Category: Sunday

  • ORUKU TINDI TINDI (1)

    ORUKU TINDI TINDI (1)

    Oruku tindi tindi

    Oruku indi tindi

    These songs to the rain

    Which fall without touching the ground

    The quenchless furnace

    In the throat of the sun

    Oruku tindi tindi

    To the Road which runs and runs

    On its endless track

    Its slender elbows

    Shoeless feet and graceful gallops

    Oruku tindi tindi

    To the thickset courage

    Of the noontime shadow

    When the sun sits in the centre

    Of its imperial throne

    Oruku tindi tindi

    To the priceless gold-splash

    Of a tropical sunset

    Its sudden advent, the generous

    Tranquility of homing skies

    Oruku tindi tindi

    To the protean peregrinations

    Of a well-appointed proverb

    The sagacious idiocy of the idiom

    The awe in the aura

    Oruku tindi tindi

    Oruku tindi tindi

  • Obasanjo’s powder keg

    Obasanjo’s powder keg

    After itching for weeks to rekindle his long-standing animus against President Bola Tinubu, ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo finally got his chance in a keynote address he delivered last Monday in Abuja at the public presentation of a book entitled “Reclaiming the Jewel of Africa”, written by a former Industry, Trade and Investment minister, Olusegun Aganga. Though he tried to hide his displeasure under a plethora of development theories and affected patriotism, his anger was still obvious enough. And so, too, was his eternal self-righteousness, bits and joules of which erupted in every other paragraph. It is unlikely he thought his audience dim-witted enough not to know who he tried to scald in his address. No, he knows; and for good measure he conveyed much of his sarcasms and disdain for the incompetence of his successors in uproarious hyperbole.

    Ignore his sweeping warning that Nigeria was ‘sitting dangerously’ on a powder keg (or his keg of gunpowder), and don’t fret over psychoanalysing him, for no book was ever more open or plain to a college student than when he lets go at his enemies or betters. Instead, limit your reading of his address to the mere and trite postulations he gives about the Nigerian condition, a condition he spent eight years of his presidency either avoiding, evading, or redefining. So unsuccessful was Chief Obasanjo at appreciating the Nigerian condition that he schemed for another term, or an abridged two or three years extra, to complete the ‘good’ work he claimed he started. His sanctimoniousness is unexampled. In his address read virtually, he dated the Nigerian morass to merely the past 15 years or so – in other words, the past three terms involving the presidencies of Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari, two men he obliquely concluded, without mentioning their names, lacked the depth, if not gumption, to preside over Nigeria.

    His central postulation, apart from his self-righteous boast of discovering and projecting some of the ‘finest’ public servants Nigeria has ever known, is that his successors were compounding the people’s misery by their ineptitude and thoughtlessness. Said he: “We do not need to look far for the remote causes of banditry, Boko Haram, kidnapping and other organised crimes. We are living dangerously on a keg of gunpowder, driving more people into poverty through good policies poorly and thoughtlessly implemented or bad policy and no policy at all.” The devil is of course in the detail. His past statements skewered President Buhari’s policies, a man he publicly declared lacked the capacity to appreciate economic policies. As for Dr Jonathan, he thought him too undisciplined to be of any good, declaring pompously on one occasion that he could help a man get a job, but he could not help him do the job. To all intents and purposes, his ‘good policies poorly and thoughtlessly implemented’ appears to be directed at his nemesis, President Tinubu. The ‘bad policy and no policy at all’ are probably directed at two previous presidents. Chief Obasanjo is kind. He does not speak ill of the dead, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua whom he foisted on the country. Had he spoken ill of the latter, he knew he would have been blamed. So, having cleared the deck, it is fitting to take a little closer look at Chief Obasanjo’s depositions.

    Three examples should suffice from his address. Firstly, he says, “Over the last 63 years, we have not lived up to expectations. We have disappointed ourselves; we have disappointed Africa; we have disappointed the black race; and we have disappointed the world.” He is at least generous here. In talking about the last 63 years, he includes himself, even though he was to later zero in on the past 15 years or so. By dating the Nigerian disappointment to all of 63 years, and knowing him for who he is, not to talk of his indirect references to his main targets, he is in effect saying that his predecessors and successors have been totally inept. But perhaps this writer’s conclusion about his motives is harsh. Perhaps he really means that every Nigerian leader since 1960 till the present has been a disappointment. But he had eight years, two unbroken terms, and tons of goodwill to rebuild the foundation of Nigeria and its democracy in 1999. Not only did he assume office without being apprised of the constitution he was to rule by, he left that constitution untouched until his tenure was about to expire, a poor proselyte who loved homilies.

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    Secondly, having judged everyone except himself a failure, Chief Obasanjo goes on to explain why. In his opinion, “We are carried along by ego and emotion of self, selfishness and self-centeredness, ethnic and religious jingoism, with total lack of understanding of the world we live in and gross misunderstanding of what development entails and how to move fast and continuously on the trajectory of development.” This statement is so sensational that it should not merit any attention. But, it comes from an egotist who ruled Nigeria for two terms and supposedly laid the foundations for the Fourth Republic. He is clever to include, in his list of national faults, ‘ethnic and religious jingoism’. Great. Chief Obasanjo presumes himself to be free of the vice of ethnic jingoism, when in reality, his Yoruba kinsmen, discounting the controversy over his origins, presume him not to be their kinsman. They suggest he harbours a visceral dislike for his kinsmen and has repeatedly bent over backwards, given his opinion of the late sage Obafemi Awolowo, and now President Tinubu, to try to justify his ethnic neutrality and inclusivity. At bottom, however, other less noble factors are at play. Worse, it is shocking that, going by his politics, not to say his rule as a military dictator, he fails to see how he indicts himself of the ‘egotism, emotionalism, selfishness and self-centredness’ he ladles against his foes.

    Thirdly, he speaks of all-round development being contingent upon peace and security, and peace and security in turn being contingent upon justice, equity and inclusive society. Sometimes Chief Obasanjo can’t stop being didactic. If he was so adept at establishing causations, it is baffling that his administration failed woefully to profit from his own counsel. His party, the platform the military used to gift him the presidency, groaned under the weight of the injustice he perpetrated against his party leaders and governors through dethronements and impeachments. He was consummate at formulating simplistic ethical foundations for his actions, and then proceeding, against law and common sense, to act brusquely against his enemies, and sometimes even against his friends. Justice? He was averse to it; or when it mocks him, indifferent to it; and it is doubtful whether his years out of office had afforded him the impetus for any kind of introspection. This is why his books contribute little to knowledge but are instead geared superficially towards self-promotion.

    And finally, and perhaps the most judgemental of all, Chief Obasanjo talks of people being driven into poverty as a result of ‘good policies poorly and thoughtlessly implemented, or bad policy and no policy at all’. This is an omnibus statement that ropes in all past and present rulers. It is hard to know what to make of this. The former president may have in mind the naira exchange policy and the fuel subsidy removal, among other policies. Indeed, he may have included the issue of ‘bad policy and no policy at all’ just to make up the number and make it seem as if he had no one in mind. He is itching to write his customary letters excoriating his successors and pontificating on grave national issues, and added to the fact that there has been no love lost between him and President Tinubu, he has felt obligated to find a way to steal a march on his arch enemy. The former president has seldom felt the nobler obligation to help with productive counsel; instead, he smothers his inferiors and betters with sermons that portray him as the best president ever. Though he poses as a democrat, he unsuccessfully tried to abort the poll count in February. He has also tried to instigate mass action, but his foot soldiers are clumsy, hesitant and fatalistic. If the circumstances of the people do not improve in the next few months, trust him to scream, scratch and fight with all gloves off.

    Niger Republic coup challenge

    As the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) dithered over the Mali coups of 2012, 2020, and 2021 as well as the 2022 coup in Burkina Faso and the 2021 coup in Guinea, coups began to regain their fascination with soldiers. The common denominator in all the coups is the insecurity posed by Jihadi groups. But closely leashed to the insecurity issue is poor governance exacerbated by poverty and France’s overbearing financial meddlesomeness in Francophone West Africa.

    In the last ECOWAS meeting in Guinea Bissau early this month, President Tinubu denounced the region’s penchant for coups, insisting it was hurting the economies of their various countries. And in Kenya less than two weeks later at an African Union (AU) forum, he also warned of the need to resist a fresh scramble for Africa. But shortly after the Niger Republic coup last week, Russia’s Wagner mercenary group congratulated the coupists and offered help. Wagner is already in Mali helping the fight against insurgency, and hoping to replace France entirely. Russia, it turns out, is also interested in Africa, and has played its cards through Yevgeny Prigozhin’s mercenary group.

