    The 60, or their representatives, have toured a few states and met with a few statesmen in their advocacy campaigns. They have received some attention, and have been serenaded by some of their hosts, but it is doubtful whether the lawmakers have so far presented any persuasive argument anywhere. They talked about costs mainly, but running a democracy, whether parliamentary or presidential, requires much more than mere frugality. It also requires discipline, knowledge, vision and a clear and robust understanding of the total concept of democracy. Britain, perhaps the biggest exemplar of parliamentary system of government, does not even have a written constitution. Nigeria’s First Republic constitution was not only written, that republic’s lawmakers had the opportunity of a new system not yet polluted by ethnicity, politics or religion. Yet, they blamed that system for everything that went wrong with the republic. Now, who or what do they blame for their repudiation of the presidential system – the constitution or their lack of character and discipline?

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    In contrast to Britain, the United States of America (US) is the greatest avatar of the presidential system. In the past few decades Americans had made it seem as if their greatness, influence, wealth and global dominance were attributable to both their system of government and democracy as a whole. But they had been independent and democratic since 18th century, and only began to assume global influence and dominance after World War II, when for some reasons, they jettisoned their policy of isolationism. Despite the Donald Trump factor, the US can in fact be deduced to have shaped not only global politics but also global culture. But to suggest that all their influence, wealth and power were shaped by either democracy or the presidential system may fly in the face of history and even experience. Democracy may be relevant today, but it does not explain the rise of past empires, nor the power and influence of Russia and China today. The US is not more likely to embrace the parliamentary system than Britain is likely to change to the presidential system. Factors weightier than costs and ability to finance a system of government explain the durability of a system. The Group of 60 may have a herculean time explaining why the US has retained its presidential system and Britain its parliamentary system; worse, they are even more unlikely to explain why Nigeria tried both systems and failed at them.

  • Outthinking the money changers

    Outthinking the money changers

    In a 24-paragraph revised regulatory guidelines issued in February, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) demonstrated its willingness to stand toe-to-toe with Nigeria’s fleet-footed Bureaux de Change (BDCs), those ubiquitous adepts at identifying and exploiting forex loopholes. In the new guidelines, the BDCs will have to renew their registrations and then recapitalise, while the extreme latitude they enjoyed hitherto will now be severely circumscribed. They will likely squirm very considerably, considering the manner of technical reporting processes they are expected to put in place to enhance automatic financial reporting. Meanwhile, over 4,000 of them have been decommissioned.

    What is even more important is not just the severity of the CBN regulations, which was long overdue to curb the BDCs propensity to operate, often disruptively and recklessly, under the radar, but that the apex bank was determined to outthink and outfox the money changers. The regulator has shown grit and uncommon political will. The BDCs may still find some loopholes in the new regulations, but they now know, unlike before, that the CBN is as willing to play the cat and mouse game with them as they are determined to put the regulator’s nose out of joint. The CBN may also not fare very well in the application of its new regulations; but it will succeed in some, even if it has to engage in a war of attrition with the money changers.

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    Clearly, the Bola Tinubu administration appears willing to appoint capable people into sensitive positions in government and then leave them to flourish and fly, no matter whose ox is gored. Many agencies have already taken the bull by the horns. The CBN is one such agency. Whether it succeeds in the war it has kick-started or not, it is unlikely to relent. The BDCs may have found their match, after years and decades of profiting from the misery of the people and the naira. One thing is beyond dispute, the CBN will pursue its quarry to the thickest forest, while the BDCs will wait to confirm what mettle they are made of as they surreptitiously resist their regulators in the landing grounds where the naira had repeatedly come to grief. 

