The Nation Newspaper

Category: Sunday

  • Still in search of an authentic national consensus

    Still in search of an authentic national consensus

    The actuality has turned out to be more dire than the auguries. The sixty fifth anniversary of Nigeria has now come and gone. As it has been predicted, the national mood was sombre and subdued. As the day approached, the discerning could feel a thick pall of despondency in the air and an atmosphere of generalized desperation. It was as if the dispensing machines had run out of vending hope and optimism after a run on them. This is the staple fare of pain-killing morphine on which an embattled and embittered populace had depended on in sixty five years of trial and tribulation. But addiction to pain-killers, like the pain-killers themselves, often have their expiry date and time.

    Given the general state of perturbation and widespread anxiety in the land, one was not unduly surprised when the announcement came cancelling the Independence Day parade, thus stripping the occasion of its pomp and pageantry. Whenever you have this kind of unusual announcement, the airwaves are rife with rumours and unsettling speculations that something nasty was in the offing. In the event, rather than glad-handing and iron-pumping in Abuja, the president chose to remain in his Lagos residence from where he rallied the nation in an Independence speech of rousing bravery and exceptional tough-mindedness. But if the truth must be told, it was of little avail, for it was at this particular point that the PENGASSAN versus Dangote Refinery faceoff snowballed into a full-blown downing of tools by the oil-sector workers. As long queues resurfaced at the petrol station and as commuters and motorists alike began hunting for the rare stuff like primitive hunter-gatherers, the downbeat mood became even more sullied and unappeasable.

       Cashing in on the unfortunate situation, some of the leaders who have led the nation up this ruinous path began calling for drastic reform or revolution. The veteran roadrunner among them, without any sense of momentous irony, insisted that the time had come to smash the moribund system. Why he thinks he himself and his vast retinue will escape the fury of the revolutionary mob in the event of an upheaval remains a source of profound mystery. Even more worrisome is the possibility that the nation is being set up for a catastrophic descent into anarchy as a prelude or dress rehearsal for the voting year of 2027 and all its magical possibilities.

       But why the year 2025 in its ember phase and the occasion of its sixty fifth anniversary should cast such an ominous pall of magical possibilities on the nation deserve more scrutiny. It may well be that just as humans suffer anxiety neurosis so do nations. In the modern bureaucratic calendar that we have adopted, the age of sixty five is the ultimate and terminal retirement age, the sharp cut-off point of all elongated shenanigans, extensions, multiple additions and covert adjustments. The retiree must go into compulsory retirement to embrace the dark shadows of old age, senescence or senility as the case may be, if they are not recalled by their maker. This is the age in which the patients worry themselves to death about missed deadlines, missed opportunities, vanished timelines and datelines.

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       There is a time for everything. You cannot be fretting about interview schedules or frantic about fresh job opportunities when you are already at the departure lounge waiting for the final call. The dominance of oral culture in Africa allows us to take a bitter jig at our colonially imposed modern calendar with its mechanical and mechanistic framework which does not allow or permit creative laxity or imaginative evasions. Due to lack of public records, it is only in Africa that the same person could hold on to multiple birthdates on the ground that he was born several moons ago on a market day with birds singing and goats bleating furiously, or where a centenarian can often pass as a sprightly septuagenarian. But that too must end at some point, like the Egungun Festival which must terminate at some point no matter the associated merriments and festivities. Time is the ultimate leveler which must bring together all the contending classes including children of loafers and the scions of loaf-masters.

        History is the master of allegory or allegorized reality. History, in its actual lived experience and confounding perplexities, often simplifies reality for us and resolves its own conundrums as it unfolds and expands thrusting its heady contradictions at us as we struggle to make sense of its awesome imponderables. Only last week in this column, we narrated how this columnist was invited in 1985 by the duo of Dele Giwa and Ray Ekpu to contribute to a publication to commemorate the twenty fifth anniversary of the nation. As it was explained last Sunday, the columnist latched on to the image of a master paradox to explain away the strange combination of magnificent strengths and gargantuan weaknesses which seem to have defined the existence of the nation since amalgamation. For many people the idea of a roiling paradox has since entered the national imagination as a general password for unlocking the Nigerian predicament.

        Ten years after this landmark publication, Dele Giwa has been bombed out of existence about a year after on October 19th 1986. But in a strange twist of grueling irony, it was the turn of Kayode Soyinka, Dele Giwa’s golden boy and favourite newshound, to invite this columnist to ruminate on the circumstances of Nigeria on its thirty fifth anniversary commemoration. In the intervening decade, Soyinka, who only miraculously escaped being brutally dispatched like his boss, had transited from being an intrepid reporter to becoming the publisher of the respectable and influential magazine, Africa Today. That October, the nation’s reputation was in tatters having plumbed the depth of disrepute to become a pariah in the comity of nations. General Sani Abacha had bared his steely fangs and the entire nation lay cowering under the hammer of his brutal despotism. The mood of the nation darkened and there was a foul distemper about reminiscent of the goggled tyrant himself. Nobody ever believed that politically speaking, things could turn that foul and nasty.

       This time around, this writer fastened on the image of a giant toddler at thirty five trundling about the bare floor unable to get up and go. A toddler at thirty five is a genetic monstrosity; a victim of irreversible retardation and arrested development. It recalls the figure of, Aboliga, the man-child ,Ayi Kwei Armah’s haunting creation in The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born.  The one-day wonder grew to manhood and full maturity the same day he was born only to perish that same day. Nothing grows or endures for long in the sultry tropics, certainly not people, nations and institutions,  and the equatorial torpor has claimed its own once again.

    That was thirty years ago after a presidential election that promised to unite and unify the nation produced a hapless civilian interloper and the most monstrous despot ever seen in the history of the nation. The caustic severity of the framing referent of an earth-hugging adolescent toddler was an accurate reflection of the national trauma as Nigeria cascaded over the cliff to the bottomless pit of self-eradication once again. If any substantial damage has been done to the national fabric, the nation has had the intervening three decades to heal and to repair the damage. First was the heroic struggle against military absolutism which has since entered the universal folklore of the struggle of a people for self-emancipation. The upheaval against military eruption which sent the soldiers back to the barracks can be regarded as the golden moment of Nigeria’s post-independence history.

       Unfortunately, and by universal consensus, the post-military civilian restoration has, in the main, been underwhelming in its performance, particularly in the areas of the economy, national cohesion and the scourge of corruption and mismanagement. To be sure, there have been a few bright spots at both the national and subnational levels such as the brilliant demilitarization programme of the Obasanjo regime  and the sterling performance at the state levels particularly in Lagos and in emerging stars such as Ekiti, Enugu, Abia and perhaps entrepreneurially driven Akwa Ibo. But all these are too few and far between to make a dent on the fortunes of the nation.

       So what is the verdict on Nigeria at sixty five as the nation marked a gloomy anniversary this past week? The answers came in torrents and they could not be gloomier than the mood of the nation itself. This time around and in a startling development which hints at a global revolution in the knowledge industry and a change in demographic reflecting the growing predominance of youth in the power equation, it was Nigerians themselves who supplied the answers. This time around, Nigerians did not need “specialists” to explain away the antics of “madmen”; neither do they need their celebrated intellectuals and writers to explain the plight of the nation. They dismissed the nation as akin to a sixty five year old retiree without any further hope of redemption or restitution; a nation with a great future firmly behind it.