    ECOWAS may be considering the use of force. It is not clear how that can work or, after the costly and unprofitable adventure of ECOMOG in Liberia and Sierra Leone, whether the region can muster the resources to deploy in Niger, Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso. The complicated political economies of West Africa suggest that ECOWAS must carefully weigh its options. Imposing sanctions, which has been done desultorily, have not really worked; and deploying force could complicate the problem. Niger Republic coupists, for instance, gave the insurgencies in Mali and Burkina Faso, which has negatively impacted their country, as the reason for their coup.

    Any regional initiative that does not include measures to mitigate poverty, mitigate France’s financial castration of those countries, and design countermeasures against insurgencies proliferating in the region will be problematic. The problem is complex, and as Mali’s shortsighted military takeover in 2012 which gave fillip to Tuareg rebellion showed, coups are not the answer either. President Tinubu has mounted the ECOWAS throne at a very difficult period in the regional body’s history. He will require a lot of tact to handle the threats to the region, for even Nigeria, with its unfinished insurgency, is obviously not also immune. If the United Nations gets out of Mali as proposed, it is not certain that the Wagner Group has the capacity to fill the void, nor that Russia, which is bogged down in Ukraine, would be willing to go all out to fight a lengthy and unwinnable ideological war in the Sahel. President Tinubu will be conferring with his fellow ECOWAS leaders on Sunday. He must avoid precipitate actions and speeches.

    Rethinking Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal

    Both the Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) and Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) are constitutional bodies established under the Third Schedule Part A and Fifth Schedule Part 1 Paragraph 15 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. There is also the Code of Conduct Bureau and Code of Conduct Tribunal Act No 1 of 1989 (c) Cap. 59.  The basic objective for the establishment of the CCB is to maintain a high standard of morality in the conduct of government business. It is also to ensure that the actions and behaviour of public officers conform to the highest standards of public morality and accountability. Its functions include: (a) receiving assets declarations by public officers; (b) examining the assets declarations and ensuring that they comply with the requirements of the Act setting it up or of any law for the time being in force; (c) taking and retaining custody of such assets declarations; and (d) receiving complaints about non-compliance with or breach of the Act. Where the Bureau considers it necessary to do so, it is empowered to refer complaints to the Code of Conduct Tribunal.

    The Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) is the second leg of the bureaucracy of the Nigerian Assets and Liabilities Declaration framework, created to strengthen integrity in public service. It is the enforcement arm with judicial powers to sanction persons who breach the constitutional Code of Conduct. It has the exclusive powers and authority to punish breaches of the Code of Conduct Act. If both the CCB and CCT focused on the objectives for which they were established, they would, by today, have become great pillars in the fight against corruption and gone a long way towards sanitising the public service. It is doubtful if both bodies have lived up to their mandates. Indeed, little is heard of their activities except the frequent bickering among the chairmen of the two bodies and their board members that make newspapers and social media headlines.

    Long before the establishment of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) as anti-corruption agencies, the establishment of the CCB and CCT had ignited hope that corruption would be tackled head-on to restore faith in the system. Unfortunately, the two agencies’ journey has been marred by controversies and internal dissension. Over time, the agencies became defanged. This institutionalised weakening rendered the agencies incapable of carrying out their core mandate and has eroded public trust to unprecedented levels.

    Transparency and accountability are vital pillars of any anti-corruption agency, ensuring that the public has faith in its work. Unfortunately, both the CCB and CCT have not inspired confidence. The consequences of an ineffective anti-corruption agency extend far beyond its own walls. As public trust crumbles, cynicism spreads, and the belief that fighting corruption is an unattainable goal takes root. This erosion of trust not only affects citizens’ faith in the two bodies, it is also capable of tarnishing the reputation of the entire governance system. An anti-corruption agency should operate autonomously, free from political interference, in order to fulfill its objectives effectively. However, the agencies have been distracted by political influence. Instead of being a shield against corruption, they have evoked distrust.

    The experience of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Walter Onnoghen, before the CCT leaves much to be desired. It remains one of the darkest moments of abuse of judicial power in the country and the extent to which the agency rendered itself vulnerable to political control. The existence of the CCB and CCT as anti-corruption agencies that have lost their ways is a wake-up call to demand immediate action. The fight against corruption necessitates a comprehensive overhaul of the agencies’ leadership, structure, and operational mechanisms. The process should be guided by integrity, transparency, and the inclusion of independent voices to ensure effectiveness. Rebuilding public trust in them is paramount.

    The weakening of an anti-corruption agency due to internal contradictions should be a grave concern. This betrayal of public trust undermines the fight against corruption and poses significant challenges to the integrity of the entire governance system. By acknowledging the extent of the problem, demanding reform, and working towards renewed integrity, society can strive to rebuild a robust and effective anti-corruption agency that truly upholds the principles of justice, accountability, and transparency. Only through collective efforts can Nigeria triumph over corruption and pave the way for a brighter future.

  • Mr. President, your week was so covert…

    Mr. President, your week was so covert…

    It was a week of intense pressure and much of covert activities. Since he assumed office on May 29, the just concluded week seemed the most tensed and longest, though on the surface, it almost looked like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was missing in action, almost like he was out of the country for a foreign engagement. This became the relative picture because the Presidential Villa, Abuja is known to usually be bustling and thronged by various visitors and callers, but this last week lacked in that character because not much was seen nor heard from or about the President.

    This narration, however, does not mean that the ‘Idan gan-gan’, as he has been fondly dubbed by his admirers in the Gen-Z category, was sick or lost his “back-to-back” mojo. As a matter of fact, the President was at his table everyday of the week, spending long hours, much more than the usual, it can be said: he shows up, on the average, from about 10am and leaves not earlier than 6pm or 8pm. He was very much available, he was just dealing with very high-stake duties, which required his undivided attention and clarity of mind.

    “This week has been unusually quiet, right from Monday till yesterday (Thursday), it seemed like Baba has not been around; no visitors, no engagements, only yesterday when he came out to speak at the APC Youths event”, a member of the State House Press Corps observed on Friday while discussing the week.

    However, it was reliably gathered that Baba devoted the week to putting the last touches to the compilation of the ministerial nominees list, which has been anticipated since his assumption of office. It was gathered that his handlers, led by the Chief of Staff, Honourable Femi Gbajabiamila, kept his schedule for the week blank, keeping all non-essential visits and events out of his diary for the week.

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    In the whole of the last week, the only recorded visitors to the President’s office were the former National Chairman and the Secretary of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), Senator Abdullahi Adamu and Senator Iyiola Omisore, respectively, on Tuesday, while the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Tajudeen Abass, visited along with other Principal Officers of the Lower Chamber to visit him on Wednesday. An earlier scheduled event for Thursday, being the visit of the APC Youths, had to get through the proverbial ‘eye of the needle’ before it could sail.

    However, on Thursday, after weeks of suspense, Tinubu unveiled his list of eminent Nigerians, men, women and youths, 28 of them, as his ministerial nominees. The list, which was conveyed to the Senate and presented to the President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio, by the Chief of Staff to the President, Gbajabiamila, had been kept perfectly inaccessible to everyone, not even those one would expect to be privy (or so it seemed as it turned out to be miles apart from all the previous leaks in the media). That it was the Chief of Staff that had to delivers the correspondence to the Senate and not the Presidential Liaison Officer (PLO), the office traditionally known messages like this, further affirmed the importance the President attached to the assignment, as well as its integrity.

    The President list of 28 nominees includes Abubakar Momoh (Edo), Yusuf Maitama Tuggar (Bauchi), Ahmad Dangiwa (Katsina), Hannatu Musawa (Katsina), Uche Nnaji (Enugu), Betta Edu (Cross River), Doris Aniche Uzoka (Imo) and David Umahi (Ebonyi), Nyesom Wike (Rivers), Mohammed Badaru Abubakar (Jigawa), Nasir Ahmed El-Rufai (Kaduna), Ekperikpe Ekpo (Akwa Ibom) and Nkiru Onyejeocha (Abia).

    Also on the list are Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo (Ondo), Stella Okotete (Delta), Bello Muhammad Goronyo (Sokoto), Uju Kennedy Ohanenye (Anambra), Dele Alake (Ekiti), Lateef Fagbemi SAN (Kwara), Muhammad Idris (Niger), Olawale Edun (Ogun) and Adebayo Adelabu (Oyo), Iman Sulaiman Ibrahim (Nasarawa), Ali Pate (Bauchi), Joseph Utsev (Benue), Abubakar Kyari (Borno), John Enoh (Cross River) and Sani Abubakar Danladi (Taraba) also made the list.

    Tinubu’s list of 28 ministerial nominees, which turned out to be just a part of a whole, as more is said to be due in a matter of days, turned out to be a real task, not a walk in the park by any means. That a man who is renowned for his pragmatic work ethics and a skills-set of one of the best administrative minds in the country could be cocooned away from some of his official routines, speaks volume to the nature of the particular task.

