Category: Sunday

  • FOR ADEGOKE OLUBUNMO

    FOR ADEGOKE OLUBUNMO

    (Still asking “What does it all add up to?”*)

    Early wayfarer

    Whose feet knew the language

    Of the roadside grass

    Scion of the Upland Stock

    Who never feared the fire

    Of the climbing sun

    Born to count daylight dreams

    In digits of fleeting moments

    Unfazed by the curious calculus

    Of  numbers and fluttering figures

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    Wonder led to Knowledge,

    Knowledge to Wisdom,

    As you divined your way

    Through Ifa’s mathe-magical  divinations

    With polyvalent prowess

    And uncommon profundity 

    You surprised our questing universe

    With rainbow stars

    And  countless  gifts

    What is Life if not

    An endless chain of

    Plusses and ceaseless minuses?

    Deep, doughty, diligent

    Patient, fair, unfailingly humane

    Born to think, born to count

    Forty long years since

    Here we are, still asking

    “What does it all add up to”?

    A riff on the title of Professor Olubunmo’s  1984  Valedictory Lecture at the University of Ibadan.

  • Genocide: CAN needs doctrinal rethink

    Genocide: CAN needs doctrinal rethink

    On November 19, United States lawmaker, Congressman Riley M. Moore, issued a statement after his meeting with a Nigerian delegation led by National Security Adviser (NSA) Nuhu Ribadu over President Donald Trump’s controversial redesignation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern. A day later the US congressional hearing on Nigeria took place. Chaired by Chris Smith, Mr Moore was also present. After his meeting with Mr Ribadu, Mr Moore declared: “Today, I had a frank, honest, and productive discussion with senior members of the Nigerian government regarding the horrific violence and persecution Christians face and the ongoing threat terrorism poses across Nigeria. I made it crystal clear that the United States must see tangible steps to ensure that Christians are not subject to violence, persecution, displacement, and death simply for believing in our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.”

    Sounding a little conciliatory, weeks after shouting himself hoarse over the persecution of Christians in Nigeria, he added: “We stand ready to work cooperatively with Nigerians to help their nation combat the terrorism perpetrated by Boko Haram, ISWAP, and Fulani militants against their population, specifically Christians in the Northeast and Middle Belt regions of Nigeria. The Nigerian government has the chance to strengthen and deepen its relationship with the United States. President Trump and Congress are united and serious in our resolve to end the violence against Christians and disrupt and destroy terrorist groups within Nigeria. I urge the Nigerians to work with us in cooperation and coordination on this critical issue.”

    From all indications, except something goes wrong, the Americans might strike a tentative deal with Nigeria to stave off the ‘guns-a-blazing’ attack President Trump promised if there was no let up on the ‘genocide’ against Christians in Nigeria. Included in the delegation were Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, NSA and Leader of the Delegation; Her Excellency, Bianca Ojukwu, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Kayode Egbetokun, Inspector General of Police; Chief Lateef Olasunkami Fagbemi, SAN – Attorney General of the Federation; General Olufemi Olatunbosun Oluyede , Chief of Defence Staff; Lt. Gen. EAP Undiendeye, Chief of Defence Intelligence; Ms. Idayat Hassan, Special Adviser to ONSA; Ambassador Ibrahim Babani , Director of Foreign Relations, ONSA; Ambassador Nuru Biu, Acting CDA, Embassy of Nigeria; Paul Alabi, Political and Economic Section, Embassy of Nigeria in the US. Did the delegation persuade the Americans to exercise restraint? It is unlikely. They probably only managed to sow seeds of doubt in the heart of Mr Moore regarding the efficacy of any attack by the US.

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    Central to the discourse at the US congressional hearing were the depositions of the US Christian community and their Nigerian allies who continued to harp on their conviction that the killings in particularly the Middle Belt of Nigeria were genocidal in intent. But here, precisely is where the problem lies. Because of years of campaigning for the US to intervene in the matter, the Nigerian Christian community may have inadvertently precipitated an American cause of action they can’t influence one way or the other. A few weeks ago, Mr Trump gave what amounted to an ultimatum to Nigerian leaders to rein in the ‘genocidal’ attacks or face military action of undetermined severity. The American threat has predictably caused uproar. While some Nigerians wondered how American bombs would discriminate between Christian innocents and non-terrorist Muslims, the Christian community in both the US and Nigeria have appeared to be relieved that at last, help was on the way.

    However, the relieved in the Christian communities are divided into two categories. While some hope that the American threat would not proceed beyond mere threat but would ginger Nigeria into discernible action against the terrorists, and have spoken gingerly about their expectations, a second group, but probably fewer in number, appears indifferent to a shooting war between the superior American arms and the archaic arms of terror masterminds. Given the massive haemorrhaging they have endured from those who have murdered Christians and taken their lands, especially in the Middle Belt, both Christian groups are dead set against sustaining the status quo of flimsy action. The problem, however, is that gradually and perhaps imperceptibly, the doctrinal foundations regarding violence in the defence of their faith may be changing due to the frustrations Christians experience in getting their government to act decisively against rampaging killers. The early church, who were more persecuted than the modern church, reposed no faith whatsoever in violence of any kind, either from within their ranks or from outsiders, against their enemies. Is their methodology still relevant in the modern era where dividing lines have been blunted by globalisation, culture wars, and the sweeping and often anarchic generalisations of the social media?