        Fortunately, the timeline of a nation’s existence is completely different from the lifespan of a human organism. Unlike human life, the nation is an infinite continuum with an oceanic plenitude of time. Nation’s do not succumb to sudden death or peremptory cardiac seizure. Even where breakup is a definite possibility, the warning signals are almost elastic in their sheer permissiveness. This is why Nigeria still has a lot to play for. It is not over until it is over. But a lot still needs to be done to halt the drift to Golgotha. This is a great country. But like all violently heterogeneous entities it is taking quite some time to come together and the human toll, the collateral damages, have been quite prohibitive. The coming decade will be quite critical in our quest for that elusive and authentic national consensus.

  • Baba Lekki takes Independence Day yabis to new heights

    Baba Lekki takes Independence Day yabis to new heights

    To the modish and moodily confrontational Gbedegbeyo Television Station, an equal opportunity bastion of ethnic irredentism on the outskirts of the Ajisegiri Canal, as the aging but irrepressible contrarian, Lambert Alekuso, aka Baba Lekki, fielded questions on the state of the nation on the occasion of the sixty fifth independence anniversary. Like most die-hard Yoruba progressives of the old school, a pattern of wary engagement with the ruling party has emerged since the coming to power of the greatest political disruptor of the age: strategic silence when everything is going well and the government appears to be on top of its brief and intense commotion coupled with rearguard revanchist rhetoric about the need to revisit the amalgamation of the country when the nation is on edge. Baba Lekki seems to have mastered this double-edged brief beyond the call of normal duty.

    This morning, the mournful drizzle that commenced around midnight had resumed duty after a brief respite as vast pools of murky water gathered on the sidewalks with angry commuters cursing careless motorists as they drove through the rivulets splashing and splattering everything in sight with foul effluents. As a result of the faceoff between PENGASSAN and Dangote Refinery, the few stations still dispensing fuel were besieged by irate citizens screaming to get on the rowdy queues and off-duty miscreants heaving heavy-duty jerry cans. Public distemper was palpable and the atmosphere was pregnant with foul foreboding and imminent combustion.

      Inside the hall, Baba Lekki sat on a lone chair rocking precariously from side to side and eyeing everybody in the hall with sullen contempt. He was approached by one of the female hostesses to find out if he needed some water to cool down and he snarled at the lady with such severity that the poor soul back-heeled quickly to the control room. He was obviously still smarting from the hostile reception he got at the security gate earlier. The rickety jalopy bringing him was flagged to a full stop by security people including a most impertinent woman. He was asked to alight and submit himself to a security search. After a thorough frisking, he was asked to remove a massive amulet dangling ominously from his breast pocket. The old man declined on the ground that it was an item of dressing.

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    “If you are not a fool, will you ask Basorun Ogunmola to remove his isura or insurance?”the old man screamed at them. When the security people insisted, the he offered to go in naked whereupon he started removing his trousers. The lady fled just as their supervisor who had been monitoring from a control room jumped out.

      “Let baba go, just let him go, we don’t want any trouble”, he screamed at his subordinates as the old man sauntered away.

     The lead interviewer thought he should begin by humouring the old codger who was as recalcitrant and truculent as ever.

    “Baba, despite everything, we must give thanks. At least the nation has survived”, he opened with syrupy smiles.

     “I don’t understand that kind of survival. It is the survival of an ayorunbo”, the old man snorted with his malignant humour resurfacing. The audience was stunned into total silence.

    “Baba, what is an ayorunbo?” the second interviewer inquired.

        “He who has escaped from heaven”, the old man replied, deadpan.

         “Kai, kai dis Yariba baba na shege !” one man dressed in babanriga hollered from the back of the hall.

        “So baba, what is the state of the Nigerian state?” the lead interviewer demanded.

     “ The Nigerian state is in quite a state, which means the state is pregnant. But let me tell you this, we will not allow all the nonsense you are planning. No matter what happens the man there must spend his eight years, sam, sam. If anything happens, you can say goodbye to Nigeria”, the old man submitted.

     “Haba!”, the man in babanriga shouted.

    “You can haba till eternity. When you people were running the ruining the country and mismanaging everything, we didn’t disturb you, or did we?” the old man queried.

    “So, it is now turn by turn mismanagement, abi?” a well -dressed young man sitting in the front row demanded, his diction suggesting class and affluence.

     “Call it anything. Na you sabi dat one”, Baba Lekki retorted.

     “Dem Yoruba people don bring dem wuruwuru and magomago into dis matter again.” One chap with an eastern accent screamed.

    “Thunder fire your mother. If you say another word, I will send akalamagbo to seal your mouth. Where was your mother when I was carrying poun-poun in Agodi Prisons because of Azikiwe in the fifties?” the old man exploded. Pandemonium almost set in at this point. But things calmed down quickly.

    “Baba what is your view of the rumoured Jonathan entry to the presidential race?” the lead man asked as he cast furtive glances around.

      “Call no man lucky until good luck has followed him till the end. Goodluck is Sigidi who wants to test his luck by demanding for a bath. Nothing must stop a small child from climbing the hill of Langbodo, ” the old man scoffed with apocalyptic relish. It was at this point that some well-armed militants rushed in through the backdoor and sent everybody scampering for safety.

    •This column is proceeding on annual leave.

  • Dangote on my mind (III)

    Dangote on my mind (III)

    One of the highlights of the first, so-called, civilian government after our painful dealings with military rulers was the selling off of many of our joint assets to the friends, cronies and surrogates of the government that was soon to reluctantly vacate the corridors of power. In the process of gathering where they did not sow, they had injured each other severely. And so, by the time they were leaving office, the most powerful members of that government, together with their gangs of hangers-on were no longer on speaking terms. So deep were the antiparthies within and between them that today, two decades after the great falling apart, they are still in the habit of taking pot shots at each from deeply entrenched but hardly concealed positions.

    On the eve of their departure from office, they somehow contrived to sell the four government owned crude oil refineries at a price which for its paltryness, does not deserve to be mentioned at this time. The buyer then was none other than Aliko Dangote, now the proud owner of the largest single train crude oil refinery in the world. This sale was,for any number of reasons, prevented from being consummated by the incoming government and the deal fell through. What has happened to those refineries since then is a catalogue of sorry history. In the end, the ownership of the refineries reverted to the NNPC for further mismanagement and twenty years later they are still swallowing huge chunks of dollars for nothing. In the meantime, the country has been suffering from an energy deficit that is wholly incompatible with development.

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    Ever since 1974 when in the wake of the Yom Kippur war, the Arabs wrapped their fingers tightly around their oil pipelines, crude oil has figured prominently in global discussion about the future of the world. The immediate consequence of the Arab control of their oil was to send the price of crude oil into a steep upward trajectory. Whilst the rest of the world groaned under pressure of increased oil prices, Nigeria and other oil producing countries were floundering under the weight of the petrodollars which poured into their coffers in what appeared to be a never ending stream. Prominent among these countries was Nigeria. So much money was coming into the country that the military head of state at the time declared that money was no longer our problem but how to spend it. And how badly we spent it on all manner of baubles that caught our fancy. We spent that money with so much ferocity that it was gone within no more than five glorious years. And then, we became poor but not before we picked up a slew of intolerably bad habits which since then we have found impossible to shake off. Chief among these habits was corruption and following very closely behind was our disdain for work of any kind, not to talk about work of the hard variety. Money was to be had in government coffers and many people had unfettered access to government money, in and out of government owned facilities. True, the governments of the day made some attempt to provide some facilities for public use, it was soon apparent that government spending was no more than a smoke screen under which a lot of money was simply diverted into private pockets, to be used for the purchase of their very own domestic comfort. The result of the confluence of those effects is that the government has become an avenue for the provision of loot on a grand scale for all those who had access to it. Nowhere was this more glaring than in the oil and gas sector of what passes for the Nigerian economy. A class or entire corps of players in our economy has arisen to feed on the rest of us. These people have become so used to enjoying their criminal privileges that they will stop at nothing to protect their interests.