    Speaking at the Villa after his errand to the National Assembly, Gbajabiamila provided a little insight into the background of the list, saying “first of all, I’m sure you all know that the government is not fully formed until a cabinet is in place and that process started a while ago, culminating in the delivery of ministerial nominees today. The President took his time, spent a lot of time going through, did a lot of due-diligence, going through the nominees one by one.

    “As you know he had 60 days from time of inauguration, as stipulated in the Constitution. He has fulfilled that requirement of the Constitution by submitting 28 names today, as his letter stated, and was read on the floor of the Senate, the remainder names, not sure how many, probably about 12, maybe 13, will be forwarded to the Senate in the coming days.

    “As far as the nominees themselves are concerned, and like I said, Mr. President took his time to sift through those names, he dissected those names with a fine-tooth comb and that’s what you’ve seen, each and every one, I believe, of the persons on that list, are worth being on that list. But I really hope that we haven’t missed anything that would have necessitated any name not being on that list, but we wait and see.

    “It’s a good mix of both people with political acumen and technocrats. So this is a good balance and it’s needed, these are people who have keyed-in to the vision and mission of Mr. President. Like I said, it’s a good balance, needed to move the country forward, as Mr. President is eager to do and has already started doing”, he said.

    Besides the task of meeting the 60-day constitutional deadline for him to form his cabinet, another headache, a strain rather, reared its ugly head in a neighbouring country; some ambitious members of the Presidential Guards of Niger Republic decided to steal what they took oaths to guard and protect. News broke out in the early hours of Wednesday that the President of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum, had become a captive of his guards, who cordoned the Presidential Palace off and later made it clear they had seized power.

    When Tinubu took reins of leadership at the head of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African State (ECOWAS) as chairman, one of the charges he gave in his address was for the sub-region to protect popular democracy and halt the negative trend of soldiers toppling the popular mandate of the people through barrel of guns, saying “we must stand firm on democracy. There is no governance, freedom and rule of law without democracy. We will not accept coup after coup in West Africa again. Democracy is very difficult to manage, but it is the best form of government”.

    The Niger Republic situation, almost as much as having to assemble the right set of people for ministerial positions, placed much load on the President and further compounded his week. Between Wednesday, when the coup was initiated, and Friday, Tinubu has had to do one thing or the other as the Chairman of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS. For instance, on Wednesday, he held an emergency meeting with the President of Benin Republic, Patrice Talon, who was immediately dispatched to Niamey on an intervention mission. He already condemned the coup before meeting Talon and on Thursday, he engaged in consultations with the Vice President of the United States, Kamala Harris, and the United Nations’ (UN) Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres, both of whom he spoke at length with over the development. He has scheduled an emergency meeting of the Authority for today.

    It must be said though that no matter how very stealth his activities during the week were, he was still able to attend to other issues outside the crosses of ministerial nomination and solving the Nigerien basket case. He defused the anxiety over federal universities’ tuition fee issue on Wednesday and took some guests, including Governor Mohammed Bago of Niger State, former governor Simon Lalong, former governor Adamu Aliero and many others.

    This week, which is not expected to be bugged down with the sort of weight of the last week, should see a restoration of normal schedules for the President, along with the usual heavy activities. 

  • We told them so: Peter Obi is not presidential candidate known to law

    We told them so: Peter Obi is not presidential candidate known to law

    The superlative ambience of BRIGHTON PIERS, which I am presently visiting with my children, and grandchildren, including those who came all the way from Houston TX, on a week long visit from London to savour the world- famous Brighton Beach, made it particularly easy for me to recall my article: ‘The Peter Obi Revolution That Atrophied Midway’(slightly edited for space), published  Sunday, 26 March, 2023 on this column(and to which, by the way, there were 62 shares, and 1,200 comments on Face book, most of them by congenitally abusive Obedients).

    I am re- visiting the article today in light of the Delta state Electoral Tribunal judgment which voided the election of an LP candidate because his candidacy is unknown to Law and to moderate, if ever possible, the empty noise amongst  Obidients, and their Atikulated cousins, ahead the decision of the Presidential Election Tribunal on the effete petitions of their shellacked principals, each ground of which was expertly obliterated by respondent’s counsel, the unmatchable Chief Wole Olanipekun, SAN.

    First to affirm my position in the article was a Federal High Court in Kano which sacked then Abia- state governor – elect Alex Otti, and all LP candidates in Kano state, for the same reason of illegal emergence as LP candidates at the respective elections.

    The Delta state Election Tribunal  this past week, on  selfsame grounds, effectively ejected a Labour party legislator from the  state’s House of Assembly, ordering that he be replaced by the PDP candidate.

    This column returns to the article today because it signposts what is sure to become the fate of Peter Obi’s petition at the Presidential Election Tribunal.

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    Happy reading

     “According to  Section 77 (2&3) of the Electoral Act 2022, Peter Obi is not a member of the Labour party. As a result, he is not qualified to contest the February 25, 2023 presidential election on behalf of the party.  Section 77 (2) says every political party must have/maintain a register of its .members in soft and hard copy.

    77(3) says  each party Shall Make That Register Available To Inec Not Later Than 30 Days Before The Date Fixed For Its Primaries, Congresses Or Convention. 

    PDP screened its presidential candidates on April 29th, 2022. Peter Obi participated in the screening and was cleared to contest. He even displayed his provisional clearance on social media.  He  resigned from PDP on Thursday May 26th, 2022 and joined the Labour party the following day, that is, on May 27th, 2022.

    Labour party conducted its presidential primary on May 30th, 2022 and produced Obi after Professor Pat Utomi’s voluntary withdrawal.

    According to section 77(3), quoted above, Labour party must have submitted its comprehensive register of members to INEC 30 days before its presidential primary.

    By calculation, 30 days to May 30th,2022 was April 30, 2022. (But) As at April 30th, 2022 when labour party submitted its party register to INEC, Peter Obi was a member of PDP meaning that his name could not have, simultaneously, been in the Labour party’s comprehensive register submitted to INEC.

    The questions that then arise are:  Can a  person who is not a valid member of a  political  party contest as its presidential candidate?

    Can a political party nominate a non member as its candidate in the presidential election?” – Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa (SAN)   in his article, ‘Peter Obi is not the Presidential candidate of LP’.

    One interesting thing about the Labour Party, pre and post the Presidential election, is how its affairs have been turned to an Ohanaeze Ndigbo affair. While it was Pat Utomi who withdrew for Obi as Presidential candidate, it was Olisa Agbakoba, SAN, a former NBA President, who decided to carry on his head, despite all constitutional provisions and court pronouncements, the ludicrous issue of a candidate having to win a quarter of FCT votes. NLC president Ajaero, has since picked up the gauntlet; a case of a whole people sleeping and facing in one direction.

    Unknown to most Nigerians whilst the Labour Party was aggressively weaponising  ethnicity and religion as its dual path to the presidency, it was nothing but a house built on sand, and  certain to collapse, sooner or later.

    For that, and some other reasons, it should not be a surprise to Nigerians that ‘Obidientism’, as revolution, like the 1905 Russian Leaderless Revolution before it,  was bound to die unsung, albeit, after its loud, boisterous and riotous beginning especially in pentecostal churches where Peter Obi became a constant, and on social media, where its adherents, the Obidients, were spewing insults like insults were going out of  fashion..

    Nigerians have, since after the governorship and state legislative elections, began to ask the following questions: What became of Peter Obi who, after shining like a thousand stars at the presidential election, suddenly went limb?  What of the noisy clan of Obi-Media Inc? Where are the whining television anchors who did nothing besides excoriating APC, and its presidential candidate, as if that was the way to harvest votes for the 62- year old they were doing everything to package like he was 40 something? This was a man who finished his 2- term governorship tenure almost  a decade ago with his name emblazoned in the PANDORA PAPERS of ignominy.  

    So involved and trenchant were they, you knew they were at a commissioned job.  But we ask: what became of their  exertions, daily having for guests, only those they know shared their jaundiced perspectives? You only just have to share their views. It was that bad.

    There  were also those ones on  WhatsApp platforms who suddenly became emergency medical practitioners, forever diagnosing all manner of  morbidities.

    I personally shared two platforms with some of these individuals and, honest to God, they could make you puke. Fortunately, I have long promised that I was, under no circumstances, going to lose a friend on account of any politician, qua politician.

    But that did take an effort because you read them, sometimes, and you’d  believe that logical thinking has been banned.

    Indeed, on one of the platforms, we are now  asking if they had since gone on exile, ahead of the big PDP  chieftain who owns the patent to voluntary emigration,  in case Tinubu gets elected president.

    I digress.

    So what became of Peter Obi’s popularity after the presidential election in which he shone so brightly? That was, of course, before the final debacle of a third place, despite the deluge of opinion polls which had him as the incomparable winner.