  • Trade unions reply Tinubu

    Trade unions reply Tinubu

    The Joe Ajaero-led Nigeria Labour Congress is the only labour union in the country that is blissfully unaware of its own political undertones and ambitions. Since the union’s fortuitous convergence with Peter Obi’s corrosive politics, the NLC has not remained the same. Before they lost the last presidential election as founders and members of the Labour Party (LP), they were generally quiescent and unenthusiastic about offending the previous administration despite the extreme hardship triggered by the December-February 2022-2023 currency swap policy. After the election, which they disputed in court but failed to make an impression, they became surly and inconsolable. Immediately after their legal defeat, they began to seek an occasion against the new administration, which they found in their reactions to the administration’s radical economic policies. From one strike to another, the NLC pushed and shoved the new administration to breaking point. It deployed those protests only to get the administration to make one concession or the other, growled Mr Ajaero.

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    Finally, an exasperated President Bola Tinubu blurted out a few days ago in Lagos that the NLC was playing politics, not union activism. NLC leaders denied the allegation. They said their main goal was to advocate good and effective governance, not vie for presidential election. But what the president was saying, which Mr Ajaero misconstrued, was that the NLC had become indistinguishable from LP, and that given the bizarre way the NLC president went out of his way to identify with the LP during and after the last general election, the union was simply doing its best to weary the administration with protests and cause it to fall into disrepute in the eyes of Nigerians. Of course it is not NLC that will directly contest the 2027 presidential poll; its precious baby, LP, might attempt the race a second time. Everybody knows that. Mr Ajaero, to all intent and purpose, is simply LP’s political forerunner, a label he will find hard to shrug off.

  • The coup scare

    The coup scare

    Last week, an online medium reported that there was a coup scare in Nigeria that necessitated an urgent meeting between President Bola Tinubu and his aides. The story had no substance, but it was strikingly inventive enough to elicit an angry Acting Director of Defence Information, Brig. Gen. Tukur Gusau, threatening to take legal action. The military needn’t bother. It would take the most impressionable person to believe the online medium’s far-fetched and clearly heedless story. The report was not only circumstantial, it was also vague and uncorroborated. It probably flowed from the Chief of Defence Staff’s earlier warning to those advocating for coup, particularly on social media, to desist from their errors. The CDS, Gen Christopher Musa, was obviously riled by the many calls on social media to the military to take over the government in the false belief that soldiers possessed the magic wand to end a few months of economic hardship.

    Gen Musa did not mince words about the irresponsibility of those campaigning for a coup; and he did not say there was a coup plot or coup attempt. Hear him: “Whoever is making that call (coup) does not love Nigeria. We want to make it very clear that the Armed Forces of Nigeria are here to protect democracy. We all want democracy and we do better under democracy. We will continue to support democracy and any of those ones who are calling for anything other than democracy are evil people and I think they don’t mean well for Nigeria. They should be very careful because the law will come after them. We can see that with democracy a lot of things are happening in Nigeria. Yes, we are going through trying periods, I mean in life nothing is hundred per cent…Everybody goes through a trying period in life and it is what you do with them. You can see the government putting efforts to ensure that we come out better. It is when you go through difficulties and come out better you will really appreciate what it is to build a nation. We are going through our trying period, but I can assure Nigerians that it will get better.”

    The media have a duty to handle sensitive national security stories responsibly. But given the discontent nationwide, and recent weeks of protest in some parts of the country, not to mention dire and threatening statements by some highly placed members of the ruling elite, there was always the temptation by the media to go overboard. Meanwhile, compounding the confusion, the dividing lines between the traditional/online media on the one hand and the social media on the other hand have either become wafer-thin or are gradually becoming obliterated. Sexed-up reports and fictionalised stories will consequently become commonplace, with devastating repercussions on the country. This may explain the defence spokesman’s exasperation with the coup scare report. The story was capable of feeding or enlivening a narrative suggesting the government’s weakness and helplessness. It could also begin to plant ideas in the minds of starry-eyed military adventurers, thus threatening democracy; or it could make the government desperate and discomfited. There was no way the story, even if it had any semblance of truth, could help strengthen democracy.