    Throughout the period of endemic fuel shortages, the mechanisms of the oil market were under the control of the NNPC. It is the largest government owned oil company in Africa and with assets north of $150 billion, it is a powerful player in the global oil industry. Since its formation in 1977, the NNPC has assumed the role of a government within the government of Nigeria. It is that powerful and whoever is in charge of it is most certainly a person of distinction within the Nigerian power structure. To put it bluntly, this company gradually but purposefully acquired enough clout to become a law unto itself.

    It is a company whose accounts were not, or indeed could not be audited for years. It operated behind a screen of opacity so that the harder you looked, the less you could see or discern. Given this situation, this company can be compared to the mafia. Everyone knew they existed but hiding under a corporate fog, their existence could not be proven. Their final cloak was provided by successive Presidents who also retained the post of Minister of Petroleum Resources. After all, with the sale of crude oil providing all the fuel that powered the economy, keeping direct control of the NNPC was crucial to the health of that economy. However this has not enhanced the performance of this company and the consequence of this has been seen in the endless queues at petrol stations all over the land, a phenomenon that had become endemic over a period of fifty years.

    The last straw that broke the proverbial camel’s back was when the authorities of the Central Bank, joined in the operation to sabotage the national economy. To be fair, no collusion between the bank and NNPC has been discovered but between the two bodies, the nation was brought to its knees around Christmas in 2022. As usual, there was an acute shortage of fuel but even if there was fuel, there was no money in circulation to buy the fuel with. And this because the Central Bank had withdrawn all currency notes from circulation even as new notes were being printed to replace them. A humongous sum of money was set aside for this purpose, money that could and should have been set aside for more productive ventures. This was at a time when the NNPC had contracted debts the servicing of which included money from the sale of crude oil which was not due to be pumped out of the ground for many months into the future. The country was flat broke even though political parties were campaigning seriously for support in the imminent general elections for which hopeful politicians were burning off billions of Naira as they wooed a shell shocked electorate. The government that was eventually elected rewarded the bemused electorate with the double whammy of a near five times increase in the price of petrol and the exposure of the fragile Naira to the gale force winds of the unforgiving market place. The good people of Nigeria were caught in a vicious bind from which escape has been impossible since then.

    Throughout this period of discomfiture, the only light from the East was the persistent rumour of the imminence of the commencement of a refinery that was being built in Lagos by Aliko Dangote. But there was little room for hope because the building, equipping and commissioning of that refinery appeared to have taken forever to become reality. In the midst of our vast desert, it was becoming apparent that it was at best a mirage and at worst a giant hoax. After all, the project was first mooted in 2013 and due for completion in 2016. Seven years later, petrol was yet to come out of the refinery and our collective hearts sank when the NNPC, broke and broken as it was, announced that it was going to take a 20% stake in the refinery. Finally, in September of 2024, the news broke that petrol was finally coming out of the refinery and we heaved a collective sigh of relief. Little did we know at the time that the struggle for home refined fuel was only just beginning.

  • Re- inventing Nigeria

    Re- inventing Nigeria

    Jeremiah 29:7 says, “Seek the prosperity of the city to which I have exiled you, and pray for it, because your prosperity depends on the prosperity of the city”

    The above passage encourages God’s people to seek the common good of their  communities,(countriies) even in exile, and to be agents of peace and prosperity very much unlike what you see the El Rufai’s, the Atiku’s and the Obi’s do daily, either crying revolution, revolution or  importing Fulani terrorists into Nigeria when they are not spreading other negativities that  easily feed into AI negative data repository on Nigeria.

    One person who has allowed that biblical injunction to guide his thoughts, and actions towards our country, even though we are not in exile in Nigeria,  is Pastor Poju Oyemade, using the instruumentality of his ‘The Platform Nigeria’, to continually interrogate critical issues affecting the country at well publicised global media events.

    Not in any way suprising, therefore, the latest of these, held 1 October, 2025 had as its theme “Rebuilding Our Nigeria”, which subject

    speakers were brought in from as far afield as Kosovo (from where the First Female President, Atifete Jahjaga, was tapped) to join a group of Nigerian Public Intellectuals to interrogate.

    It is time more Nigerians emulate the Visionary Pastor as he has himself urged.

    Introducing the event, Pastor Oyemade wrote:”Our journey so far represents a reflection on the past in order to fashion out the right policies for the future. Every Nigerian, knows that the country is in a strategic place where the opportunity to take the country into the League of Nations with a strong upward trajectory, is largely based on us— the citizenry”.

    As an aside, let me quickly say that I have always been fascinated by The Platform, Nigeria as I recall briefly discussing, on these pages, Prof Charles Soludo’s appearance as guest speaker a while ago.

    This year’s theme particularly fascinates me as it is a subject I have not only thought deeply about, but have actually taken time to write about.

    In the article:”That Nigeria May Survive These Precarious Times”, published Sunday, 13 September, 2020 and now reproduced on pages 228 -231 of my book:’Simply a Citizen Journalist'(Amazon link:https://a.co/d/dXnfY77).

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    I wrote as  follows in a piece which I will sincerely urge President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to take a hard,  and sympathetic  look at, since the economy, under his able guidance has since turned the corner, as he did not fail to inform Nigerians during his Independence day speech; a fact with which the Bretton Wood institutions as well as some other international financial agencies agree.

    Happy reading.

    Anyone who does not yet admit that the unworkable unitary constitutional arrangement of Nigeria is the tap from which all the miseries being lamented flow, and that the solution lies in turning off the tap instead of mopping more vigorously, is either irredeemably dishonest or hopelessly ignorant. Nigeria’s problem is structural and not the Leadership problem being bandied around. The former is directly responsible for the latter and the solution to Nigeria lies in the fundamental reconfiguration of it’s damaged constitutional basis,  not in changing its leadership bandwagon.

    It is a monumental disaster that those who should know these are still discussing political party reconfiguration (ie Restructuring of Political Parties) instead of Union Reconfiguration (Restructuring of the Country)” – Tony Nnadi.

    As you read this not a few Nigerians are now convinced that restructuring Nigeria is, in fact,  too little, too late, but not this columnist who many have accused of being an incurable optimist for believing not only that the country can still be salvaged, but that it can, indeed, still rise to glorious heights as well as take its place among the comity of civilised Nations.

    I admit though, that time is of the essence for an ailment left untreated can be fatal.

    As a historian, I am neither forgetful, nor unmindful of what this country was in its days of competitive federalism; the pre ’66 days before the military mangled its essence, and a period that witnessed growth and development in every sphere of the economy, and in all parts of the country.

    Agriculture – not this oil boom turned doom, was the country’s mainstay. In education, not only did Chief Obafemi Awolowo  give the West free education, each region established a University which has since been taken over by a predatory federal government. Industrialisation went apace with textile industries copiously established in the North, and saw the very beginning of industrialisation in the East which has since emerged about the most industrialised part today, not forgetting Awo incredibly turning Ikeja and Apapa into a giant industrial complex. Among those myriad of  industries is the roofing number one company in Nigeria today , Nigerite Ltd, a Belgian – Odua Ltd jointly owned company yours truly was privileged to have headed its Board of Directors.