    I am, of course, not unaware of the fact that failure is an orphan. But exactly what happened  after that incredible Tsunami: from Lagos to Makurdi, Nasarawa to Jos, Benin to Asaba etc, sending many a sitting governor scampering?

    Need we talk about Lagos, the epicentre of gun – ho Pentecostalism where group nativity also thrumped common sense, to eventuate in what Nigerians would soon know was no win at all – Thanks all the same to ‘ YES DADDY’ (recall  my article:’Yes Daddy and His Rasputins’, 9 April, 2023).

     You won’t believe this, but there is already a trending WhatsApp video   showing some happy – go  lucky   youths  hoisting the IPOB FLAG at, of all places, ALAUSA, Ikeja, the Lagos state capital.

    You can then imagine what would have befallen Lagos, if not the entire  Southwest, if our half brother had repeated the Obi ‘miracle’ in the state.

    Talking about miracles reminds me of an interesting WhatsApp post I saw during the giddy days of the supposed Labour party victory in Lagos.  It read as follows:

    “LindaIkejiblog Official INEC Result for Amuwo Odofin LGA in the Presidential election”.

    Whoever shared it commented as follows:

    “Amuwo Odofin!!!

    Please check the number of Regisrered Voters  -322,600 and the number of Accredited Voters  57, 530.

    Add Obi’s 55, 547 to Tinubu’s 13, 318!

    Don’t even bother with the rest! We are beginning to see how Obi “won” Lagos”.

    I actually bothered and added all party votes.  The following is what I got-

    Total number of registered voters  – 322.600.

    “Total number of accredited voters – 57,530.

    Votes:   APC  – 13, 318 

                    PDP   – 2, 383

                    LP      – 55, 547

                    Others – 1, 161

    Total votes cast – 72, 409

    Reg. voters          -57,530     

    Over voting          14879.

    What does the Election Tribunal do in cases of over voting? It automatically cancels election in the affected place.

    Therefore, take away LP’s vote here from the party’s overall tally  in Lagos state, and see whether, of a fact, LP won in Lagos state.

    Abracadabra; but it obviously could not have been a solitary incident by Labour party in Lagos and elsewhere. How hollow, and effete, Peter Obi and the Labour party really are, showed up most glaringly in  subsequent elections on 18 March when, apparently, not just the youths, but also the bishops, and assorted pastors, have abandoned the sinking “Titanic”.

    Even in the Southeast where Obi scored in 80’s and 90’s in the Presidential election, 4 out of the 5 states gave him a wide berth.  It’s sole governorship victory was in Abia state. But it was worst in Anambra state where Obi was governor for 8 years but but what they mostly remember him for were lifeless  bodies of some youths flowing on a river.

    No, far be it that am saying he murdered them, but a king in a prosperous era is never forgotten; ditto the obverse. Peter Obi is too much of a tribalist to lead a Pan – Nigerian political party.

    As governor of Anambra state,  he not only sent Hausa traders parking to Delta state, he discriminated between Catholics and Anglicans in the state, and sent away to their respective Igbo states, all non – Anambrarians in the state’s public service.

    What leader does that? Less than a week to the Presidential election of 18 February, the council of  state Chairmen of the Labour party came out in newspapers to  announce that the party couldn’t win any election, citing Obi’s clanishness.  Many may not yet know this, but Nigerians will, in future, celebrate Obi and his party’s rejection at the polls.

    As a friend of mine put it:  “Obi weaponised religion, especially the anger over same faith ticket, as well as the frustration of the Nigerian youths with the Buhari government”.

    “Worse, however, is that he also brought on board, as Vice Presidential candidate, a Datti Baba – Ahmed, who is likely to be far worse than him, judging by what he demonstrated on a TV station this past week”.

    “I was appalled at the sheer depravity of his encounter on TV- the tone, dimension, the elixirs etc, were like scenes from a horror film. He turned the interaction into a call for anarchy, military takeover and a liquidation of the Nigerian state. All because he lost an election”.

    “And regarding the anchor, who watched on sheepishly as Baba – Ahmed ranted, he watched with utter helplessness, bewilderment and even confusion, as his guest turned the station to a platform for anarchists, fascists and demagogues. His inability to call him to order reflects very badly on him as a trained journalist”.  Nigerians will, in future, have every cause to thank God for sending the duo back  where they came from.

    In the meantime, they’ve gone to the Election Tribunal merely to further humour their pastor – backers and their dear Obidients, as well as, most unfortunately, the elders who, by endorsing Obi, called their own judgment to question.

  • Tinubuism: Triumphing tough times? (Part 1)

    Tinubuism: Triumphing tough times? (Part 1)

    “Gathering intelligence on the tendencies, trends, and contradictions of this national audience and using the data to inform his own politics is one of the pillars holding the BAT hegemony. To achieve this BAT invests in and demands information. As press secretaries, Segun Ayobolu and I, could always predict the first question of our boss as soon as we shut the door behind us: “What are people saying?” – Kehinde Bamgbetan, p. 86, in the treatise: “Asiwaju: Leadership in Troubled Times”, edited by the trio of Tunji Bello, Sam Omatseye and Segun Ayobolu, published by Kraft Books Limited.

    The salient and spiral effect of fuel subsidy removal and harmonizing the exchange rate of the local currency, Naira, on the socio-economic life of an average Nigerian cannot be gainsaid. Starting from increase in prices of virtually every item in the market to spike in transportation fares for commuters, whether engaged in inter or intra state journeys. This is thematically trying and tough time for most citizens. It is obvious that the incumbent government at the centre despite the daring dive of sudden removal of fuel subsidy with the concomitant vibes on the people even though there is a gain, overtime in the bargain, the government seemingly strategically lack the skills and savviness to effectively educate and enlighten the citizens, most of whose angst against the government are pent up ready to explode if care is not taken. It is said in Yoruba common parlance that “aimo emu ‘bu, lo mu ki ebora gba emu soonu lowo eni” (meaning: a novice who is not adept in serving elders palm wine from the local gourd, the spirits will hijack, and spill the content). Are there some things the government at the centre is missing out?

    Strategic and servant-hearted leaders are wont and wired to adroitly put their ears on the ground itching to know the followers’ leanings, longings and yearnings on issues, specifically bordering on plans, policies, programmes and projects. Kehinde Bamgbetan, erstwhile Press Secretary of Bola Tinubu, when he was the man in the saddle in Lagos, gives us a glimpse of Tinubuism in administering Lagos. The duo of Segun Ayobolu and Kehinde Bamgbetan, media aides of Tinubu, knew the heartbeat of the master as soon as the public curtain was drawn on the day’s activities, the boss would inquisitively demand: “What are people saying?” The man in the saddle would not be satisfied still when the issues involved bordered on national debate and elections. Bamgbetan, in painting the picture, succinctly stated inter alia:

    “BAT does not limit his views to aides. On critical matters, he sponsors public opinion surveys to gather information on what his audience is thinking. Such occasions include periods of national debates and before elections, The results of these opinion polls are used to identify the perception of people in terms of class and geographical locations and address their concerns in the campaigns.” – Kehinde Bamgbetan, p. 87, in the treatise: “Asiwaju: Leadership in Troubled Times”, edited by the trio of Tunji Bello, Sam Omatseye and Segun Ayobolu, published by Kraft Books Limited.

    Candid Communication

    This columnist doubts whether the supposedly atavistic and archaic communication strategy of the Tinubu years in Lagos has not been jettisoned! It could be old but, following a good followership studies route, even in this digital age, when properly tweaked, it could be amazing in outcome if applied to the present context. One wonders that the same Mr. Dele Alake, the main driver of strategy then in Lagos, is the incumbent Special Adviser to the President on Special Duties, Communication and Strategy. What could then be amiss? Could it be that Mr. Dele Alake was being burdened or overwhelmed with too much on his table? It was discernible to the point that not less than three columnists (Idowu Akinlotan (Palladium, Nation), Simon Kolawole, Thisday and Emmanuel Oladesu, Nation) pointedly harped on this lapse or lacuna in their write ups last weekend. The decision of the federal government reviewing the offering of cash palliative of N8,000 per household to the poor-of-the-poor was not timely and properly communicated by the government.

    Candidly, there is the need for more education and enlightenment. It is imperative for Mr. President and his men to deploy more effective and efficient communication strategies in reaching the followers whether in rural, semi-urban or urban centres. For instance, what is the appropriate definition or depiction of a household? Who actually qualifies as the poor-of-the-poor in the society, taking cognizance of Nigeria’s context? How did the register, put together state by state, capture them? What were the metrics or parameters used in arriving at the 12 million households? Why would the palliative be granted over a 6-month period, why not for 12 or 24 months? The list of questions is not exhaustive! In answering these questions, the government needs to engage savvy, strategic and sagacious communicators that will engage in robust discourse, debates and dialogues with citizens on all traditional and modern platforms, most importantly, the new (social) media. Significantly, the President as the days go by may need to do a monthly press engagement to shed light on the government’s plans, policies, programmes and projects. The onus lies on the presidency for the followers or citizens, not only to know, but to clearly understand the strategic moves of the government if the latter wants Nigerians to buy-in. This is strategically one major necessity for reforms to be successful and impactful.