    The online medium coup scare story and social media calls for coup referenced by the CDS are a natural progression from previous administration’s ham-fisted attitude towards coup advocates. Shortly before the collation of the results of the last presidential election was completed last year, and it seemed a particular outcome was almost certain, there were some desultory marches on Abuja streets, some of them headed to the Defence Headquarters, calling for military intervention to abort the electoral process. The previous administration simply ignored the campaigners. But that was a mistake. No one who calls for insurrection or the overthrow of the constitution should ever be ignored. Then after the election was concluded and inauguration planned and scheduled, there were still calls for a coup. Again, the administration paid no heed. That was another capital mistake. The attitude of the previous administration was only a little better than the Ibrahim Babangida military government which outrightly heeded the call for a coup and went ahead to collude in the subversion of the constitution and the transition programme.

    It is not the business of the military, as the Defence spokesman tried to suggest, to arrest and prosecute insurrectionists, whether they actively plan a coup or merely verbalise it. That job is for either the police or the Department of State Service (DSS). However, the security agencies didn’t need to be ordered to do their job, nor need to be persuaded. It is indeed mystifying that the secret service and the police have balked at going after the coup advocates. Had they prosecuted a few of the coup proponents, the madness would have long been curbed. Instead, under the previous administration, the Defence Headquarters merely looked on grimly as loafers urged them to intervene. The DSS pretended to be unconcerned, while the police simply could not be bothered. As economic hardship intensifies, and with no restraint to the so-called free speech, online and social media will continue to give vent to unguarded frustrations, some of them expressed in the most bellicose and instigative language. The Defence Headquarters threatens legal action; but that is not the answer. Since hardship will continue for a little while longer, the solution to the coup hysteria is to make an example of some coup advocates. The law enforcement and security agencies know how to find culprits hiding under pseudonyms and other conspiratorially assumed identities. They should find and prosecute them, without necessarily being prompted by higher authorities.

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    The coup calls are a product of massive ignorance regarding the background of the country’s economic crisis. The crisis did not begin last month or last year. It gestated for more than two decades, until it began to fester a few years back. The last administration borrowed heavily to paper over the cracks and mask the cancer. The administrations before it suspected that trouble was looming, but they also chose to throw caviar to the general. Rectifying the problem will take more than a few months, or even years. The new administration, which turned nine months only last month, has meanwhile felt boxed into a corner by enraged trade unions and screaming, hungry protesters. Uncharacteristically, it has begun to promise utopia, including a great turnaround in the coming months. Perhaps they can work the magic; but it will certainly not be easy. However, all indicators show that the real turnaround will not begin earlier than next year. So, they have the onerous task of mollifying street anger and working their difficult magic on the economy. To help themselves, and to create elbow room for a sound reworking of the mechanics of the economy, they should deal with social media excesses, particularly those instigating unrest and baying for coup.

    Military intervention is not an alternative to democracy, as imperfect as the constitution is, and regardless of the inability of the administration to embark on restructuring. It is nevertheless still important to comprehensively review the articles of association of Nigeria’s over 250 ethnic groups, and find durable and workable political and economic formulae to undergird that association. Meanwhile, in some states, that imperfect democracy has demonstrated its immense capacity to deliver significant developmental advancement. At least one-third of the states have many projects to show for civilian rule. Truncating those tentative developmental strides, including the free speech many now take for granted and abuse, would be both counterproductive and catastrophic. Worse, there is actually nothing to suggest that even if the insensible desire of coup advocates were granted, forceful change would be carried out seamlessly without irreparably fracturing or damaging the country, thereby predisposing it to massive state failure, and throwing the sub-region into disarray.

  • FOR JIMI SOLANKE

    FOR JIMI SOLANKE

    (Maestro with a Thousand Masks)   (1)

    SNAPSONG   212   

    The last time we met

    Our laughter rang through the concert hall

    The evening was young, with you readying up

    For a long expected show

    Your crowd was large and young and old

    But their ageless longing

    Rode the crest of the wind as you

    Swung and swayed in your purple moments

    You sighted me from a distance

    Ploughed through the fold

    To meet me in the threshold of

    Of a wide and busy door.

    A warm embrace, then our customary question:

    “When shall we have the collabo?”*

    A cryptic code over thirty years old

    Born when Songs of the Season

    Made its first few outings

    On the tabloid platform

    “A-niyee, those are good poems-

    We must aid their spread

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    With collaborative performance”. . . .