    The modern church is, therefore, in a quandary over whether to support the retaliatory and deterrent killing of their persecutors or to face the unfathomable existential dilemma of waiting to be wiped out and dispossessed. If they vote for the former, they face the harrowing task of providing new and probably unscriptural doctrinal justifications for their choice. That task, given their history, will not be easy. In fact that task has been made doubly onerous by seeking a champion in Mr Trump who has neither the history nor the grace for moderation. Indeed, seeking American intervention might in some ways be interpreted as an indirect admission of losing faith in the power of Christ to save His church. But perhaps, the Middle Belt knows that the battles in the Middle Belt between the natives who are predominantly Christians and Fulani militias who are predominantly Muslims is all about land wars for which the cry of Christian genocide has become a resonating global mobilisation tool.

  • Probe every security breach, abduction

    Probe every security breach, abduction

    Kebbi State governor Nasir Idris has been livid over the abduction of some 25 schoolgirls from a government school in Maga community in Zuru Emirate. He was angry that despite being tipped off about the impending attack, the security agencies could still not prevent the crime. Worse, according to him, the manner of the abduction reeked of conspiracy. He said: “As a responsive government, when we received intelligence on a possible attack, we summoned a security meeting…The security agencies assured us that all was well and that personnel would be mobilised to the school…The military was deployed, but they later withdrew by 3 am, and by 3:45 am, the incident happened…Who authorised the military to withdraw? How did security personnel pull out at such a critical time? That is our concern. We have asked the military to investigate and identify who gave that order…Our duty as leaders is to ensure that our daughters return home safely, and we are doing everything possible to achieve that…What is happening in this country shows that enemies are working against this government.”

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    The governor’s allegation should be probed. In fact, every case of abduction should be probed to rule out conspiracies and collaborations. While it is true that security personnel are spread dangerously thin everywhere, an indication that the country’s security paradigm is unworkable, it does not necessarily preclude the possibility of conspiracy. On the heels of the tragic execution of a brigade commander in the Sambisa sector of the Northeast during counterinsurgency operations, incidents that smell of conspiracy need to be investigated in order to reassure Nigerians that the security agencies have not turned on themselves. Dealing with the enemy without is far better than dealing with the enemy within. The loss of a brigade commander, Musa Uba, and the Maga abduction should be investigated.

  • US congressional hearing exposes Nigeria

    US congressional hearing exposes Nigeria

    Last week’s United States congressional hearing on Nigeria has exposed the African country’s nakedness. Testimony after testimony showed a country that has for more than a decade become paralysingly impotent to tackle its existential crisis. What came out of the testimonies is a Nigeria at war with itself, a war ventilated through cracks such as climate pressures, ethnic disharmony, constitutional failures, religious intolerance, and selective law enforcement, among other reasons. It was a relief that at the end, the congress was split over what to do with Nigeria. The threat of bombing Nigeria may have temporarily receded, and even the shrill congressman Riley Moore may have begun to entertain doubts about his own conclusions, but the nakedness of Nigeria was evident for everyone to see, and the picture was truly unflattering.

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    Nigeria was painted as inept, averse to tolerance and justice, and its security services polluted by collaborators and corrupt personnel. Apart from the open congressional hearing, only Mr Moore has disclosed what he discussed with Nigerian officials. No details have been published yet of the meeting with the Defence secretary, Pete Hegseth, or other top officials of the US State Department. In due course, the details or sketches will be known. From all indications, however, and despite Mr Trump’s continuing fierce rhetoric, the storm looks like it is over in terms of the US levying war on Nigeria. But the image painted before the global community of Nigeria allowing the killings to last for more than a decade is truly depressing and tragic. Much worse, by its inability to combat and defeat the extremists, the country has now found itself besieged, with dozens of schools shut indefinitely in many states, despite knowing where the extremists hibernate, and who their sponsors are.

    Yet, some Nigerian interest groups and officials remain defensive, unwisely and unproductively quibbling about the definition of genocide. US intervention was never a solution, and US boots on the ground would have been disastrous. But if the Nigerian authorities get a reprieve and yet fail to rein in entrenched religious, ethnic and political extremists, including closet fanatics in high places, the problem will persist, and one day, an outsider will intervene and possible trigger Nigeria’s disintegration. The congressional hearing and Mr Trump’s threats, particularly the repeated mention of rampaging Fulani militias, should encourage Nigerian leaders to tell themselves a few home truths and get to work to forge an equitable and just society. But given their defensiveness, prevarications, name-calling, and blame game, it is unclear the elite have learnt any lessons. It is either they are too incompetent to appreciate the dynamics of their existential crisis or they are too self-absorbed and parochial to care.  

  • Alarmingly, PDP goes for broke

    Fifth-rate politicians have taken over the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The party is now so fractured that no one is sure how many factions exist anymore. It began casually with three discernible factions before the 2023 elections, then grew to four some two years after, and is now feared to be about five or six factions, some of them so furtive that mutual suspicion is rife in the party. Those who converged on Ibadan on November 15 and reveled till the next day orchestrating what they freeheartedly described as an elective convention affirmed Kabiru Turaki as their chairman. Every other party position appears sinecure and surplus to requirement. Party chieftain Bode George, angry and opinionated as ever, and Oyo State governor Seyi Makinde inspired the revolt that produced Mr Turaki, a former Special Duties minister and senior advocate. Tired of pussyfooting over who were the legitimate leaders of the party, and exasperated by the knot that had shackled the party for years, they simply looked for a judicial sword and cut the restraints.

    Weeks before the convention, party chieftains were hopping from one court to another, until they had had enough. Now, in spite of themselves, their legal nightmares have just begun. It is feared that the party is irretrievably fractured. Perhaps. But there are many hardy perennials in the party who will not give up easily; and others who will go down fighting; and yet others who will make sheep’s eyes at the ruling party, hoping for a personal financial and political breakthrough. Admittedly the party was in a very bad spot, constrained by the chicaneries, or more accurately the intransigence, of former Rivers governor Nyesom Wike and his loyalists. For a party unwisely accustomed to breaking its own rules and hopping into bed with sundry political suitors, some of them dressed garishly in hideous robes, it was sadly not difficult to organise the kind of convention they put up in Ibadan two Fridays ago. Some of those who helped them organise the jamboree, including Plateau State governor Caleb Mutfwang and Adamawa State governor Umaru Fintiri, were appalled by the brazenness with which they sacked Mr Wike’s loyalists and enthroned the dour Mr Turaki.