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    Gracious To Governors

    President Bola Tinubu, being a former governor, seems to be soft in handling the Governors in this tough time within the socio-economic space. The President pandered to the governor’s agitation to jettison the national social register as they could not vouch for the credibility. In essence, each state government will be given the latitude to administer its palliative adopting its own register. The people of each state should therefore engage their state governments to do the right thing. This columnist, as advocated through the Good Governance Group (3G) press release published in the last edition of this column, will side with the palliatives being judiciously distributed through the local governments; en-route the wards; and dovetailing to the units spanning each state. After all, the followers voted adhering to this pattern. The traditional rulers and council officials should be drafted with selected credible state officials to conduct monitoring and evaluation. The system should be exposed to a pre, in-service, and post-service mode of monitoring, evaluation, accountability and learning (MEAL) process to ensure effective delivery that should be rated with appropriate key performance indicators (KPIs). All said and done, whatever is given as palliative to the people of each state should be published monthly by the government at the centre.

    The states’ helmsmen should not just extend the palliatives, in form of cash, to the poor-of-the-poor households. How about many others outside this category? The onus lies on the governors to aid transportation of goods and people within their states by investing on procurement of electric or compressed natural gas (CNG) vehicles. Effective and efficient operations of these vehicles will reduce cost of transportation in each state. The federal and state governments could cooperatively and collaboratively do this.

    Moreover, it is high time that state governments proactively engaged in agribusiness to aid food security, boosts income, enhances foreign exchange earnings, attracts foreign direct investment, and promotes job creation along the value chain. This will spur the country into a massive industrial site overtime like India and China. The Federal Government should incentivize this by supporting states that comply with more budgetary support. In addition, the states should be encouraged to form farmers’ cooperative societies that will be registered. Cooperative societies, empirically by research studies, do more than individuals who engage in farming on their own.

    Finally, Cabinet Formation: What next?

    It was reliving, at last, the first set of names of ministerial nominees hit the Senate on Thursday. As at the time of going to the press of this column, 28 names, including only four former Governors, were forwarded to the Senate. Apparently, women were well represented giving vent to gender inclusion in the list. Aftermath of the release of the names, the profiles were made public accenting to the quality of the nominees. However, conspicuously absent was the portfolios of the nominees. Yours sincerely was at the TVC News Breakfast on Wednesday. One of the anchors asked yours sincerely about the quality expected, and this columnist’s response was that the men and women expected to form the cabinet are expected to be the drivers of the much-mouthed mantra: Renewed Hope Agenda. Simply and squarely stated, your sincerely pontificated:

    “Nigerians expect changes … in the technocrat language, reforms; the drivers of the reforms are these men because the President’s eyes cannot be in every place … these men and women (we have to be gender sensitive now) are the eyes of the President, and the eyes of the government …(sic)” (TVC News Breakfast, Wednesday 26th July 2023, available on YouTube).

    Going forward, these men and women should justify the confidence reposed in them by the President assuming the red chamber clears them for the onerous assignments beckoning to them. They should roll up their sleeves even as many people are congratulating them. The onus lies on them to be well acquainted with the ministerial mandates of their ministries and the President should set goals with targets to be met periodically for them knowing that any of them failing to meet up at some point may be dropped! It is imperative for them to be well armed with this fact, ab initio!!

    Surmising this edition, the communication machinery of the government needs to be rejigged whilst attention needs be devoted to get credible and core followers’ feelers and feedback that are germanely needed in making informed policy decisions. It is high time the government at the centre exhibited understanding the nuances of governance post-subsidy withdrawal with the concomitant hardship on the people, with no tangible interventions from the people other than preachment of patience in tough times! In the intervention chain, one may ask: are there timelines for inputs, activities, outputs, outcome and impacts that followers or citizens should look forward to? Are their milestones to be celebrated on the way of achieving the overarching goals? Are there low hanging fruits in both subsidy withdrawal and foreign exchange rate harmonization? Effective communication strategy cum application of monitoring evaluation, accountability and learning (MEAL) laced with key performing indicators (KPIs) will unravel these to both leaders and followers in working towards accomplishing of mutual goals.

    John Ekundayo, Ph.D. – can be reached via +2348030598267 (WhatsApp only) and drjmoekundayo@hotmail.com

  • Gov Adeleke talks his dances

    Gov Adeleke talks his dances

    The last political quatrain, 2019-2023, gave Nigeria the excitable Rivers State ex-governor Nyesom Wike who acted the giddy script to the hilt, producing an indescribable mixture of mirth and gravitas. In the entire political North, neither Kaduna’s Nasir el-Rufai nor Kogi’s Yahaya Bello, both of whom threw themselves into the art of projecting governance as a controversy, could hold a candle to him. Nobody compared with Mr Wike in the Southwest, and there was none like him in the South-South or Southeast, not to say the North Central. But it must now seem to the dismay of Mr Wike that Osun State governor Ademola Adeleke will step into the large shoes he has left on the national stage. And what is more, former Osun governor Rauf Aregbesola will have the undistinguished honour of playing a subordinate role to the governor in a rural state he had schemed to transcend.

    Mr Wike is of course incomparable. A lawyer and workaholic, he infused his government with gaiety and affability without diminishing his achievements. Mr Adeleke on the other hand has a nondescript certificate he has spoken glowingly about, claiming to have a degree in criminal justice in 2021 from Alabama and Atlanta, Georgia. But controversy swirls around his studies and degree. He was in the senate between 2017 and 2019 where he completed his late brother’s term, but was virtually anonymous throughout. With no educational pedigree or legislative proficiency to boast about, and was thus not expected to flourish in the exerting role of leadership, he nevertheless won the July 2022 governorship poll, defeating the more cerebral and even-tempered Gboyega Oyetola. After the Supreme Court finally validated his election last May, Mr Adeleke has set about forming his cabinet, and he has done it with his customary carefree flair.

    Before and after the 2022 poll, Mr Aregbesola was at daggers drawn with his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). He, therefore, felt compelled to lie in bed with the PDP’s Mr Adeleke against whom he had worked years earlier. The APC didn’t think the former governor’s betrayal would be consequential. It was, and Mr Oyetola lost, and in addition lost by a gloomier and more severe margin in the following House of Assembly poll. In constituting his cabinet, Mr Adeleke allotted offices to Mr Aregbesola’s men, thus calcifying the separation between the APC and their former leader. The ex-governor, fondly called Ogbeni, attempted a bigamous relationship with both the APC and the PDP. The APC spurned him, accusing him of betrayal. Henceforth, Mr Aregbesola must now play second fiddle to the cavalier Mr Adeleke, a sad declension for the Ogbeni who had feigned rigour and academic excellence throughout the eight years he pontificated with grandeur as governor.

    But far beyond the declination of Mr Aregbesola, a tragedy Osun must get used to, the state must now develop shock absorbers to cope with the superficialities of their governor. Other than placating and ultimately skinning and neutralising the APC defectors led by Ogbeni himself, Mr Adeleke has approached his cabinet composition with as much triviality as possible. And he defends the impossible. He now has 30 advisers. And among his commissioners was his sister-in-law, who will manage a ministry dedicated to federal matters, while his nephew will superintend the local government service commission as chairman. His critics say he has 17 Christians in his cabinet to seven Muslims, two women in a constellation of 25 commissioners, a lawyer to head the health ministry, and all the commissioners sourced from 20 local governments, leaving out 10 LGs. Mr Adeleke will ignore these complaints or offer robust defences. Overall, he will simply proceed with the conviviality he has been used to.

    Governor Adeleke comes from an illustrious Ede family. That illustriousness paved the way for him into national limelight, but was unable to inoculate him against the frivolity and ideational dullness that now characterises him. Indeed, he broke into national consciousness on account of his flamboyant dancing skills, especially the suggestive way he heaved his rotund frame in dance halls and churches. Yet, he is not particularly religious. Indeed, some think he behaves distinctly polytheistic, and others observe that the controversy he raised at the Eid praying ground in Osogbo during the last Sallah showed his secret longing for syncretism. It is not clear which will have his undivided attention going forward: the church or the mosque, assuming he is proficient in their liturgies. Nor is it clear that both major faiths will not give him the cold shoulder thereby forcing him even more into the embrace of any of the traditional faiths.

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    But in the end what will task him the most will not be whether he can live up to the fame of his illustrious family, or what faith he will eventually settle for, but how well he can govern. His appointments so far do not give indication that Osun is about to witness a great leap forward. Mr Adeleke’s beginning has been idiosyncratic, but he is of course not solely to blame for what is about to hit the state. Over many election cycles, Osun voters had equally been cavalier in electing their leaders, and have had a penchant for committing electoral suicide with the frenzy of fatalists. It is hard to imagine gloomier reinforcement between two entities.