    The Generals’ iron grip undid our plan 

    But “collabo” survived with its conspiratorial abbreviation

    Now, alas, my Collabo Maestro has taken his last bow

    * Three times Jimi and I tried to meet and plan the collaboration, but our effort was thwarted each time by disruptions caused by the military juntas that had Nigeria in their stranglehold in that period.

             (To continue next week)

  • Opportunistic protests

    Opportunistic protests

    • Fed Govt must address high cost of food in particular to make champions of such ‘opportunistic infections’ irrelevant

    Whether Tuesday’s street protests called by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) was appropriate or not would continue to remain a source of debate for so long. Just as it is going to be difficult to say whether it was the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) that called workers out on protest that was right, or its counterpart, the Trade Union Congress (TUC) which did not join the protest. There can never be unanimity of opinion on these ‘whethers’ because of the several interests involved. As the TUC leader, Festus Osifo, said while announcing that its members would not participate in the protest, there are several tools in the box to deploy when faced with the kind of circumstances that Nigerian workers and their leaders are confronted with. Strike is only one of them. While the government may feel the protests were unnecessary, Labour and its co-travellers would insist they were in order. What can never be denied, however, is that protests, particularly peaceful protests, are part of the inalienable rights of citizens in a democracy.

    That was one reason I was happy that the protests were allowed to hold after all. To have done otherwise would have been tantamount to infringing on that fundamental right. I must confess though that, despite not being in government, I also had my apprehensions when the NLC announced its intention to stage the protests. And I was being guided by that teacher of all times: experience. I had seen too many protests: the June 12 protests, bread protests in some other countries and so on. Even if I had seen no other protests other than the 2020 EndSARS protests that later turned riotous, that was enough to send shivers down my spine when I heard another round of protests was in the offing.

    The truth of the matter is that one can only predict the beginning of such protests; no one can tell their end. Not even those who conceived the idea. They might later lose control, especially in a volatile environment that we are in, occasioned by mass hunger and other deprivations.

    If the 2020 EndSARS riots, mainly about police brutality could wreak the kind of havoc it did wreak, then, things could have been worse if the NLC protests had snowballed into something else. This is because hunger is worse than police brutality. Almost everybody, including the government, admits that things are hard and the vast majority of Nigerians are hungry. And, as they say, a hungry man is an angry man. You cannot tell the extent to which someone who is angry can ventilate the catharsis on other citizens who, sadly, may even be suffering more than the people unleashing violence on them.

    As I said, it is gratifying that God took control during the protests. I doff my hat for the police and other security agencies who also demonstrated enough maturity and professionalism during the protests, such that there were no untoward incidents. The story would not have been the same if lives were lost during the protests. Indeed, that would have been bad for the government’s image.  

    One other thing that gladdens my heart was the fact that those who wanted to participate in the protests did so voluntarily. Those who were not interested, even if they were NLC members, were not coerced or conscripted to join the protests. This is the way it should be. Labour leaders do not have to be moving from office to office to flog out people who decide not to participate in a strike for whatever reason. Membership and participation in groups activities, no matter how noble, should be by choice and not by force in a democracy.

    But the government would be making a big mistake to assume that those who failed or refused to participate in the protests did so because they believed in the government. People may have stayed away for various reasons. Fear of being killed could have been a reason. Yes, this might not speak well of the government ultimately, the fact is; life has no duplicate. Anyone who is dead is dead, he or she can no longer be brought back to life. Second, there were those who believe that following Labour leaders in such moments has always led to last minute frustration when Labour leaders go into last-minute meetings with government to avert a strike that people had been massively mobilised to participate in. The belief is that such meetings make the Labour leaders smile to the bank the next day. Why then should they risk their lives and all by joining such protest? Whereas this may not be completely true, the fact also is that we had seen such before.