    By the time they carried out the assault on the PDP Headquarters in Abuja days later, the apostasy in the party, not to say more factionalisation, was complete. The Wike amputation and the forcible coronation of Mr Turaki mean that mending the party fabric will now be more difficult than before. Not only will they become hopelessly mired in court cases, their depleted ranks will sap their spirit and send survivors scurrying for shelter wherever they can find it. Their only straw which they desperately clutch is the tenuous legitimacy the Ibadan convention conferred on Mr Turaki. But Mr Makinde, who almost singlehandedly inspired the convention and probably underwrote a significant portion of its budget, is not as charismatic as he pretends. Had he possessed the wit and élan, had he brought panache to his fights like the hated Mr Wike, had he acquired the fecundity for dissembling like Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP), he would have come out of the convention talced with leadership lavendar of the most exquisite composition.

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    It is not clear why the Makinde faction of the PDP settled for Mr Turaki; but they did, at great expense and at the risk of destroying the party. On the day their charge of the Wadata Plaza headquarters of the party came to nought, when their cavalry were stopped by violence and tear gas, Mr Makinde and Bauchi State governor Bala Mohammed stood grimly by as Mr Turaki made an ass of himself since his coronation barely a week earlier. Both governors winced as their new chairman made a plaintive appeal to the United States president Donald Trump to save Nigerian democracy. It was a momentous occasion, one which no one in this generation should ever miss. There he stood like a military officer who had just led his troops into an ambush and barely escaped with his life, asking the world’s most narcissistic, dictatorial and uncouth president to come rescue Nigeria from the grip of one-party rule. Was it a slip of tongue? Or had the tear gas still wafting in the air addled his brain and diminished his judgement? No one in the world, except this regular Rip van Winkle, goes to the American president seeking anything properly describable as democracy. No one, not Russia’s Vladimir Putin, nor the corpulent North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, would dare such antics even as a joke. But Mr Turaki, exhumed from some Neolithic crevices, dared.

    But someone exceeded all of them in political travesty: the hard talking Chief George. Given the role he played in the mass sacking of Mr Wike’s loyalists and the fracturing of the party, it is no wonder that he appeared drained thereafter, and has barely spoken a word since. Until enterprising reporters give us an account of how the decision was taken among the party’s panjandrums to do the mass sacking in the party leadership without recourse to either their own rules or the law, it can only be conjectured that Chief George was fully convinced that the Gordian knot restraining the party had to be brusquely cut. He was tasked with moving the motion for the decapitation, and he relished the assignment, especially being a former military officer. The job not only suited his unforgiving and tempestuous politics, it accorded with his frigid personality. He failed in Lagos PDP politics to stamp his authority and personality, and has never been known to keep an oath or his word. Fond of shooting first and asking questions later, and surrounded by obsequious party leaders, he led the troops to Golgotha without bothering about the consequences.

    It is hard for any Nigerian patriot to reconcile with the diminution of the PDP. The party never really had strategists, not even ones with half the talent of a failed coup plotter. Now they are proving to also lack thinkers, as Mr Tukur is showing so disapprovingly. At their rate of decline, they may soon discover that they will lack the men to help prosecute any electoral war. Hemmed in on all sides by incompetent and querulous men and women, and unable to free themselves from their straitjacket, they will soon join forces with those scheming by propaganda, abductions and subversion to undermine the APC administration.

  • Kanu: Southeast’s troubling view

    Kanu: Southeast’s troubling view

    It took about 10 riveting years and incompetent legal defence to earn the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) leader Nnamdi Kanu a life sentence. A Federal High Court in Abuja presided over by Justice James Omotosho handed down the sentence last week, ending years of legal rigmarole begun since his arrest in October 2015. IPOB itself was founded in 2012. While delivering his judgement, the judge said of Mr Kanu that “He remained arrogant, cocky, and full of himself without realising the magnitude of his crime and the effect of what he has done against his people in the south-east.” But moments after the sentencing, many notable members of the Southeast elite groaned that they were disappointed and had expected his crimes to be expiated by his freedom fight justifications. A day or so before the sentence was handed down, some 44 members of the House of Representatives acting under the aegis of Concerned Federal Lawmakers, mostly south-easterners, incomprehensibly asked the federal government to discontinue the case in favour of a political solution.

    Former senate president Adolphus Wabara decried the life sentence as unjust and tantamount to jailing the whole Igbo race, especially when some Boko Haram commanders had in contrast received lenient sentences. Foreign Affairs minister of state Bianca Ojukwu surprisingly groaned that the judgement was not the outcome they expected, indicating that she was saddened by how the whole affair ended. A political solution would be found, she whined. Some other south-eastern political elites and commentators have threatened electoral backlash should Mr Kanu remain in jail by the next elections. Former Anambra State governor Peter Obi ignored the juridical part of the Kanu affair and adopted sophistry suggesting that the arrest and trial should not have happened in the first instance. In sum, the dominant and vocal Southeast elite are behind Mr Kanu to a man and are unalterably opposed to his jailing. Those in favour of the outcome of the case, including the thousands of victims who suffered untold losses, are not only in the minority, their voices are muted. Given the prevalent mood in the Southeast, their voices will likely not be heard, going forward. Worse, they may even suffer some backlash.