    APC, PDP, LP and semantics of anarchy

    In their final written addresses filed before the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC), the three main contenders for the presidential stool, to wit, the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and the Labour Party (LP), all turned the word ‘anarchy’ into a contentious word. It is clear that no one will draw a curtain on this election cycle without winners and losers exhausting all shades of meaning of words, phrases and idioms. Each contender for the throne is always primed to react to the slightest word provocation.

    The APC drew the first blood through Wole Olanipekun. In his final address, he wrote: “Pressed further by this constitutional imperative, the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, is taken as if it is the 37 state, under and by virtue of Section 299 of the Constitution. With much respect, any other interpretation different from this will lead to absurdity, chaos, anarchy and alteration of the very intention of the legislature.” The chaos and anarchy talked about in this quotation seems to refer to interpretational anarchy rather than civil unrest. But both the PDP and LP thought the worst of the word and were unwilling to give the ruling party the benefit of the doubt.

    For PDP’s Chris Uche, here is what he said in his final address: “A subtle threat of apocalyptic catastrophe of national chaos and anarchy if a judgement is not given in a particular manner cannot deter a court of law from doing justice. The court must do justice, rather ‘let the heavens fall’, but as courageously stated by the Supreme Court per Oguntade JSC, in the epic case of AMAECHI vs. INEC & ORS (2008) LPELR-446(SC) (Pp. 67-68 paras. D): ‘I must do justice even if the heavens fall.’ The truth, of course, is that when justice is done, the heavens stay in place.” Quite quickly, chaos and anarchy, whether judicial or political, had become the fourth horseman of the apocalypse. Form and meaning took a frightful and indeed apocalyptic leap.

    But the LP would not be outdone in flirting with words. They drew upon their legal team’s final address to declare as follows: “Peter Obi’s lawyers led by Dr Livy Uzoukwu and Onyechi Ikpeazu disagreed saying instead that what will lead to anarchy is where the rule of law is trampled upon or truncated, that in such situations anarchy reigns supreme! A sentence in the 2nd-3rd Respondents’ address alarmed the petitioners and millions of Nigerians. The 2nd-3rd respondents went too low and abandoned discretion when they claimed as follows: ‘Our submission is that the petitioners are inviting anarchy by their ventilation of this issue of non-transmission of results electronically by INEC.’ ” Obi’s legal team also noted that they found Tinubu’s outburst “a cheap, misguided, and destructive blackmail clearly intended to target the country’s judicialism and constitutionalism. It also aims at cannibalising our democracy.”

    In short it was not only the federal government that acted mala fide in the weeks before the last presidential poll by creating artificial scarcity of petrol and naira. For as long as ex-vice president Atiku Abubakar and LP candidate Peter Obi refuse to admit defeat, there will continue to be interpretative anarchy in the use of words and understanding of the policies of the Tinubu administration. In fact, the election, particularly the fallout, may not end soon. If the PDP and LP still find some accommodation in public angst, they will foment their own anarchies and cavort among them.

  • To Tinubu, listening is as easy as doing the people’s bidding

    To Tinubu, listening is as easy as doing the people’s bidding

    It was a busy week as usual, although there were not too many physical activities. Starting with his outing at 5th Mid-Year Coordination Meeting (5thMYCM) of the African Union (AU), the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), the Regional Mechanisms (RMs), and the African Union Member-States, held in the Kanyan capital, Nairobi, on Sunday, to the several other open and closed-doors meetings held at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, after his return on Monday throughout the week.

    One thing was a common factor in all President Bola Tinubu’s activities, either in the interest of the country or in response to regional needs, throughout the week: it was all about setting the right tones for development administration. While he took time to reason the way forward for the security and prosperity of West African, at a Troika+ meeting, where he hosted three other co-presidents and the President of the ECOWAS Commission at the Presidential Villa, during the same week he continued with actions that will insulate all categories of Nigerians against the harsh realities trailing the administration’s economic restructuring.

    During the last week, those watching activities of the Presidency have identified three issues as the most noteworthy in the diary of the nation’s seat of power. Two were steps taken by the President, while the third one was a unanimous decision of the federal and the states about seeing that the people get to breathe indeed. The first was the decision of the President to show that he really listens to Nigerians whenever they call out to him.

    It would be recalled that the administration, since the removal of fuel scarcity was actualise on May 29, has been engaged in managing the multiple rippling effects trailing the action. In that process, the President has deployed everything in his arsenal to halt an impending industrial action, which could have grounded the nation to a halt. He has also initiated measures to cushion the attending harsh economic realities trailing the end of petrol subsidy, one of which was a plan to adopt the conditional cash transfer to the desperately poor members of society. According to the plan, twelve million poor households were meant to receive N,8000 cash transfer. A noble intention, some have said.

    However, noble as it might have been or seemed, there were those who have come out to question the integrity of this kind of populist approach to a solving a universal challenge. While some argue that a similar system run by the predecessor-administration failed the integrity and purpose tests, some just believe that the Nigerian public system is too decadent to be trusted with the volume of resources that will be involved in the process.

    While that back and forth was ongoing, a new concern reared its head during the week, specifically on Tuesday, with the pump price of the premium motor spirit (PMS) further got hiked from over N500 to more than N600 across the country, tightening the economic noose further on the citizens, including the desperately poor. This formed another headache for the administration.

    However, responding to the attack on the planned modus for ameliorating the harsh economic realities on the very poor, as well as the backlash following the modulation in fuel pricing, the President took another look at his slate and reacted promptly. On Tuesday evening, he responded with a declaration intended to answer many question. In a statement released by Dele Alake, his Special Adviser on Special Duties, Communication and Strategy, President Tinubu directed a review of the N8,000 planned cash transfer and announced other measures to address the effects of the economic situation on all citizens. He also ordered the release of grains and fertilizers to 50 million families and farmers, respectively, basically to crash food prices. He  

    “A lot of ill-informed imputations have been read into the programme by not a few naysayers. The Administration believes in the maxim that when there is prohibition, there must be provision. Since subsidy, the hydra-headed monster threatening to kill the economy, has been stopped, government has emplaced a broad spectrum of reliefs to bring help to Nigerians.

    “While it should be noted that cash programme is not the only item in the whole gamut of relief package of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as a listening leader who has vowed to always put Nigerians at the heart of his policy and programme, the President has directed as follows: That the N8,000 conditional cash transfer programmed envisaged to bring succour to most vulnerable households be reviewed immediately. This is in deference to the views expressed by Nigerians against it.

    “That the whole gamut of palliative package of government be unveiled to Nigerians and immediate release of fertilisers and grains to approximately 50 million farmers and households respectively in all the 36 states and the FCT. The President further assures Nigerians that the N500 billion approved by parliament to cushion the pain occasioned by the end of subsidy regime will be judiciously utilised. The beneficiaries of the reliefs shall be Nigerians irrespective of their ethnic, religious or political affiliation.

    “President Bola Tinubu has promised to always prioritize the wellbeing of Nigerians and he is irrevocably committed to the vow. A number of decisions taken so far by this Administration have buttressed this stance. You will recall that the President took a similar decision after listening to complaints from the business community/stakeholders about burdensome taxes, particularly multiplicity of taxes they are made to experience. This warranted the signing of four (4) Executive Orders cancelling some classes of taxes, while suspending the implementation dates of others. In addition, the President has also set up a Tax Reform/Fiscal Policy Committee to bring up recommendations that will engender a wholesome fiscal environment for the country and remove anti-business barriers”, the statement had said.

    In alignment with the actions of the President, on Thursday, the National Economic Council (NEC), which is headed by the Vice President and comprising of 36 governors of the federation, Ministers in charge of finance, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Group Chief Executive Officer of Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), among others, rolled out a list of relief measures to quell the heat of harsh economic realities.

    It would be recalled that the NEC had at its last meeting, set up a sub-committee, which was charged with the task of coming up with plans to urgently ameliorate the harsh conditions trailing recent economic changes, especially the removal of fuel subsidy and the merging of the foreign exchange rate windows.

    Disclosing the feedback of the subcommittee to journalists after the Council’s almost five and a half hour meeting, Ogun State governor, Abiodun, reeled out the plans approved to include Cash Award Policy for civil servants, payment of outstanding liabilities to civil servants, special funding for the growth of the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), the immediate implementation of the Energy Transition Plan, which is transiting from being reliant on petrol to now being reliant on other fuels that are cheaper and more stable, particularly Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) and the eventual use of electric cars and other measures.