    Now, the point has been well made. It is now left for the government to move swiftly into action. If we are all agreed that Nigerians are hungry, then this is not the time to look at the messenger purveying that fact of life. The government should keep its eyes on the message – insecurity, unemployment, depreciating Naira, etc. The Yoruba people say ‘ebi ki iwonu ki oro mi wo’ (a man who is hungry has no room for anything else other than how to get food). This is true of all human races. Hunger has no ethnic, religious, political or other colouration. An ‘Oyinbo’ man that is hungry is not different from the African man (that the ‘Oyinbo’ see as monkeys) who is suffering the same fate. As a matter of fact, a hungry ‘Oyinbo’ man could even be more ‘monkeyish’ in his reaction than even the African in such situation.

    We saw that demonstrated during the French Revolution of 1789 when the wife of the king told the people, rather care freely, that French citizens should eat cake if they could not find bread! As if bread and cake are the same thing. That was all the people needed to make the revolution happen. The rest is history. But before resting my case on this, I wonder how many other revolutions the European historians who described the French Revolution as “one of the greatest events in human history” had seen to come to that conclusion?

    Whenever I remember the kind of crowd I saw during the EndSARS protests, I keep asking myself if that was not something to dread in terms of the numbers that participated. That was the first time I knew that Nigeria truly could be boasting the 200 million plus population that it is credited to have. When I saw the sea of human heads that were as tiny as birds in the air in their angry mode, I thought the world was coming to an end.

    That is why, I repeat; government at this point does not have to see the messenger. That would be playing into the hands of its enemies. I have always said it whenever and wherever the opportunity presents itself that the government would be making a big mistake if it thought the election had been won and lost after the Supreme Court’s pronouncement. The government may have its own shortcomings in terms of the way it has handled particularly its economic reform, but there are also those who had been feeding fat on the spoils of the ancient regime that won’t want to go down without a fight. May be this was why President Muhammadu Buhari did not bother to confront the corruption monster. The man merely told us that corruption would kill the country if we didn’t kill it and went into deep slumber afterward. His government may end up taking the corruption trophy from some of the military generals that we thought had won the cup for keeps by the time the account books are scrutinised. Buhari’s abandonment of the fight against corruption is one of the reasons we are in the deep mess that we are in today. Yet, some of those who led us here are still roaming the streets and flaunting their ill-gotten wealth in the most offensive manner.

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    Indeed, if anything, this is one of the main grudges many Nigerians hold against the Tinubu government. They are not interested in whether the government is barely nine months old or whatever. They want action against those people that they see as the cause of their suffering as early as yesterday.

    The government may not be in a position to do that because things must be done in accordance with the law in a democracy.

    But, if the government is not in a position to immediately bring those responsible for our woes to book for reason of due process, I mean, if it cannot jail those thieves before prosecuting them (to paraphrase one of our former number two generals in the military era), it is within its powers to at least listen to the voices making suggestions on how the hardship in the land can be ameliorated.

    This is irrespective of whether the suggestions are coming from friends or foes, real or perceived. Both the TUC and the NLC have submitted proposals to the government on what they consider the way forward. Others have done same. The government would do well to look dispassionately at these suggestions, especially where staple food items are concerned. The price of rice has reached the most unimaginable level. Gari too. It must come down fast. At this point, nothing should be cast in stone. Even if importation is not in the government’s agenda, it must come in now, if only as a stop-gap measure, pending when the government would have got a better handle on solutions to the problem of high food prices.

    For as long as Nigerians remain hungry, no sermon on patience would have meaning to them. They are used to hearing that. Indeed, it is such opportunistic ‘infections’ like the pangs of hunger that politicians in Labour robes, as well as professional politicians need to remain relevant. That is why their actions resonate more with the people.

    As I said earlier, ‘ebi ki iwonu, ki oro mi wo’.

  • Media language: Soyinka’s timely caution

    Media language: Soyinka’s timely caution

    One of the interesting aspects of last Thursday’s lecture by Noble Laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka to mark the 50th anniversary of Punch Newspaper titled Recovering the Narrative was about his obsession with media language.