    The resentment manifesting in the Southeast is a reflection of the curious logic expounded by their elite. They ignore the deaths and destructions, the economic losses, the trauma suffered by the region, and the dislocations. Instead, they focus on Mr Kanu himself, his charisma, his apparently disarming imperiousness, his legal and radio histrionics, and his boldness and claims of being a freedom fighter. Does the region really believe his story, especially his cartographic fantasies of including parts of Kogi, Benue and the entire South-South in Biafra? Having spread all over Nigeria transacting businesses of all kinds, thus transcending their spatial limitation, do the Igbo political and business elites really support self determination? The truth may never be known. But what is known at the moment is that Mr Kanu’s supporters compare the jailing of their freedom fighter, particularly what they describe as the harshness of his jail term, to how the so-called repentant and captured Boko Haram fighters have been treated. Sen. Wabara even persuaded himself to believe that Mr Kanu never projected violence. Indeed, those who have taken umbrage at his jailing appear to think that the collateral damage suffered by thousands of Igbo in the heat of IPOB campaigns makes the victims expendable and their blood desirable to be shed ‘to water the tree of liberty’.

    It is unclear why those who have bawled at alleged serial miscarriage of justice expected the judgement to favour Mr Kanu. In the strictest consideration of the law, and in every material particular, there was no way, even with the best defence, the IPOB leader would have been exculpated. But never one to let bad enough alone, he worsened his own case by repeatedly sacking his legal teams, and finally taking over his defence and botching it. Secondly, despite his personal failings, the weakness of his political cause, his promotion of indiscriminate violence, and his megalomaniacal inclination, it is shocking that someone as abusive and narcissistic like US president Donald Trump could be the darling of the Southeast elite. Has the region not suffered enough? Or do they think the cause of Biafra Mr Kanu claimed to be fighting could be divorced from his personality? Looking at the Southeast, the tragedy is not just the foibles of Mr Kanu but the irresponsibility of the regional elite. Had they sensibly read through Mr Kanu’s motives, and had they courageously defied him and his methods, the Southeast would have escaped the atavism he promoted and the tragic losses many Igbo families endured while Igbo-on-Igbo violence bled the region.

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    While nothing could exculpate Mr Kanu, given the weight of evidence before the court, the Southeast elite were justified to compare the treatment meted out to Mr Kanu with the mild treatment meted out to terrorists and bandits in the North. Since the outbreak of Boko Haram and later banditry, a powerful section of the northern elite has been supportive and even protective of their terrorists. They inspired an ill-conceived and ill-advised programme of deradicalisation and rehabilitation of so-called repentant Boko Haram fighters, while victims of insurgency enjoy incommensurate attention. And ultimately, they have seemed reluctant to promote or back measures that would lead to the extermination of the insurgents and bandits. Without saying so openly, the ham-handed manner the insurgents and bandits have been treated has given rise to the suspicion that the region sees the militants as a potential standing army for political purposes or projection of power in the event of a fight ensuing between warring ethnic groups for the soul and body of Nigeria. It is not unlikely that the Southeast reasons the same way. If there is any question or confusion about the ineffectiveness of the fight against banditry, insurgency and IPOB, the answer may be located in the special relationships the regional elites have formed with their militant groups.

    President Bola Tinubu has the unenviable job of presiding over a government whose members are still torn between the nation’s interest and ethnic, religious and primordial affinities. The case is so bad that some cabinet members’ loyalties cannot be assumed at a time the country is at war with itself. There are some powerful interests in the North sponsoring terrorism, sometimes due to economic/mineral resources interests. And there are also now clearly many powerful interests supporting Mr Kanu and what he represents, and who resent and defy the special treatment they believe the northern militants have received from powerful interests in and out of the federal government. These influential regional interests have given indications that their militants can be deployed during national elections for social, religious, political and territorial objectives. The Southwest remains a comparatively peaceful region today partly because its elite, after some initial hesitations, finally ensured that their incubating militants did not hatch. Time will tell whether they did right, or whether they have not become too complacent and liberal for their own existential good.

    Whether other regions outside the Southeast show outrage or not, the campaign to free Mr Kanu will acquire impetus in the coming weeks and months, especially as conjured stories of his treatment in jail get disseminated. Expect passions to be inflamed, as disgruntled regions synergise their efforts to render the Tinubu administration impotent. Abductions will become rife, rescue efforts will be stymied by sabotage, and great national distress will be fomented. But the Kanu affair will be nothing more than a symptom of a great underlying disease gnawing at the body politic. The main will thus disease require brilliant and radical measures to extirpate, assuming that the powerful and embedded interests in the country can be neutralised first.

  • TO MY FRIEND DON WHO HOPES TO BEA DACHSUND IN HIS NEXT LIFE

    TO MY FRIEND DON WHO HOPES TO BEA DACHSUND IN HIS NEXT LIFE

    (for Don Burness)

    There’s probably no friend

    more loyal than a dog

    It knows no envy

    harbours no hate

    Rigs no vote

    Robs no bank

    Runs no armoury

    Throws no bomb

    Builds no prison

    Precipitates no pogrom

    Yet

    Robbers use it

    To guard their loot

    Police deploy it

    In race riots

    It is valued meat

    In some places

    In others it is easy prey

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    For hungry gods…

    So

    My good friend

    If you plan to come back

    As a dog

    Make sure first of  all

    It will be in

    A truly kinder and gentler world

    The late poet, teacher, Africanist, and scholar without frontiers

  • Wike, Buratai and FCT land controversy

    Wike, Buratai and FCT land controversy

    Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister and former Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike, stirred up a hornets’ nest again last Tuesday in Abuja when he exchanged acrimonious words with a naval lieutenant standing sentry at a piece of land reportedly owned by former Naval chief Awwal Zubairu Gambo. Like the first batch of FCT officials sent to inspect the land but was barred, Mr Wike himself was also barred from gaining access to the property. The unseemly exchange between Mr Wike and the lieutenant, AM Yerima, has since become the butt of jokes on the internet and various social media platforms. The legal and ethical issues surrounding the bitter exchange are well known. But the consensus is that while the lieutenant and the presumed landowner might be wrong, and probably abridged due process in acquiring the land and keeping possession against the law, the minister himself had a duty to rein in his temper and speak civilly to the officer, and indeed not just to the military officer but to any landowner in line with the law governing land rights. It is, therefore, no use beating this dead horse.