    “We also proposed accordingly that each state should begin to plan towards implementing a cash transfer program that will be based on the social registers of the states because it is the states that are better positioned to do that enumeration so you can ensure the integrity of the social register. Again, it was also proposed by the Council that we should implement a Cash Award Policy for all public servants. What’s a Cash Award Policy? That would be a policy that allows each sub-national to actually pay the public servants a certain prescribed amount of cash on a monthly basis and was prescribed that that should be implemented for six months in the first instance”, Abiodun said in part.

    The second action of the President during the week, which was considered very significant was also directed at bringing economic succour to citizens and establishing a firm economic structure for the country. On Thursday evening, he approved the establishment of the Infrastructure Support Fund (ISF) for states, with the aim of helping the sub-nationals to develop the various critical sectors of the economy, all in a bid to percolate development and development more easily to all segment of society, benefiting all citizens.

    Explaining the essence of the ISF in a statement, Alake said “the new Infrastructure Fund will enable the states to intervene and invest in the critical areas of Transportation, including farm to market road improvements; Agriculture, encompassing livestock and ranching solutions; Health, with a focus on basic healthcare; Education, especially basic education; Power and Water Resources, that will improve economic competitiveness, create jobs and deliver economic prosperity for Nigerians”.

    In the course of the week, there were a number of activities, but not many were very visible. The visible will include the Troika+ meeting, which was indeed an elaborate event. Vice President Kashim Shettima also held a couple of meetings, aimed at securing soft landing for the administration, just as the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, continues to reach out to groups on behalf of the administration.

  • Pump price plus palliative palaver

    Pump price plus palliative palaver

    “. . . That the N8,000 conditional cash transfer programme envisaged to bring succour to most vulnerable households be reviewed immediately. This is in deference to the views expressed by Nigerians against it. That the whole gamut of palliative package of government be unveiled to Nigerians . . . The President further assures Nigerians that the N500 billion approved by parliament to cushion the pain occasioned by the end of subsidy regime will be judiciously utilised. The beneficiaries of the reliefs shall be Nigerians irrespective of their ethnic, religious or political affiliation.” – Dele Alake, Special Adviser, Special Duties, Communication and Strategy to the President (Source: channelstv.com, 18th July 2023)

    The column will be digressing from the series: “Tinubu: Touching The Tangibles?”, to pinpoint and periscope on two issues of national importance this week. The whole country, since the inauguration of the President Tinubu administration on 29th May 2023 at Eagle Square, where he saliently and succinctly stated, ex tempore, that “subsidy is gone”, is still reeling from its after effect. This singular issue of abrupt ending of the fuel subsidy regime, oozing with scam, jolted the socio-economic stance of Nigerians to a great extent with the President appealing for calm stating unequivocally that he feels our pains and pangs. In fact, the Special Adviser, Special Duties, Communication and Strategy to the President, Mr. Dele Alake, simply and squarely stated whilst interfacing with stakeholders in the Nigeria project that this present administration would do more of intervention than palliatives.

    Be that as it may, as the citizens await the release of cooling and cushioning interventions to sooth the hardship occasioned by the subsidy withdrawal, it was not palatable waking up on Tuesday 18th July 2023 reading on social media platforms, the instantaneous increase in pump price of premium motor spirit (petrol) without any notice from the marketers, even the ubiquitous Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), was bizarre to one’s imagination. The initial reaction or response was waving it off as another fake news. Alas, it was real but apparently irrational to conceive it happening less than 2 months after another increase in the pump price of gasoline (pms)! It would be recalled that Mr. Dele Alake stated inter alia, “. . . that the whole gamut of palliative package of government be unveiled to Nigerians . . . The President further assures Nigerians that the N500 billion approved by parliament to cushion the pain occasioned by the end of subsidy regime will be judiciously utilised.” Mr. President better be told that it is high time he laid bare the whole gamut of his government’s interventions meant to touch the poor in the rural, semi-urban and urban areas of Nigeria so as to calm fretting and fraying nerves as elastic limits of some individuals to contain pressures within the polity are apparently reached with no hope of succour imminent!

     Good Governance Group (3G)

    The Good Governance Group (3G) is made up of composite credible cognoscenti, intellectuals, technocrats, politicians, business men/women, artisans, students, etc. In the course of the week, there was a serious discourse, debate and dialogue on the twin-topic of palliative and pump price palaver pervading the country. In the final analysis, yours sincerely as the Convener, GGG (3G), issued a press release on the kernel of discussion in the group. The following points are well noted in the release:

    The Good Governance Group (3G), a robust, concerned, conscientious and collaborative initiative of intelligent men and women of substance rubbed minds on this development in our country and decided to issue this Press Release informed by value-laden discourse, debate and dialogue among members.

    1. The eminent group appreciates that since the removal of fuel subsidy, the government cannot fix the price of pms as that will be interfering in the market process since forces of demand and supply should dictate pricing of gasoline going forward.

    2. However, 3G, as a group, frowns at sudden change that the followers or populace always bear the brunt while the governments at all levels look on seemingly unconcerned. Therefore, future review mechanisms should ensure abundant supply to all filling stations, countrywide, prior to adjusting to the new price. In this vein, a notice of nothing less than 72 hours should be given with strict monitoring to ensure compliance to all fuel stations selling at prevailing prices.

    3. The Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) used to move about monitoring compliance. It is high time this organ of government woke up from its deep slumber and moved round nationwide to heavily sanction errant retailers (fuel station owners) that breach quality and quantity as unscrupulous ones among them mischievously tampered with their metres to sell less for more money! 

    4. GGG (3G) will equally desire that the Federal Government addresses associated fees or levies along the line of importing pms into Nigeria such as jetty, landing, freighting, local taxes, etc. This may impact review of prices in the future.

    5. It is equally imperative for the Federal Government to succinctly state to the citizens the actual status of our four refineries possessing professionals with no product to show as a sign of performance for years! 3G is advocating for either outright sale or major stakes be offered to core, credible and competent investors without delay. This should be done in a win-win situation specifically with salient terms and conditions mutually concurred to by both parties. Moreover, the Dangote Refinery is yet to produce one litre of commercial pms for the local market despite the huge euphoria that greeted the commissioning by former President Muhammadu Buhari; update is needed on this.

    6. It is a good initiative that both Lagos and Ogun States are leading the way in making use of electricity and gas in driving commercial automobiles, respectively. Other states as well should replicate the laudable steps of Lagos and Ogun. What stops states partnering with private organizations, like Lagos is doing with Geregu Power PLC, to produce electricity tapping into the new Electricity Act signed into law by President Bola Tinubu in June 2023?

    7. Moreover, states could work with the organized private sector (OPS) to own modular refineries to produce locally refined gasoline (pms) that may bring down the price of the product in that locality. Doable.

    8. It is high time the needed reforms in the whole oil sector, oozing out with palpable cancerous corruption, began as old bottles cannot contain new wine of this change-minded administration. Mr. President should hire new drivers before the sector is grounded! Seemingly, discerning minds cannot see NNPCL top management advancing any credible change since the inauguration of this government!

    9. In the immediate, it is commendable that Mr. President is reviewing the paltry palliative of N8,000 per household employing the controversial register of the poor as passed on by the erstwhile administration of President Buhari. 3G is of the opinion that increasing the purchasing power of the populace is the way to go. In this way, the amount to be given monthly could be in the range of N20,000 – N30,000 per household administered through the state via the local government, flowing down to wards and units. The traditional rulers should be consulted in an all-inclusive manner as well. This may not reach all people but by and large going this route will reach real, rather than imaginary, beings; after all, we voted unit by unit in our wards; our PVCs could be a means of identification here.

    10. GGG believes for our country to be great, we need to love and adhere to processes that lead to sustainable productivity as these will ultimately enhance our Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Hence, Long-term solutions are: local refining of our crude oil to products – boosting employment and income of our people; subsequently, we can export to African countries the products. Secondly, aggressive local production in agribusiness and mining resulting in industrialization through which our country will earn foreign exchange thus shedding the import driven toga we are presently wearing.

    In conclusion, the Good Governance Group (3G), will want to commend Mr. President for putting his ears to the ground in filtering fitting feelers and feedback from followers within the polity, specifically in retracing his step about the N8,000 per household targeted at 12 million households countywide. The emergency declared in the agricultural sector is welcome but should be properly tracked by a team of incorrigible Nigerians appointed by the President. The federal government, especially with the states and local governments getting more funds, should work together and proactively invest in agribusiness to end hunger in all states and subsequently boost local industrialization. In addition, the Micro Small Medium Enterprises (MSME) could be boosted in an organized fashion. This in a way will diversify our apparent monolithic economy dependent upon oil. GGG (3G) believes, with Mr. President as a financial engineer, not new to governance within Nigeria’s context, coupled with the acclaimed Lagos experience, Nigeria is most opportune to deliver good dividends of democracy to her citizens through President Tinubu’s firm and fixated policies. Nigeria will be great and prosperous.