    His obsession according to him has to do with being someone that he is routinely traumatised by encountering his own words reworked into imagined equivalents, duly enhanced and augmented even with the best and honest intentions, but which convey the exact opposite of intent, such an obsession is quite understandable.

    As he promised, he was able to cite “purely fortuitous exemplars from our national media, to a straightforward proposition of just how a national psyche can be programmed, rewired, so to speak, into absorbing the freakish, the grotesque into its digestive system, so that it becomes assimilated as the norm.”

    Essentially, his concern has to do with the insensitive use of language that debases and lowers the sensibilities of the humanity the media claims to serve like the report  that stated that “The promising, beautiful girl was hale and hearty when she walked into the hospital theatre for a minor medical procedure but, an hour later, she had become lifeless like a dead cow on the slaughter slab.”

    His worry about the lowering of standards in the use of language by legacy print media organisations like many of the new platforms run by non-professionals is indeed not personal as he noted. There is a general concern that unlike before when media organisations abide by house styles and subject their reports to enough quality control, not enough care is being taken as before.

    Reports that would never have been approved for publication now get published as media organisations compete to beat each other to be the first to break news and get maximum readership. In the past, as Soyinka rightly noted, the print media consciously aspired to credibility and peer respect among its competitors. When it slips up, it makes efforts to ‘clean up its act’ or else, confront sanctions.

    Unfortunately what we now have is a free-for-all all “as the communication field is now wide open, instantly and promiscuously accessible.” Anyone who can publish now claims to be a journalist and no one is calling them to order, though some are pointing out the declining standard as Soyinka did in his lecture.

    With the present state of reporting of some media organisations, the question Soyinka asked is apt. “Are we dumbing down in deference to the language of trolls?” There is an obvious dumbling down which should not be the case if the media wants to continue to be taken seriously.

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    The print media has an extraordinary responsibility to maintain the high standard of practice of journalism as it has always been as Soyinka noted.

    In terms of the use of language, the ethics of practice for Nigerian journalists state that they should refrain from using offensive, abusive or vulgar language. It adds that a journalist should not present lurid details, either in words or pictures, of violence, sexual acts, or abhorrent or horrid scenes.

    Additionally, it states that in cases involving personal grief or shock, enquiries should be carried out and approaches made with sympathy and discretion.

    The above ethical guidelines and others should remain the guiding principles for media professionals on whatever platform considering the interest of the audience they serve.

    I join in congratulating Punch Newspaper on its 50th anniversary and pray that the company where I worked for about 13 years will remain an industry leader in the media sector.

  • To the coy lady, go forth in peace

    To the coy lady, go forth in peace

    We take leave of the toxic and abrasive world of politics this morning to pay some unusual compliments. Constantly subjecting its customers to heavy-duty artillery bombardments, the column has little time left for niceties and polite anodyne.

      But the world is not about big issues alone. There are many “small” issues that are far more important than the “big” issues, particularly where a civilized and orderly society is concerned. And there are times when the small issue is actually the big issue. This is the whole point about The God of Small Things, Arundhati Roy’s prize-winning novel.

      But then how do you begin to write a personal obituary about a stranger—in the fullest grammatical import of that word—and someone you never met? But we live in interesting and exciting times, a world in which only the thinnest strand separates living and dying. One moment someone is here and the next moment you hear they are gone, forever, never to be seen again on this side of the grim borderless continuum.

    The Yoruba put it with memorable urgency. The leg of the spectator is entangled with the masquerade’s limb and it is no longer possible to separate the residents of the earth from the denizens of the other world. How many times has one glimpsed in the crowd what looked like an old friend only to remember as one was about to shout the name that the person had long joined their ancestors?

     There is a cousin of this writer who joined the army at the onset of the civil war. He was known to have fallen during one of the early skirmishes around Obolo Eke. His bosom friend came home to report about his passing with unassailable evidence of his demise. He was deeply mourned while traditional rites to ease his passage were performed.

       A few days after the termination of the war, our man showed up one morning grinning with trademark mischief to the consternation of everybody who almost took to their heels. He had spent the entire war in Biafran captivity. Today, he lives in London and approaching eighty still retains the swag and gait of a field captain of the old Nigerian Army.