    In healthcare delivery, the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, ranked amongst the best hospitals in the entire Commonwealth. Fiscal freedom  facilitated all these, and more, to the extent that regions had their own envoys in overseas countries.

    All these now read like ancient history  but with restructuring, and a return to the pre ’66 era – though  with some minor adjustments here and there – Nigeria cannot only be salvaged but could very well rise gloriously to become a great country; not the perennially feuding one we now have with a slew of  truly murderous groups now ferrociously battling the federal government for control of large swathes of territory.

    It is in remembrance of  those days that I made it  celebration galore on these pages last Sunday as I wrote on  how, patriotically, the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) spoke on behalf of corporate Nigeria. , cogently presenting to the government of President Mohammadu Buhari what things it must now do  to reverse the country’s  galloping drift  to Golgotha.

    Although my enthusiasm was, unfortunately not shared by many, I remain persuaded, that restructuring is the way to go to keep Nigeria not only united but solid.

    Not a few, especially in the South, believe that NEF was merely out on a decoy,  just trying to lull the rest of us into a non- existent revelry. They asked, for instance, how many times I heard former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, by far the most enthusiastic  Northern supporter of restructuring, mention restructuring in the region during the last presidential campaigns.

    They believe that the North unduly enjoys, by far, too many  unfair  advantages to care, and that indeed, popular as President Buhari is in the North, his party would suffer massively there, if he toys with the idea.

    I, however,  believe that a man who could defend  his country on the battlefield, thus demonstrating his preparedness to pay the utmost price in its service, should not be put off by such puny ethnic considerations from doing that which will stabilise his country to an era of  peace and development.

    I do not believe that the President needs any further lessons in patriotism.

    For ease of reference, l reproduce , in bold relief, some of NEF’s prescriptions for sustainable peace and progress  in Nigeria.

    It opined as follows: “Nigeria’s future  rests largely on its willingness to address major constraints to Equity and Justice (or where is equity when most consequential appointments go to only one section of the country, incidentally their own), have a functional structure, (not one being bigger than the rest, put together), with consistent good governance, security for all citizens – (not when fissiparous tendencies are now  truly alarming), with a credible electoral process(the least said the better since the return of democratic governance in ’99), enjoys a growing understanding between, and among all groups (unlike herders and farmers) and an economy that grows, and narrows inequalities between classes and regions”.  Were this the situation, 82 million Nigerians will not be living below poverty line).

    “The Forum then recommends the alternative of leaders of thought, elders, groups and professional organisations and representatives of government, to freely discuss every element of our co-existence as a country under principles of voluntarism, genuine representation – preferably by election – mutual respect and integrity of the process”.

    Specifically, it said: “A Nigerian Peoples’ Conference on Review of the Constitution will benefit from past work in this direction in addition to contemporary challenges, which the country needs to address in a context that allows free and productive engagements without pre-determined ends.”

    “The outcome of this conference, it concluded, should be submitted to the two arms of government, which should provide for a referendum in the constitution so that Nigerians can directly decide on how they want their nation to be structured and function”.

    In making a case for restructuring to the Buhari government, even though the APC  disdained the Jonathan 2014 National Conference, I am not asking President Buhari to re- invent the wheel. Should he not wish to proceed along the lines  suggested, or being  canvassed by the Northern Elders Forum, itself  an essemble of reputable Northerners who do not love the North less than he does – (since many believe that his attitude to restructuring derives from his fear of the  North losing some advantages it currently enjoys) – or just in case he does not agree with certain portions of the suggestions, then he should, at the very least, be able to  order that the report of his party’s El Rufai Committee on Devolution of  Power, be exhumed from whatever cooler it  has since been consigned.

    The committee, while submitting its report to the  APC National Chairman , Chief John Odigie – Oyegun, in January 2018, told Nigerians that  it was making several  recommendations, based on the opinions of Nigerians.

    Some of these are: resource control, making local government an affair of states, constitutional amendment to allow merger of states, state police, state court of appeal and independent candidacy, amongst others.

    These recommendations were so well received, nationally, that not only was then Bayelsa state governor Seriake

    Dickson, though of the opposition PDP, euphoric about it, stalwarts of various  Niger – Delta movements equally commended it.

    It was therefore a rather bewildering  surprise that  despite these  positive vibes, and the fact that the party’s National Executive Committee allegedly approved it, the party still decided to remit it to a sub committee where it has been gathering dust, all in deference to the President’s body language, if not say so.

    Nigeria does not deserve to splinter because the Northwest looks like dead set on continuing with the axyphisiating status quo. Apart from the wholesale advantages to the citizenry, a United Nigeria has too much to offer the world, especially Blacks all over the world, who see it as Motherland (Ghana has already extended an official invitation to Black Americans to come and settle there) for a few people, or one man, not to allow Nigeria to blossom and attain her destiny.

    The story has become cruelly unendifying, talking about how Nigeria was at par with most   South East Asian countries at a point in time, some of which have now graduated to the First world while Nigeria continues to wallow at the very nadir of the Third, and shamefully dubbed the Poverty Capital (PC) of the world. This becomes more nauseating given its  natural endowments and stupendous  human resources.

    As the BBC recently reported on January 25, 2020 there are about 4000 Nigerian doctors practicing in the USA, with another  5000 currently registered in the UK .The remaining are reportedly spread across Canada and Australia.

    As the Northern Elders Forum  has shown, no section of this country, or least of it, an individual, has the right to unnecessarily hold her down . Not only has the presidency prevaricated, the National Assembly, though taking a large chunk of the country’s resources, has once surprisingly voted against Power Devolution.

    President Buhari must now, once again, demonstrate his love for the country  by  setting in motion the process of convoking a national committee, preferably  along the lines suggested by NEF, to further add value to the recommendations of the APC  Power Devolution Committee”.

    These musings are, as relevant today, as when first written in 2020.

  • Tinubu’s retelling of Nigeria’s 65 years of pain, progress, gloom, bloom

    Tinubu’s retelling of Nigeria’s 65 years of pain, progress, gloom, bloom

    It was a week of commemoration, a week of recollections, and a week of sober reflections. Nigeria turned 65 on Wednesday, October 1, 2025, and as expected, the season brought with it the predictable cacophony of voices – the idealists who speak of what could have been, the cynics who amplify only the failings, and the hopeful who insist that in the balance of our national journey, progress has not eluded us. In this chorus of perspectives, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu chose, in his Independence Day broadcast, to reframe the narrative, not in denial of the challenges, but in recognition that Nigeria’s story has been one of both adversity and advancement.

    From his residence in Lagos, where he has been since returning from the coronation of the 44th Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Olawolu Ladoja, the President’s words were as much a call to perspective as they were a commitment to perseverance. He insisted that Nigeria has neither failed nor stagnated, but has, like all nations, travelled a road marked by gains and losses, victories and setbacks. And significantly, he affirmed: “The worst is over.”

    The President’s Independence broadcast was not an exercise in romanticising history, nor was it a blind indulgence in pessimism. Rather, it was an attempt to broaden the lens of national memory. He asked Nigerians to view the last 65 years not only through the prism of disappointment, but also through the prism of achievement.