    Surmising this piece, it is gladdening going to the press and reading breaking news of some of the recommendations of 3G being already adopted or adapted. Particularly gladdening is the resolution of the National Economic Council (NEC) headed by the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, readiness to rally the states to use their own registers in reaching the poor. In addition, the state governments were encouraged to fund MSME; a point harped upon in the 3G press release. Ipso facto, the followers of Nigeria, the populace, may begin to feel or see governance as a two-sided coin: leadership and followership. All said and done, could it be inferred that in the administration of President Bola Tinubu, followership matters and can make a remarkable difference in the decision-making process? Time will tell whether this is a happenstance or habit that may be taken as a hallmark of the administration!

    • John Ekundayo, Ph.D. – can be reached via +2348030598267 (WhatsApp only) and drjmoekundayo@hotmail.com
  • Current hardship in Nigeria: Blame successive weak, corrupt governments

    Current hardship in Nigeria: Blame successive weak, corrupt governments

    This one making the third week in succession, the subject discussed, majorly, on this column was that of reducing the cost of governance in Nigeria with the National Assembly flagged as the chief culprit in the stupendous profligacy.

    Given that fact, what are Nigerians expected to make of  the N70B allocated to members of the same National Assembly in the newly approved supplementary budget especially when viewed against the claim once made by Mrs Ngozi Okonjo- Iweala, the twice Nigerian former minister of Finance?

    In her book, ‘Fighting Corruption is Dangerous: The Story Behind the Headlines’, she revealed the arm-twisting that characterised budget passage by the National Assembly during the Goodluck Jonathan administration, referencing an event in 2015, when its leadership COERCED the executive arm to part with a whooping N17 billion added to the year’s budget before it was passed.

    In interrogating the new fuel pump prices, it is important to appropriately situate who, or what, to hold responsible for the  infliction of this extreme hardship on Nigerians. Unfortunately, being mostly of short memory, many Nigerians may not think of  linking the  development to former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s cancellation of history in Nigerian schools whereas, the clever militician was only being proactive knowing, well in advance, that there was no way Nigerians could avoid  suffering the whirlwind of the wind which PDP sowed during its 16 year – stranglehold over Nigeria which, among other things, included spending 16 billion dollars, procuring darkness, in place of electricity, for hapless Nigerians.

    Tinubu’s implacable foes would be eager to put the blame squarely on his less than 2- month old administration which, in future, would be commended for demonstrating the political will, even bravado, lack of which saw President Goodluck Jonathan beat a hasty retreat when in 2012 he attempted to remove fuel subsidy, and ended up postponing the evil day. Now it has caught up with us.

    For me, Nigerians are unjustly suffering the consequences of corruption in all spheres of our past governments – Executive, legislative and the judiciary – all of which combined to worsen everything concerning fuel: its production (how our four refineries were bastardised through poor, or non- existent, turn – around maintenance especially in the Obasanjo years), importation (fraudulent subsidy payments) and how the judiciary shielded oil fraudsters who claimed billions of Naira in subsidy payments, even on ships which never visited anywhere on the West African coast.

    The last ( Judiciary) led Femi Falana, SAN to, not too long ago, write as follows:”The menace of corruption is compounded by the impunity of the ruling class. It is, therefore, pertinent to join issues with the lawyers who are being used to frustrate the anti-corruption war. Although the NBA condemns corruption in  both the bar and the bench, it is public knowledge that some senior lawyers have since  been recruited to frustrate the prosecution of corrupt elements in  the society”.

    The result of all these is that despite being Africa’s largest oil and gas producer, Nigeria’s core problem today is that it relies almost exclusively on expensive imports to meet its gasoline needs since all the refineries  have all become dilapidated and idle, due to corruption and mismanagement.

    It is unbelievable that much of this happened under the ever – wise President Obasanjo who doubled as Oil minister and waited, until shortly before his exit, to decide to sell the ‘dead’ refineries, which decision, allegedly suspecting foul play, the Yar Adua government promptly rescinded.

    That exactly was when the rain began to beat us but it was still not enough for the kleptomanic PDP which then ensured that  the number of fuel importers shot up exponentially; including not only party members, but the children of two of its successive Chairmen.

    It is, therefore, under the PDP maladministration that any objective discourse on the current problem should begin. Curiously, the party, being congenitally shameless, is loudest in its condemnation of market forces dictating prices as we just saw but which it sees as government action.

    Matters were not better, nor helped, under President Muhammadu Buhari who was also the Minister of Petroleum Resources.

    Outright lassitude, complete with an unreflecting nepotism, and cronyism, especially in matters relating to oil only worsened between 2015 -2023 May.

    As you read this, NNPCL, even as a limited liability company today, mirrors nothing besides a Northern Nigerian Development company in its staffing.

    The result, as Adewale Adeoye recently put it in his brief intervention titled: N500B PALIATIVE: HERE’S A PEOPLE’S APPROACH, with which I perfectly agree: “Not that Buhari did not achieve anything, but his economic team was barren and arid, bereft of any creativity in form and content”.

    All these government failures led us to no where besides our present gnashing of teeth and further pauperisation of the poor.

    The current fuel prices, cannot, and must not, however, be used to judge the yet inchoate, barely 60 – day old, Tinubu Administration. This is because for him, doing nothing was no alternative at all.

    Matters were, in fact, worsened by the  fact  that effective from this month  (July 2023), there  was no  further budgetary allocation for fuel subsidy.

    Tinubu simply had no alternative to coming up with new policies far different from those that would have inexorably led the country to perdition because, again, in Adeoye’s words:”The situation on ground is appalling. Buhari left a car without an engine, without tyres and laden with lice and rotten faeces”.  It takes, he writes, “a lot of courage to  as much as touch the car in the first place,”.

     “That, for Adeoye, is what Nigeria has become”.

    Tinubu is only  now beginning to change things but the road will be difficult, as well as painful and will require patience and prayers  from all of us because when, or if, the sky caves in, it will not do so on an individual’s head.

    May the good Lord see us all through this very difficult phase of Nigeria’s development which, for a certainty, will become history.

  • Washington Moments

    Washington Moments

    I recently spent a week in Washington DC attending a Journalism boot camp along with some colleagues from Africa. I didn’t have time to explore the city but below are some of the side-memorable moments of my stay.

    African – American Museum

    The tour through the massive African -American Museum was very enlightening and depressing. It brought back harrowing memories of what our African forefathers and mothers went through being shipped from home and the battles they fought through the years to become free citizens. The effort to preserve history is very commendable and worth emulating to protect our heritage.

    Internship lesson at Dinner

    The veteran journalist who spoke at the welcome dinner recalled how maximizing internship opportunities gave him an advantage over his colleagues.

    “While others grudgingly ran errands without paying attention. I read copies I was asked to take from one desk to the other. I asked questions and got answers. I learnt so much that prepared me for my career journey”

    They don’t know it’s Sallah

    It was supposed to be Sallah Day and public holiday back home in Nigeria, but there was no sign of any religious celebration at the venue of the programme and the environment. People went about their regular duties and I was forced to ask why. I was told those who want to celebrate can, but it’s not a nationwide celebration.

    Whimsical

    There is nothing whimsical about the tool, but that’s what it is called.  Whimsical said to be the fastest way for product teams to diagram, wireframe, and brainstorm collaboratively was one of the new tools I learned to use during the Journalism Bootcamp. Check it out.

    Fun-fact about me

    Is it funny that two of my three graduates children who studied History & Quantity Survey are now full-time fashion entrepreneurs? My co-participants and officials accepted it as my fun fact which we were to add to introducing ourselves and ‘consoled’ me that old school parents like me have to live with such reality with the present generation.

    One day away from Friday

    I’m used to the expression Thank God it’s Friday, but I learnt a new one from the lady at the reception of the organization I attended a training in Washington recently when I greeted her on a Thursday morning and she responded with some excitement. ” Good morning. One day away from Friday”

    Where is the food?

    What is food to Americans is not the same for Africans. After scanning the supposed food items for breakfast and lunch during our weeklong stay, I and other African colleagues usually ask ourselves where is the food? Where is the real thing we call food back home? Where is the swallow? A colleague who once came to Lagos asked me?

    Simeon the Ateba

    Years ago he was a reporter with PM News in Lagos. Today the Cameroonian-born journalist is Publisher and Chief White House Correspondent of Today News Africa in the United States. He came to see me with a friend and we spent some moments discussing his exploits and the constantly changing media terrain.

    I like your suit

    I got complimented by many people for the different  Kaftan I wore throughout the week courtesy of my two fashion entrepreneurs’ children. What confused me however was when I kept hearing them say “I like your suit”

    It’s the cheekbone!

    She is an African American but almost resembles one or two ladies I know back in Lagos. When I showed her the picture of someone who looks like her twin in Lagos, she exclaimed ” Wao. It’s the cheekbones.”