       Arguably the most surreal of these tales involved a cherished friend and a most accomplished Nigerian. Almost twenty years ago while the two of us where lounging and casually loitering about in a vast Houston supermall, my friend drew one’s attention to the fleeting image of a woman who just passed and wondered whether she didn’t look like his wife.

     One was absolutely nonplussed by this development. If they were living together, why was he asking the question? It turned out that as part of pre-divorce proceedings the house had been effectively partitioned and walled in. Our friend kept to his side of the Berlin Wall for fear of the law and had not sighted his wife in five years. Such is the surreal nature of the world we live in.

       The column takes it back that this obituary is about a complete stranger, or that the columnist never met the tragically departed, Mrs Yetunde Oladeinde, an accomplished journalist, senior staffer of this newspaper and mentor to many of the younger journalists who joined the Triumphant Procession in the early hours of Monday, 19th February.

      To exaggerate in order to clarify or simplify is a familiar literary stratagem. Our “unofficial” path must have crossed a few times in the hustle and bustle of the ever busy newspaper corridor. We would have bumped into each other in the busy hall or newsroom. But she was never formally introduced. One can faintly recall her at an expanded board meeting with the staff, sitting quietly at the back: demure, dignified and matronly with a hint of upper middle class background.

      One was shocked and devastated when news of her death filtered through late afternoon penultimate Monday. But due to the mad and manic pressures of the time, the news had found its way into the abyss of memory where active information burrow until they are reactivated. It was not until the early hours of last Monday after losing a deadly duel to insomnia that one finally got to the last two pages of The Nation on Sunday and Joke Kujenya’s moving tribute to her fallen friend that remembrance returned.

     It was a tragedy of cumulative errors. The particular series of events that took the late journalist’s life could have been avoided entirely or medically mitigated in a society with a functioning medical system or a minimally proactive health facility. We may think that all this do not matter and that in the long run, one death is just a mere statistic. But in all likelihood the accumulated trauma, the symptoms of collective barbarism, will return to demand their dues.

      From her friend’s record, it could be gleaned that the late journalist was a victim of a medical condition known as Hypoglycemia or Low Blood Glucose. Unlike its Siamese twin, which is the more common High Blood Sugar, Low Blood Glucose is more radically dangerous and life-threatening, leading swiftly to slurred speech, terminal disorientation and general organ collapse.

    Both conditions are not summary death sentences if well-managed through both medication and an amenable life-style. In this columnist’s life time, one has known of two famous professors of medicine who have succumbed to the dreadful ailment, the one a globally recognized medical genius who plied his trade at the old UCH and the other an accomplished and high-flying immensely personable physician at the old OAU, Ife. If our memory serves us well, both left before they turned fifty. What an epic waste!!

      But this was in the late seventies and early eighties. The ailment appears to be better managed nowadays. Nigerians are more health conscious. In this particular instance, adversity appears to be a better teacher than modern medical developments. There are well-known survivors. Many famous Nigerians have lived to tell the story. There is a former Nigerian ruler who has openly and a tad gleefully insisted that he has lived with the condition for almost fifty years.

    Unfortunately, Yetunde Oladeinde has now been added to the sinister statistics, leaving her immediate family of four children, including a medical doctor, and several adopted youngsters to carry on. Everything that could go wrong went wrong that night. She was already feeling unwell when she left for work that Sunday. The glucagon kit for measuring blood glucose packed up the previous Thursday.

      That alone ought to have triggered the alarm bell. By the time Mme Oladeinde returned from work, her condition had considerably deteriorated. Apparently, her sense of dignified suffering and stoic forbearance forbade any self-pitying drama or emotional incontinence. Instead of heading for the nearest health facility, she headed for her bedroom where her son later met her in a pitiable state with blood dripping from the corner of her mouth.