    Using data as anchor, Tinubu recalled that at independence in 1960, Nigeria had just 120 secondary schools. Today, that number has grown to more than 23,000. From a single university at Ibadan and a technical college in Yaba, Nigeria now counts 274 universities, 183 polytechnics, and 236 colleges of education. Life expectancy, healthcare access, physical infrastructure, financial services, telecommunications, aviation, and IT have all expanded exponentially.

    Of course, he did not ignore the dark chapters—the civil war, decades of military rule, insurgencies, and recurring economic distortions. But the point was clear: Nigeria’s 65-year history is not a tale of collapse, but of survival and renewal. “Yesterday’s pains,” the President said, “are giving way to relief.”

    That line struck at the heart of his larger message: the tough reforms of the last two years—removing the fuel subsidy, ending multiple exchange rates, stabilising the naira, expanding tax collection, boosting oil production, and diversifying exports—are beginning to yield results.

    Read Also: Tinubu assures northern Christians of fairness

    Yet, the Independence broadcast was not an isolated performance. Two days earlier, in Owerri, Imo State, the President had delivered what sounded like a prelude. There, while unveiling a book authored by Governor Hope Uzodinma and commissioning projects, Tinubu addressed a brewing storm—an attempt at international misinformation.

    American television host Bill Maher had claimed that Nigeria was a theatre of “systemic genocide against Christians.” The President was unequivocal in his rebuttal: there is no such genocide, and Nigeria would not permit a foreign narrative designed to manufacture chaos as a prelude to resource exploitation.

    By taking the battle to the open, Tinubu demonstrated that he is not merely reacting to domestic concerns but is alert to international propaganda. His Owerri speech was a message to Nigerians and to the world: nothing escapes the attention of Nigeria’s leadership, and under his watch, the country would not be mischaracterised to suit external interests.

    That clarity of response aligned with the earlier statement issued by the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, but by owning the rebuttal himself, Tinubu asserted authority. He showed he is fully in charge, not just of policies, but also of Nigeria’s narrative.

    If the Owerri outing was about defending Nigeria’s integrity, his Monday meeting in Lagos was about rallying resources for Nigeria’s future. Tinubu sat down with Bayo Ogunlesi of Global Infrastructure Partners & BlackRock, and Hakeem Belo-Osagie of Metis Capital—two of Nigeria’s most prominent global investment figures.

    The symbolism was rich. Just as the Japanese Meiji Restoration of the 19th century mobilised all national forces—farmers, merchants, samurai, and the diaspora—to rebuild Japan into a modern power, Tinubu is reaching out to Nigerians everywhere. He is enlisting the financial warriors of the diaspora to channel their expertise and capital into critical infrastructure, energy independence, and sustainable financing.

    “Nigeria remains ready to partner with credible global investors, especially sons of the soil and Nigerians in the diaspora,” the President said after the meetings. The message was unmistakable: rebuilding Nigeria is not the work of government alone, but of all her children.

    In that sense, Tinubu is attempting a national mobilisation unprecedented in Nigeria’s history. By summoning Ogunlesi and Belo-Osagie, he reminded the world that Nigeria’s brightest minds abroad are not detached spectators, but potential builders of the homeland. It is a Samurai move—recalling every sword, every shield, every strategist—for a collective rebirth.

    The week’s symbolism reached a crescendo on Wednesday evening in Lagos, when Tinubu officially inaugurated the renovated National Arts Theatre, now renamed the Wole Soyinka Centre for Culture and Creative Arts.

    If the economic reforms are the bones of his Renewed Hope Agenda, and the diaspora mobilisation its sinews, then this cultural rebirth is the soul. By naming the centre after Nigeria’s Nobel Laureate, Tinubu underscored that national pride is not only in GDP figures or infrastructure, but also in the creative genius that has carried Nigeria’s name to the world.

    “Uncle Wole Soyinka is one of the most talented and creative minds,” the President said at the inauguration. “It could not have been anyone else.”

    The N68 billion renovation, funded by the Bankers’ Committee under CBN Governor, has turned a decaying relic of 1970s architecture into a modern hub for arts, culture, and creativity. Tinubu urged the creation of an endowment fund for its sustainability, insisting that it must not fall back into neglect.

    In renaming the theatre after Soyinka, Tinubu also sent a message to Nigerians who indulge in speaking ill of their country: national heritage must be celebrated, not ridiculed. “This country will succeed,” he said. “Lift Nigeria, believe in Nigeria. Put Nigeria first.”

    Beyond symbolism, Tinubu backed his optimism with data. His broadcast highlighted concrete milestones of his administration’s reforms: record non-oil revenue exceeding N20 trillion in 2025, months ahead of target; debt-service-to-revenue ratio cut below 50% from 97%; external reserves at $42 billion, the highest since 2019; tax-to-GDP ratio raised to 13.5% with relief for low-income earners; five consecutive quarters of trade surplus, with non-oil exports now nearly half of the total; oil production back to 1.68 million barrels per day and domestic PMS refining for the first time in 40 years; stabilisation of the naira, with multiple exchange rates scrapped; N330 billion disbursed to eight million vulnerable households; mining growth surging, with coal rebounding by 57.5%; major rail and road projects advancing; sovereign credit upgrades and a booming stock market; and the Central Bank cutting interest rates after five years, signalling restored confidence.

    This catalogue was not a self-congratulatory scorecard but evidence of a turning tide. If 2023–24 were years of bitter medicine, then 2025 is the year Nigerians begin to feel the healing.

    The convergence of these events—Owerri’s rebuttal, Lagos investment meetings, the Independence broadcast, and the Soyinka Centre inauguration—reveals a President in full control of his agenda. He is not lurching from crisis to crisis, but following through on a coherent vision: defend Nigeria’s reputation, mobilise national and diaspora resources, reform the economy, and restore national pride through culture.

    Critics may argue about pace or pain, but even they cannot deny that Tinubu has steered Nigeria into a new chapter. He is not only rewriting the country’s economic story; he is also reframing its self-perception.

    At 65, Nigeria is neither a failed project nor a finished one. It is, in Tinubu’s framing, a nation in progress—tested, tempered, but still moving forward. The worst, he insists, is behind us. The future, he assures, is one of growth, renewal, and pride.

    The 65th Independence anniversary was more than a date on the calendar; it was a mirror held up to the nation. In that mirror, President Tinubu invited Nigerians to see not only the scars of their journey, but also the strength. To see not only what is missing, but also what has been gained.

    Even beyond the headline events of the Independence anniversary, the outing in Owerri, his engagements with global investors, and the inauguration of the Wole Soyinka Centre for Culture and Creative Arts, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s other activities and messages during the week were not insignificant; they too told parts of the Nigerian story.

    On Monday, the President extended warm felicitations to the Minister of Defense, Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, celebrating him as a consummate administrator and a dedicated public servant. The tribute underscored Tinubu’s continuing emphasis on recognising loyalty and service within his team, particularly as the Defence Ministry remains pivotal in the fight against insecurity.

    Tuesday was marked by both solemnity and firmness. The President condemned the killing of Arise News anchor Somtochukwu Maduagwu in Abuja, directing security agencies to fish out her killers swiftly. The strong tone of his directive reinforced the administration’s zero-tolerance stance on violent crime. On the same day, Tinubu announced new appointments across three key agencies — the National Biosafety Management Agency, the Investment and Security Tribunal, and the Nigerian Tourism Development Corporation — signalling his intent to fortify institutions that touch on safety, economic justice, and culture. He also joined in celebrating human rights icon Dr. Tunji Abayomi at 75, extolling his sacrifices during the struggle for democracy.