    The problem, however, are the optics emanating from the Abuja land controversy. Former Chief of Army Staff Tukur Buratai, a retired lieutenant-general never once acclaimed for a cerebral take on civil-military issues, posted a short piece on social media demanding an apology from Mr Wike for insulting a soldier in uniform. To him, nothing else mattered, not even the casual ‘on the other hand’ of asking a question about the sense of deploying a naval lieutenant to guard a landed property belonging to a retired military officer. Believing that Mr Wike’s temperamental approach trumped every other thing and constituted a threat to national security, he wrote: “Mr Wike’s public disparagement of a uniformed officer of the Nigerian Armed Forces transcends mere misconduct; it represents a palpable threat to national security and institutional integrity. A minister’s verbal assault on a military officer in uniform is an act of profound indiscipline that strikes at the core of our nation’s command and control structure. It deliberately undermines the chain of command, disrespects the authority of the Commander-in-Chief, and grievously wounds the morale of every individual who serves under the Nigerian flag. Such actions erode the very foundation of discipline upon which our national security apparatus stands.”

    What bothered the former army chief was, however, not national security, for it is not clear how he managed to conflate the bad-tempered exchange between the minister and a naval officer as a danger to national security. What actually riles him is that he believes a soldier in uniform is superior to every other person, even if that soldier is acting unlawfully. He has conjured a myth in his mind about the superiority of the soldier in uniform and he feels injured by any civilian challenging it. The former army chief, and others like him who have spoken in similar vein, have managed to create a class structure that puts the soldier ahead of every other person. Had Gen. Buratai limited his comment to pointing out the rules and regulations, even laws, he believed Mr Wike violated, his contribution would have been considered informative, seasoned and dispassionate. But he exceeded himself, as he often does.

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    Retired and serving military officers who have commented on the matter have tried to make the exchange between the FCT minister and naval officer strictly one of a civilian minister speaking disrespectfully to a serving officer. But it goes far beyond that. Firstly, the exchange was just a symptom of all that has gone wrong with Nigeria, not the disease, nor the main issue. The exchange harks back to the unmanageable and increasingly painful history of civil-military relations in Nigeria, one whose roots are traceable to the colonial period. The colonialists, not to talk of more than 30 years of military rule, enthroned a culture that elevateed the soldier above everyone else, bastardised institutions, weakened laws, and turned the constitution into an ephemeral object. But it is a culture of often unearned privileges that is both difficult to embrace and sustain, not to talk of root out; a culture that explained but could not justify the brutality of military governments and their contemptuous disregard for the rule of law. Unlike Defence minister of state, Bello Matawalle, who came down unthinkingly in favour of the officer, Defence minister Mohammed Badaru caveated his support for the officer by suggesting that “Any officer on lawful duty will be protected highly. He is doing his job, and doing it greatly well.” The Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Olufemi Oluyede, reportedly admonished civil authorities to respect military officers on duty. But what duty, and what lawful order? Guarding a landed property? Was that a security establishment, or was the land a component of national security? The controversy may have in fact inadvertently unearthed decades of privileges enjoyed by retired military officers, which generals like Buratai are anxious to protect. The purported owner of the property, a retired naval chief, was undoubtedly aware of the controversy swirling around the property; that may be the reason he got the armed sentries deployed in that location.

    Secondly, Nigeria’s security agencies have become hopelessly inefficient in the deployment of service personnel. The police deploy thousands of their men in sentry duties and protection of very important persons, but continue to insist they need more men. The system has repeatedly obliged them without auditing the men they already have or asking how they are deployed. Of course, the police personnel will never be enough; it is a bottomless pit. In the same fashion, too many military personnel are either posted to police duties all over the country or deployed in guard duties for the generals, sometimes in shocking numbers. In the midst of war in at least four regions of the country, the military could afford to post a number of its men led by a special forces naval lieutenant to protect a piece of land against the rules and regulations of the FCT land administration, and against the law. How this atrocious anomaly does not unnerve the military, and how officers who have sided with the young and intrepid lieutenant in the controversy do not appear to care what other countries think of how Nigeria deploys its service personnel, is beyond comprehension. It is clear that senior military officers have cheapened their men, cheapened the service, and have little understanding of how a people’s army should be constituted. It is truly disturbing that some senior military officers are unbothered by the humiliation and paradox of a naval officer guarding a plot of land owned by a retired officer.

    In May 2024, soldiers shut down Banex Plaza, a shopping complex located at Wuse 2 in Abuja, over a dispute with traders alleged to have sold a defective phone to a soldier. The soldiers complained that in the process of sorting out the misunderstanding they were manhandled by some traders and hoodlums. The plaza was not opened until the police acting in concert with the Department of State Service (DSS) inspired a peace deal that eventually led to the apprehension of two persons. The apprehended men were not handed over to the police but to the military in violation of the laws of the land. What was remarkable about the Banex Plaza illegality was the justification provided by a former Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Lucky Irabor. Insisting that it was unacceptable to attack a soldier, he said: “This applies to any uniformed person for as long as he is an agent of the state. An attack on him is an attack on the state, so any Nigerian of goodwill must condemn such an act. For me, I join to support the closure of Banex Plaza for as long as it takes to have anyone responsible for that dastardly act brought to justice. This is because if we fail to do so, we will be calling for anarchy. The only men who are sacrificing their lives to ensure our collective good are members of the armed forces, the police, and other security agencies.”