     By the time she was rushed to the nearest hospital in the early hours of the following morning, it was already too late and a bridge too far. Medical staff at the Ifako-Ijaiye General Hospital noted that her eyes had already dilated which suggested complete organ shutdown and clinical death. Valiant attempts at resuscitation came to naught. The woman known to everybody as grandma due to her well-travelled column under the same moniker but also because of her doting matriarchal nature was gone forever.

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      Yetunde left for posterity one enduring and touching irony. The woman everybody called grandma never lived to see any of her own biological grandchild. But through her love, kindness and exemplary sense of duty, she has bequeathed a lasting legacy of affection and devotion to everything that is noble. By dint of heroic perseverance in the face of persistent and unrelenting adversity, she has fired the imagination of many and lit the torch of charity for unborn generations.

      It needs to be added that the deceased was not a school drop-out come to journalism. Impeccably credentialed, she was given the best of education by her middle class parents in the best tradition of the old Nigerian middle class that came into its own at the tail end of colonial rule: elite primary school, famous secondary schools and the University of Lagos from where she graduated in 1989 in English and Literature.

       With this kind of elite background, it was clear from where Yetunde got her poise and matronly presence from. Her father, Cyprian Akinola Francis, was the first African Director of Elder Dempsters Shipping Agency while her mother, Esther Folashade, was a star retailer with the UTC departmental store who was Miss UTC for three consecutive years.

    In ending this tribute, perhaps it needs to be stressed that before our very eyes, the old Nigerian middle class is being decimated by a combination of medical adversities, societal atrocities against excellence and sheer fiscal brutalization in the hands of the Nigerian postcolonial state. Yet no nation or democracy can survive without a solid middle class that acts as a buffer between the filthy rich and the filthy poor. May Yetunde’s soul rest in peace.

  • Baba Lekki solves restructure riddle for the nation

    Baba Lekki solves restructure riddle for the nation

    Apropos of the saying that unhappy nations are not alike in their unhappiness, it is meet to report our finding that all unhappy cooks and drivers are alike. As the Air Force jets pounded the western creeks and impounded the crooks, Okon wore a sad and dejected mien. His illicit oil and “disel” business having evaporated in a fiery bonfire, Okon was a distraught and disconsolate sight to behold. Snooper pressed advantage.

      “Oga Okon how market now?” yours sincerely taunted the crazy boy.

      “Oga, monkey don go market and him never return, oil and gas don become yell and gasp”, the mad boy rejoined with a bitter grin.

       “Alagba, don’t mind the yeye boy. Arepo don become Aorepo. As dem Yoruba people dey say, Adegun don become Adeogun”, Baba Lekki intoned with malicious gusto.

     “Baba at your age, I don tell una make you no follow dem military monkey chop bush”, Okon countered with an irate frown.

     “Ah you see yeye boy? Dem thin wey drive monkey come climb palm tree, him still dey wait for monkey below”, Baba Lekki sneered.

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      “You see dem Yoruba people?” Okon screamed. “You dey steal our oil blocks and when we come do our own oil block for Arepo, katakata come burst. Dem plane come dey spit fire. No be dem reason why we say make dem restructure dem useless kontri be dis?” Okon bitterly lamented.

      “Ha Okon restructure ke? Wetin you dey restructure?  You don join dem foolish bukuru people? You see when dem Ibrahim Baba Igida say him wan do adjustment for economy structure, I come ask am wey dem structure him wan adjust. If structure no dey, so wetin you wan restructure?. Dat one na intellectual misnomer and dem vulcanizer’s hot air. Dem thing to do na to destructure, make dem remove dem no-structure nonsense and replace am patapata.” The old contrarian volunteered.

    “Baba, if una sabi dis much grammar, why you no dey practice dem law for court?” Okon snorted.

    “Foolish boy, I don tell you say dem deport me from dem London Inn for two fighting. I come trek to Las Palmas. Each time I go court and I tell dem say I get am for Inter BL with dem LL. B in view dem dey ask police make dem finish me….”

      It was at this point that some hooded men with the insignia of a dreaded local militia campaigning for self-determination came in looking for Okon. The crazy boy vamoosed like a walnut spirit.