    Midweek, the President saluted Speaker Tajudeen Abbas at 60, describing him as a worthy partner in governance and praising his stabilising influence in the House. In the wake of the Ibaji boat tragedy, Tinubu urged water transport operators to put safety above profit, a reminder that governance must also speak to everyday tragedies and responsibilities.

    On Thursday, he commended Kresta Laurel Limited on its 35th anniversary, recognising enterprise discipline as vital to Nigeria’s economic growth. By Friday, his schedule turned personal and spiritual as he traveled to Jos for the funeral of the mother of APC National Chairman, Professor Nantewe Goshwe, with plans to also meet church leaders across the North.

    From Lagos to Owerri, from boardrooms with diaspora investors to the cultural halls of Iganmu, Tinubu projected sobriety, strength, and symbolism. Sobriety in recognising the mixed history of the nation. Strength in confronting misinformation and mobilising investors. Symbolism in honouring Soyinka and uplifting Nigeria’s cultural pride.

    It was, in every sense, a week of commemoration that pointed not backward, but forward—a week in which the President widened the national gaze from gloom to hope, from survival to revival.

    At 65, Nigeria has not arrived, but neither has it collapsed. And in Tinubu’s words and actions, Nigerians were reminded that the journey, though long, is still worth the walk.

  • The oil unions we knew

    The oil unions we knew

    The sector’s labour leaders must realise that the dynamics are changing and they must change tactic or die

    Anyone conversant with how our oil sector functions would have known that the purported truce brokered by the Department of State Service (DSS) early last month between Dangote Refinery and the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) would not last because what is on the surface is not just the issue. There is high-wire financial and other considerations that led to the impasse between the refinery and the union

    That explained why, almost immediately after the resolution of the dispute between the refinery and NUPENG, the other major union in the oil sector, the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) began its own strike. The strike was initially called, again, over Dangote Refinery’s alleged sack of 800 Nigerian workers for joining PENGASSAN, and replacing them with foreigners.

    The refinery confirmed the job cuts and described them as a “reorganisation exercise” aimed at improving efficiency. But it said it never replaced Nigerians with foreigners as alleged by PENGASSAN, which was joined in solidarity in the strike by NUPENG.

    I knew there was not going to be any respite after the NUPENG and Dangote deal. Even now, it does not seem to me that we have got to the end of the matter, despite the deal that made PENGASSAN to suspend its two-day strike started September 28, and ended on October 1.

    I saw all of these coming because one does not have to be a prophet to know that what is rearing its ugly head in the oil sector would eventually come to pass. That was why I had asked several times on this page, somewhat rhetorically, why things that are as soft as bean cake in the mouths of people in other parts of the world become tough bones in the mouths of Nigerians, when Dangote Refinery and the former management of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL) quarrelled shortly before the then group chief executive officer of NNPCL, Mele Kyari, was sacked on April 2. The flip-flop policies of the NNPCL started causing disruptions in the price of fuel which had started to decline and stabilise. Things only took a dramatic turn as the NNPCL refused to renew the naira-for-crude deal with Dangote Refinery.

    What I am saying is that what we seem to be having, even now, is peace of the graveyard. As a Yoruba proverb says, ‘oku te sin leekan, ese e si wa nita’ (the legs of the corpse you buried are protruding outside the grave).

    Read Also: Tinubu assures northern Christians of fairness

     When the present crisis began about three weeks ago, some allegations were made against the unions in the oil sector. One that stunned me most was the one that NUPENG collects about N70,000 on every loaded truck at the NNPCL depots.

    Some experts have done the calculations of the average number of trucks loaded daily and multiplied by the N70,000 or N75,000. I couldn’t believe my ears when I first heard about this and the first question that came into my mind was ‘owo kinni’ (what is the money for?)

    ‎Weeks after, I have not seen anyone deny that allegation or say what the money is all about. Mum has been the word from NUPENG until PENGASSAN came up with its own strike. ‎ Ordinarily, our anti-graft agencies should have been interested in this and call for NUPENG’s books for scrutiny.

    The truce reached on the two occasions between the oil unions and Dangote Refinery reminds me of the joke a colleague used to crack many years ago about an undergraduate student who was suspended for breaking one of the university’s rules. The young man was asked to bring his parents. It happened that only the father went with him, and he was a stark illiterate.

    When they got to the vice-chancellor ‘s office, he told the father what the son did. The father agreed that his son did not do well and simply asked him to prostrate and apologise to the vice-chancellor. As soon as he did, the father asked him to take his bag and baggage to his hall of residence and sin no more, and thanked the vice-chancellor for his magnanimity! Is that how it works?

    If the unions in the oil sector were truly patriotic, with power of strike that they deploy at will, our refineries should not have been dormant for the decades they have been. How else do you explain it: refineries are not working and the workers were getting paid for doing nothing? I saw figures that some experts quoted as what they collected as salaries and other emoluments running into trillions of Naira, for doing practically nothing over the years. As a matter of fact, they were still going on trainings abroad, according to some accounts, and NNPCL under successive governments was releasing funds for the travels and other emoluments.

    The oil unions saw nothing to go on strike over all those years of the locust. Their members were getting salaries and the bank alerts were coming by way of check-off dues paid by the members, which, really, seemed the basic concern of the unions and their leaders.

    It was so easy for both the unions and the respective managements of the NNPCL to be chummy because, again, permit me to fall back on another Yoruba proverb: ‘ko s’aremo lomo elede, gbogbo won lo nyi’ra mere’ (there is no difference between the first and last borns of pigs as they all play happily together in the mud).

    Both the NNPCL officials and the unions were all united by the monies they all made off Nigerians’ misery, despite the fact that the refineries were not working.

    If care is not taken, the oil sector unions may be looking forward to such abnormality of ‘oga ta, oga o ta, owo alaaru a pe’ (it is not the truck pusher’s business whether his client sells or not; his (the truck pusher) will get his money complete even now that the sector has been fully liberalised!

    And, before you say Jack Robinson, the unions would call their members out on strike, saying it is not their members’ business whether Dangote Refinery is functioning or not. They would be deaf and blind to the reality that they are no longer dealing with a government entity. It is only government that can continue to spend public funds the way the unions are used to: paying salaries without productivity. As we all know, government’s money in Nigeria is like a mad man’s leg which anyone can always go to cut a piece from because it belongs to no one in particular! Or, is the mad man himself not ‘government pikin’ in our country?

    It would be naive, mischievous or simply fool-hardy for anyone to expect Dangote Refinery to leave distribution of its products in the hands of NUPENG as we now know it. That would tantamount to committing business suicide. Even at a point, the Federal Government began to buy fuel tankers because it did not want to leave that in the hands of unions that would declare strike overnight and cripple its activities over mundane matters.

    The owner of the refinery has studied the sector very well; and you cannot blame him. You don’t invest over $20billion in a project and some people without a dime in it would come and ruin it for you, just because they are involved in the distribution of the products.

    I had said it before, that we would see strange developments in the oil sector because, one; many of the players in the sector have been so used to importation and all its trappings and they cannot imagine how all of that would end overnight. The old regime profited them and it is impossible for them to contemplate that all that is over now. Seeing fuel pumps dispensing fuel for one year without disruption is enough to give them heartache. We cannot rule that out in the strike we just witnessed.