    This is specious reasoning at its worst. It shows how pervasive the appalling idea of subordinating the constitution to the military has become among military men and some civilians. Perhaps they should be made to reflect on the story of countries which have become failed states because the law and constitution were held in contempt by the powerful.

    It did not occur to the former CDS that no one, no matter how highly placed or armed, should ever resort to self-help. Not only was the plaza shut down for a week without a court order or even the involvement of the police legally and constitutionally empowered to handle such matters, the shop at the centre of the fracas was kept shut until two men were apprehended. It is, therefore, not surprising that naval personnel barricaded a landed property in flagrant violation of the law, and all some retired generals could point at was Mr Wike’s incivility. What of the law itself? And what of the propriety of spurning the procurement of the right documentation for the property? And what of the global image of Nigeria? Gen. Irabor has of course weighed in again on the Abuja land controversy dispute by justifying his unhelpful view of the imperious manner the military responds to civil matters. Clearly, Nigeria does not appear to have the ambition of building a world-class military, but a military of privileges, rank and false heroism.

    Mr Wike is not loved by a record number of Nigerians despite his performance and record as a governor and minister. He is sometimes acerbic and unorthodox, his methods often rankling very badly. But he was more right on the land issue than the naval officer. This matter will, from all indications, blow over because it is really just so much silly sound and fury signifying nothing. But Mr Wike must now be aware that even if an official is right, the redress must be carried out in such a way that it does not compromise the integrity of his case. More importantly, the FCT minister must have suspected that he is hated more for his support for President Bola Tinubu than for his short fuse. They see him as the man at the centre of weakening the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the man whose political manoeuvres significantly impacted the 2023 presidential poll. In addition, his efforts to sanitise the Abuja master plan is unlikely to win him friends in a country and capital city where impunity has become second nature, and where military men and security agents all pull rank on anyone not in uniform. He, therefore, has a duty to think twice, in spite of himself, before he talks and acts, knowing full well that whatever he does will be used against him, the president and the All Progressives Congress (APC). This curious animosity will get worse as the APC continues to outmanoeuvre the opposition and try to make the 2027 polls a foregone conclusion.

  • Finding a cure for madness

    Finding a cure for madness

    Perhaps the most important aspect of writing a weekly column is to retain relevance throughout the period of its existence. Your readers deserve to come away with something tangible from reading any of your articles as this is the only way that they would come back week after week to share a few minutes with you. This does not mean that they would always take sides with your argument. Indeed, if this is one of your motives for writing then, you are bound to be disappointed if only because your readers arrive at your column with many different perspectives and there is no way that you can give satisfaction to all your visitors. You can only try but, no matter how hard you try, the thought must always be at the back of your mind that all you write will sooner or later  find its way to a rubbish dump both physically and figuratively, no matter how hard you try. And yet your primary focus must be to give some measure of room to your readers, to complete a circle of trust within which you derive the authority with which you command the attention of those who take the trouble to bring themselves up to date with the current state of your mind.

    When I turned my mind to writing this week’s edition of this column, my first inclination was to continue where I left off last week in my discussion of the current dire situation of academia in Nigeria. After all, whatever relevance I have cannot be separated from my academic career. Whatever the colour of my academic experience however, I cannot expect everyone to share my enthusiasm or interest in that subject, especially in the light of recent developments all around us. Midway through the first paragraph which was to launch my discussion on the travails of contemporary Nigerian lecturers, I found that my mind had strayed into fields of other pressing issues stirring the hearts and minds of the great Nigerian public to the virtual exclusion of everything else, except of course, the issue of the pressing matter of settling the issue of keeping body and soul together. In the interest of satisfying my readers I have therefore chosen to pivot to what I can only describe as a more exciting field of interest this week.

    I remember with startling distinction, the horror I felt that day, it was a Saturday, when I read in a newspaper that the leader of the Boko Haram group (or sect) had, to use contemporary description, been neutralised whilst in what should have been safe custody of the Nigerian Police. There was a time during the civil war when the term wasted was used to describe such an act. However, whichever way we care to say it, the man had been summarily executed and I knew quite instinctively that grave consequences were bound to follow that extrajudicial murder. What I had no way of knowing at the time was the quantum of the mayhem with which we were going to have to cope with, a decade and a half down the line. So many years of our discomfiture have passed and a huge deluge of dirty water has flowed under the bridge since then. And yet, the only thing we are clear about at this time is that our collective suffering over this matter, however painful it has been, is very far from over. The intensity has increased past fever pitch from time to time. It is no wonder that it has flared up recently and begun to raise our temperature in the manner of a herpes attack. The sad thing about herpes is that it is incurable. It comes and goes unpredictably but it is always there waiting to remind the sufferer of its maddening presence. Boko Haram and other related off shoots of this group have inserted themselves

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    with murderous intent into the very soul of our country. Curing it is presenting the level of difficulty associated with curing cancer. It cannot be done without inflicting a great deal of pain on the patient. Even after going through the terrible pain associated with this attempt at a cure, there is no guarantee that the attempt, any attempt at a cure, is eventually successful.