    The fact of the matter is that it can no longer be business as usual in the oil sector because of the dynamics of ownership that has changed hands.  

    Newspaper owners in the country would not forget their experiences with newspaper agents; people who have no investment in the multi-billion business but want to determine what happens in the business, including how much the newspaper should be sold, just because they are involved in the distribution process.

    With the refinery investing N720 billion on 4,000 tankers, the signal should be clear to the oil unions that they are dealing with someone with the muscle to drive his company with little push, that not even the labour unions would wield any significant influence beyond getting their check-off dues from their members, not from the refinery or Nigerians that would bear the N75,000 per truck that they claim NUPENG alone corners.

    Ordinarily, these trucks would not have been necessary if successive governments had maintained the oil pipelines in the country.

    Without doubt, NUPENG has turned full cycle from the progressive NUPENG of the Frank Kokori’s days to what it has become today.  The NUPENG that Kokori led from 1982 to m1999 was one that fought on the side of the Nigerian people against our military overlords who were not ready to gift us democracy in spite of their rhetoric to do same. Unlike today’s union leaders, when the union called workers out for strike then, the nation caught cold because it was not used like a toy that it has become. Nigerians would not forget the heroic role the union played in the struggle to send the soldiers to their barracks, leading to the democracy that we enjoy today.

    In spite of the fact that the NUPENG’s leadership did suffer in the course of the democratic struggle, they lived a Spartan lifestyle. We never heard they collected huge sums on every truck of fuel. Not so today’s labour leaders; the very extravagant lifestyle that they condemn the politicians for, they are also living in their own fiefdoms. 

    In fact, if the NUPENG and PENGASSAN leaders think deeply, they would realise that Nigerians no longer see them as the pristine conscience of the nation that they used to be, especially in their ongoing fight with Dangote Refinery. Ordinarily, they should have been the toast of the man on the street, with the full weight of Nigerians behind them. Fighting for Nigerians is not the same thing as fighting for selfish or parochial interests.

    The earlier the unions in the oil industry realised that things have changed in that industry from one in which government was the dominant player and adjust accordingly, the better for them. ‎At the rate they are going, it is only a matter of time for them to demystify themselves, preparatory to their inglorious slide into irrelevance and obscurity. 

    Labour leaders in the oil sector should thank God for democracy. In some other climes, they would be in the dock for economic sabotage.

    Now, you may ask me; where do I place monopolistic tendencies in all of these? That is a business left for the Federal Government to address. It is its duty to seek a delicate balance between some spoilt unions and business investment, not Dangote’s.

  • Nigeria at 65: Nation on the brink of uncertainty

    Nigeria at 65: Nation on the brink of uncertainty

    Afew Sundays ago, I got published on these pages, an article I titled: ‘The Coming Storm’.

    That was on the 17th August, 2025.

    Still shackled by the same fears for our country, especially given the toxic rhetoric of both former Vice- President Atiku Abubakar and his soul mate, the former Abambra state governor, Peter Obi, I am today examining how very close they daily draw Nigeria to the brink of uncertainty ahead the make or mar 2027 Presidential election.

    I believe the duo think it pays their adversarial politics to heat up the polity by being unnecessarily critical of everything the government, or somebody near government does.

    Worse, they even attempt to interpret anything that happens, elsewhere, be it in Jupiter or Mars, as having implications for the Tinubu government.

    Let’s take two examples.

    Atiku hears about an uprising in Nepal, and whether or not he can locate that tiny country of the map of Asia, prompto, he jumped out,  triumphantly, warning of “possible unrest or at best a revolution in Nigeria due to what he called hunger and starvation ravaging the country”.

    Atiku has easily forgotten how he masterminded the sale, in sweetheart deals, of about N100B national assets for less than N10B, working with (his hand-picked) El Rufai during his Vice- Presidency. Then there was no thought of a revolution even as thousands were made to kiss their jobs, and livelihood, bye.

    Then as if Atiku must not have one on him ahead their coming contestation for the ADC presidential candidacy, the political wanderer, Peter Obi also jumped, needlessly, into First Lady Remi Tinubu’s birthday Appeal for financial support for the completion of the National Library.

    Hear Peter in a critique he titled “We (they) are finished”,  criticising the request that birthday well-wishers donate towards completing the National Library in Abuja, as an indictment of Nigeria’s leadership priorities.

    Read Also: Advocacy group celebrates Nigeria’s next generation of game changers

    Writing on his X account he claimed that while the First Lady’s appeal was “noble and selfless on the surface,” it exposed the failure of government to fulfill its responsibilities”.

    Didn’t they say this man read Philosophy at the University or is Logic not a component of that subject at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka?

    Or please tell me: where is the Logic:rather than her well- wishers pouring billions on adverts, a thinking soul wants such funds put on a national asset, but a ‘brewery industrialist’ thinks otherwise, believing he knows better.

    For all⁹ Nigerians, these two incidents should be enough to seal the fate of ADC, come 2027.

    Let’s now get to brass tasks.

    As Nigeria celebrates its 65th anniversary, the country’s political landscape is bracing up for another crucial test in 2027.

    With the current toxic and divisive nature of the political opposition, concerns are rising about the potential consequences of their actions if they lose the upcoming presidential election, as they sure will. Will they torch the country, or find a way to navigate their defeat with civility?

    What’s the current state of our politics?

    Nigeria’s democracy has been marred by electoral violence, corruption, and insecurity. The 2023 general elections were characterised by reports of intimidation, vote buying, and sporadic violence. As the 2027 elections approach, tensions are escalating, with opposition leaders accusing the ruling party, albeit without any concrete facts,  of plotting to rig the elections. They even accuse President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of attempting to foist a one party state on the country, all because their parties are haemorrhaging as many of their top ranking members rush to join the ruling party.

    Any, or all of these could have serious consequences for the country.

    These include the following;

    Electoral Violence,  as protests and clashes between rival supporters could escalate into full-blown violence, undermining the country’s fragile democracy.

    Insecurity: The already precarious security situation could deteriorate further, with armed groups and bandits taking advantage of the chaos.

    Economic Instability: Investor confidence could be shaken, leading to economic instability and exacerbating the country’s existing economic challenges.

    These will worsen, without a doubt, the following factors presently  contributing to our current crisis:

    Economic Hardship: Nigerias economy is presently struggling with hìgh inflation, unemployment, and poverty.

    Polarisation: The country’s politics has become increasingly polarised, with politicians exploiting ethnic and religious divisions to mobilise support.

    Also,  our institutions,  the judiciary and electoral commission, inclusive, are facing challenges in maintaining their independence and effectiveness.

    To mitigate the likely risks to the 2027 elections, several steps should be taken.

    These include: deliberately

    strengthening the judiciary and the electoral commission just as our security agencies must be equipped to ensure their effectiveness.

    We must also promote  civic education whereby citizens will be educated about their rights and responsibilities, as well as the importance of peaceful coexistence.

    Here one must give kudos to the National Orientation Commission with its many ongoing advertorials.

    Our political leaders and stakeholders must learn to engage in dialogue to find common ground as well as promote peaceful coexistence.

    Concluding, our 65th anniversary presents an opportunity for reflection on the country’s progress and challenges. As the country approaches the 2027 elections, it is crucial for stakeholders to prioritise peaceful coexistence, strengthen institutions, and promote civic education.

    The fate of Nigeria’s democracy hangs in the balance, and it is up to all of us, the citizenry,  and leaders alike, to ensure that the country emerges stronger and more united. By working together, Nigerians can build a brighter future and avoid the pitfalls of violence and instability.