    One of the phrases trending these days and one from which you cannot get away is that you cure madness with madness. The madness of insurgence, whatever its form, can only be cured with the madness of high intensity military action, a form of insurgence on its own. The people responsible for our current troubles answer to many names; Fulani herdsmen, kidnappers, plain old fashioned terrorists, bandits and the odd armed robbers who operate within urban spaces. Their activities have made nonsense of our security and are now in a position to dictate terms to the government of Nigeria. In other words, they have left our sovereignty in utter ruins. Long gone are the days when our roads, all of them, in different parts of the country could be traversed with confidence at any time of day and night. This brings back to my mind a journey I made from Ife which ended in Kano at 3.30 am in Kano. Even as we made our lonely way through that dark night not once did any fear of danger cross my mind. That was in 1998, a date which has now been completely swallowed up in the murky mist of time.

    Gone also are the days when going to the farm to till the compliant soil was just part of everyday living. Now, farmers carrying on their calling in any part of the country, even those very far from the active theatre of insurrection have become members of a seriously endangered species. They are hunted down like vermin and their farms systematically looted and turned into sterile spaces where only sadness grows. When will the government, responsible for our collective security, dredge up the madness with which to cure the madness of those people who think that their madness is a ticket to some fantastic paradise. A massive time bomb is ticking in this respect.

    The threat of societal collapse in the face of the madness which has been unleashed on the country is a common factor which binds the disparate groups involved in undermining the sovereignty of Nigeria together. Another crucial factor they have in common is their stated allegiance to the Muslim faith and this is a complication which we could deal without. The vast majority of Muslims in this country have not been inflicted with the madness of insurgency but have not been spared the pain of the violence dealt out by some of the adherents of their faith. As a matter of fact, it may even be true to say that because the area of operations for these insurgents are inhabited mainly by Muslims, they are the primary victims of this madness. However, the equation is further complicated in those areas of majority Christian inhabitants. These people stand nakedly vulnerable to this mad situation and the charge of genocide or at least ethnic cleansing has has become increasingly difficult to refute. In some parts of the world this charge has become irrefutable and this has precipitated the furore which has gripped the nation in the last couple of weeks and continues to reverberate through it, picking up an unhealthy head of steam with every passing day. According to Donald Trump, the self proclaimed strong man of the United States and also the self appointed policeman to the world, he has ordered his sidekick in the so called Department of War to develop plans for the invasion of Nigeria. He has made it clear that this decision had been taken in the light of his determination to rescue Nigerian Christians from the hell that Nigeria has become.

    Quite predictably, this announcement has gathered a great deal of interest within the country. It is generating a great deal of heat but very little light and heating up the polity to no discernable purpose. It is however important to point out that it is wishful thinking for us to look up to foreigners, least of all, any American of whatever hue or stripe, to prepare and administer what would be a magic potion with which to cure the madness with which we are now afflicted. This is a home grown affliction which requires a local remedy for any expectations of an eventual cure to be entertained.

  • More on Trump declaring Nigeria ‘Country of Particular Concern’

    More on Trump declaring Nigeria ‘Country of Particular Concern’

    As I ended this column last Sunday, I write again: “the President owes it a duty to peace – loving Nigerians, to first rein in these enemies within, no matter their status or how untouchable they consider themselves”.

    This has become of considerable importance now that he has to dispel the unverified, trending video of a Northern Lady, who claimed she refused an appointment, early in his presidency because he said he cannot fight sponsors of terrorism in the North as doing so would eventuate in his being killed.

    My instant reaction to that balderdash was that this would certainly not be the doughty Ashiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu I have known for well over two decades.

    Today I go further into what I described as the predisposing factors for the mercurial and egocentric U.S President Donald Trump declaring Nigeria a Country of Particular Concern whereas in truth, both Christians and Muslims are being Killed in Nigeria’s orgy of unrelenting bloodletting in the North of the country where, by far, too many Christian communities had been deliberately targeted for annihilation and expulsion from their ancestral lands.

    To do this, as is fast becoming my wont, I re- publish below, an article that was first published here in 2021 titled:

    Insecurity In Nigeria Can Become History If The Buhari Government Is Sincere In Fighting It

    Happy reading.

    The chicken has, indeed, come home to roost. I have always known that the predominantly, mono – thought process underpinning the Buhari administration, majorly a result of his North- centric appointments into critical areas of government, was bound, sooner or later, to impact Nigeria negatively. The evidence is all over the place:  that the monopoly a  particular culture – one that believes that an elder cannot / should not, be controverted on any issue, was going to have its consequences. This is the same culture that made the North an arid zone for newspapering for a very long time in the region. Other than the New Nigerian, Newspapers die off as soon as they were established because there were simply too many cultural taboos.

    This situation worsened by the coming to power, of the awe- inspiring persona of President Muhammadu Buhari. All over Nigeria, at least  until he became president and began to show a seemingly unquenchable love of the North over the others, he was massively loved and respected.

    Indeed, more than being respected, he was lionised as a highly principled military General who, unlike many of his compeers, was not tainted with corruption.

    When the highly respected Tai Solarin came up with the allegation of some  stolen oil money, Nigerians so disbelieved it had anything to do with Buhari until Pa Solarin confessed that it was a mere molue (public transport) gossip.

    Such was General Buhari’s incandescent honesty and widespread respect then. Indeed, both when Boko Haram named him one of its representatives at negotiations with the federal  governmenr and  when he led a Miyetti Allah delegation to the Oyo state governor, Lam Adesina, to protest on behalf of Fulani herdsmen,  most Nigerians believed  that it was  those groups – Boko Haram and Miyetti Allah – which wanted  to profit from his huge profile; a profile that was fast approaching that of a god, nationwide.

    Unfortunately, these past six years have so reduced this halo to only within his government circle where happenings in the country suggest that people closest to him are too respectful of him, if not overwhelmed by his persona, to offer him any good advice.

    Nothing affirms the truism of the diminution of how the president was held, pre office, more than bandits going to    his home state of Katsina to kidnap school children who would not be freed from the kidnappers’ embrace until two weeks later, and after hundreds of millions of naira must have been paid in ransom.

    And to resolve the problem, President Buhari must have assembled an entirely Northern group, probably all Muslims, military and civilian.

    Even if he has been magnanimous enough to involve  his entire security council, the group would have been more than 80 per cent Northern – that same group that not only think alike  but are culturally forbidden to oppose their elders.

    According to the Report of  The Chinua Achebe Foundation Research Project on Fulani Herdsmen, “Most Nigerian Fulanis are no longer migratory herdsmen. They are either Emirs, Sultans, heads of parastatals, oil barons, Imams, Christian Pastors, Governors, Federal Reps and Senators. However, they all maintain their cultural ownership of cattle. These wealthy Nigerians increase their wealth astronomically through cattle rearing by using their not well off brothers, impoorted from outside Nigeria, to rear these cattle. Instead of investing in ranches or buying of grasses from the South, they chose the cheaper alternative of having their kinsmen, imported from outside the country, arm them with AK 47’s, and order them to take these cattles from the north to the south seasonally. For these people, the entire Nigerian space is their “grass kingdom”.These cattle, in turn, destroy farms on their path, rendering farmers economically bankrupt to further enrich the wealthy Fulani “remote herders”.

    All these, under the Buhari administration, and probably now, under President Tinubu, with no security agent – military or police – bold enough to question them.

    What the above shows is that non – Fulani Nigerians are wrongly accusing poor Fulani herders of all the criminalities they commit whereas the various cattle owners mentioned above are the real troublers of Nigeria, the reason the President simply has no interest in solving  the  massive insecurity problem caused by these people.

    This is why they attack in hundreds on motor cycles, kill in scores but with a single one of these terrorists, never arrested nor tried.

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    Indeed, in the one case tried, the victim, who barely escaped before he eliminated the Fulani herdsman terrorist, was sentenced to death in a case that went up to the Supreme court.

    I was not surprised when I heard Human rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), say that security agencies were informed of the killings in Igangan, Ibarapa North Local Government Area of Oyo State, over a week before the attack but that nothing was done by the Nigerian security.

    I was not surprised, thanks to the same research of the Chinua Achebe Foundation which took the team to the

    “Ama Hausa and Garki” camps in both Enugu and Abia States where they  interviewed neighbors from the local communities living within and around the Hausa communities in both states. They affirmed that  both the Northerners and the local community were very open and volunteered valuable information to their team.

    Below is how the report captured a typical Fulani herdsmen attack:

    “Fulani Herdsmen Attack”:.

    We learned from the surrounding communities and from some of the Hausa elders about what constitutes a Fulani herdsmen attack. According to information we received, when there is a disagreement between host communities, or between herdsmen and farmers, the Fulani herdsmen who accompany the cattle will locate the nearest Fulani settlement and if there is none, they will locate the nearest Garki or Ama Hausa. When they arrive, they will narrate their story. The Fulani (Nigerian middlemen) cattle managers will notify their top Fulani Herdsmen which in this case, include governors and other top Fulani top officers who own the cattle. 

    A decision will be made about whether there should be an attack or not on the said village or host community. If an attack is sanctioned, then modalities will be mapped out and a date will be chosen for the attack. Most times, Fulani herdsmen in the military and police are notified and everyone sends a representative. Neighboring settlements sends out representatives and arms cache are opened and arms are distributed to the participants. The major participants are the 20 to 40 Fulani herdsmen who reside in the Garkis and Ama Hausas. These are the Fulani warriors whose job is to kill.

    During an attack, every Fulani person in the area knows there will be an attack and all will contribute to make sure it goes on successfully. Fulanis in the higher levels of the military will ensure all commands under them stand down, and the top Fulani police officers will do the same. The road is then clear for the Fulani herdsmen to carry out their attacks.,

    Based on the findings from which they understood that the attacks are never carried out by the herdsmen we see escorting cattle on the roads and bushes, but are well coordinated and  most times sanctioned by very influential Northerners,  nearly  all of  them, herd owners.

    The Foundation proposed the following solution:

    “Many of those who interacted with us suggested solutions that are very interesting. Most of the northern Hausas and the local communities suggested a ban on grazing in the affected states. A total ban would be the only way to solve this problem. Some argued that with the Fulanis’ nature of encroaching on other people’s land and territories, any attempt to give them land would aggravate the problem and not solve it.

    Most villagers from Abia State suggested that these cattle be penned in the north while government releases money for people in the South to cut grasses, process the grass, and send to the north. This is the practice all over the world. They indicated that any attempt to take their lands and give to the Fulani would definitely result to a civil war.

    We agree, the solution is very simple; ban grazing, establish ranches for the cattle in the north, pay the southerners to harvest grass and send to the north. With this, everyone would be pleased with the outcome. This solution is expected to generate 1 million jobs in the South and about 500,000 jobs in the North. Also Fulani herdsmen terror will be totally eliminated”.

    The correlation between this 2021 article and President Trump’s threat of an attack on Nigerian killers, not Nigerians, is that nothing has changed between then and now, whether they were protecting their herd or killing and running Christians away from their ancestral homes.

    Otherwise the likes of Sheik Gumi, who is in and out of these killers’ lairs would long have been run out of town, and our prisons would, by now, be crawling with concicted terrorists as well as their sponsors, at least those ones criminally  protected from trial by President Buhari and his attorney – General after they had been convicted and sent to Nigeria by the UAE.

    The lesson of all these is that to solve the menace of insecurity and  avoid constant external embarrassment, the Nigeran government must put its house in order.