  • Congratulations to my brother and friend Bishop Mike Okonkwo

    Congratulations to my brother and friend Bishop Mike Okonkwo

    I write to salute and congratulate my Lord Bishop Mike Okonkwo, the  Presiding Bishop of The Redeemed Evangelical Mission, Bishop Mike Okonkwo, on the occasion of his 80th birthday which, incidentally,  coincides with mine.

    My Lord congratulations.

    Yes, we grew up together on Apapa Road, Ebute- Metta, Lagos.

    The Lord Bishop and our other friend, now Chief Bayo Famotibe, were working with the African Continental Bank, Martins street, while I was with the Bank of West Africa. Marina, Lagos.

    Our other friend, Ayo Omowumi was in one of the ministries.

    Read Also: BISHOP PEACE OKOKWO: My husband was so shy he couldn’t approach me

    My Lord showed early, that he is a Chosen of God.

    No matter how late we returned from our every Saturday Night crawling, and no matter how tired, and feeling sleepy, the FUTURE BISHOP will drive his parents to church.

    Morning, indeed, shows the day.

    Congratulations Sir, my Lord Bishop.

    The Almighty God will continue to increase your Church.

    Amen.

  • Rivers State’s bloodied bowed and unbowed heads

    Rivers State’s bloodied bowed and unbowed heads

    As literature enriches life and life enriches literature, the feud between the suspended-and-now-reinstated Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, the House of Assembly, Fubara’s immediate predecessor Minister Nyesom Wike, who is now of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), and Rivers State’s elders, cannot but bring to mind the following 1875 poem, by William Ernest Henley, titled “Invictus”:

    Out of the night that covers me,

          Black as the pit from pole to pole,

    I thank whatever gods may be

          For my unconquerable soul.

    In the fell clutch of circumstance

          I have not winced nor cried aloud.

    Under the bludgeonings of chance

          My head is bloody, but unbowed.

    Beyond this place of wrath and tears

          Looms but the Horror of the shade,

    And yet the menace of the years

          Finds and shall find me unafraid.

    It matters not how strait the gate,

          How charged with punishments the scroll,

    I am the master of my fate,

          I am the captain of my soul.

    Fubara and Wike had been soul-mates of sort and, in fact, in street parlance, had been ‘five and six’ with respect to politics and governance. However, Satan found itself a comfortable seat between them, and in no time, again using street imagery, created enough gulf between the former buddies and a trailer passed through.

    One of the causes of the crisis was, allegedly, Fubara’s desire to take control of the House of Assembly by getting his trusted aide to take over the speakership of the House. This boomeranged and created a schism in the House which saw him have only four loyalists, and with twenty-seven or so others supporting Wike. This made the fear of Fubara’s impeachment real. To forestall that fate, it is alleged that Fubara caused the House of Assembly’s chamber to be set on fire.

    Rather ill-advisedly, he directed that the whole structure be pulled down on the ground that it had been compromised. Moreover, possibly to demotivate the majority in the House of Assembly from using the Sword of Damocles hanging over him, Fubara withheld salaries and allowances of the members. The non-Fubara loyalists of the House therefore seemed to have metaphorically suffered bloodied heads. But their bloodied heads were unbowed. They continued to challenge Fubara in spite of their pitiable fate.

    Even Wike, believed to be the patron of the majority legislators, suffered a bloodied head. Possibly due to the magnet of incumbency, some of Wike’s erstwhile backers (or flatterers) gravitated towards Governor Fubara and overlooked the former governor where he had hitherto been pumped up. Not known to hide his feelings, in one of such cases where he was not given accustomed recognition at a church programme, Wike lamented and lambasted the officiating clerics. Wike also became a punching bag of sorts for some media houses, media personalities and sundry political analysts.

    In a pitiable moment, Wike said: “The governor, unknown to me, gave himself to be the tool for those who couldn’t fight me to fight me. You see, … sometimes when I go back in my quiet moment, I play the video of speeches of the governor, what he said, what he did to me, I weep. … This is somebody who brought you, gave you food, gave you everything, did this for you, and then you became a tool for his enemies to fight him. … We are all human. …  How do you feel? You know what you passed through to send your son to school. You know what you passed through to make him be a human being. All of a sudden, in the night, your son came with people with gun to shoot you. … Your son is the one carrying the gun. He said your time is up.”

    The elders of Rivers State have also had their heads bloodied in all sorts of ways. On 7 May, 2024, Governor Fubara told a delegation of Bayelsa State elders who had come to him on a solidarity visit: “It’s unfortunate. Let me also say this, what brought us to this level, we don’t have elders in Rivers State. Let’s not pretend. What is happening in Rivers State even happened in Bayelsa State, but people could call and say, don’t do this, don’t do this, and they said let’s let it go. It was done here, but nobody listened, because the leaders have sold their conscience.”

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    Moreover, on former Governor of Rivers State and elder statesman, Sir Peter Odili, Wike was reported by The Nation to have said on 29 December, 2024: “You know, I didn’t want to say anything. But somebody called me last night, and told me what someone said in the social media. I said until I read it myself. This morning, I read in the newspapers what our former Governor, Sir Dr Peter Odili, said. What did he say? He said that the present governor has been able to stop one man who wanted to convert Rivers State to his personal estate.”

    Wike was further reported to have said: “Between him and myself, who has turned Rivers State to his personal estate? His wife is a Chairman of Governing Council, his daughter is a commissioner, his other daughter is a judge and he is the general overseer. Who has now turned Rivers State to his private estate? I am sure if care is not taken, if there is a chance, he can even arrange a marriage for the governor. It was his nephew, his late senior brother’s son, that was recommended for commissioner. He took the slot and gave it to his own daughter. Someone who didn’t remember to stand for the son of his late elder brother, is that an elder statesman?”

    But the most bloodied head of all was Fubara’s. His administration was distracted, and some alleged that significant sums of money were frittered away on legal and other efforts to gain the upper hand in the Rivers State feud.  The most tenure-threatening bloodied head that he got was the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension from office as the governor for six months. And, he did not hide his discomfiture. In fact, on one occasion, he cautioned his supporters against using incendiary rhetoric, noting that the way some of them were antagonising his presumed ‘enemies’ was worsening his condition.

    It is hoped that Ijaw elders would cut Fubara some slack. They should stop taunting him over his conciliatory choices. Politically, he should be allowed to be the master of his fate and the the captain of his soul, adopting the words of William Ernest Henley. In this regard, considering the highly critical views of Ijaw elder, Ms Ann Kio-Briggs, in a 12 September, 2025 interview with Symfoni Television tellingly titled “’Fubara Is on His Own’ – Ann Kio-Briggs Says Wike & Tinubu Will Force Fubara to Work with His Rivals,” a special appeal needs to be made to her to be sofer with him. In any case, Fubara’s capacity to work seamlessly with his rivals, for example members of the Rivers State House of Assembly who were democratically elected in their own right, would be a measure of his political competence.

    It is a thing of joy that Rivers State is now attracting positive headlines again. Of particular note is the following from Channels Television on 22 September, 2025: “ECOWAS Parliament Opens 2025 2nd Extraordinary Session in Port Harcourt.” Another salutary headline, from The Port City News of 23 September, 2025, is “ECOWAS Parliament Meet in Port Harcourt, Call for Utilization of AI in Strengthening Accountability.”

    Both the Deputy Governor of Rivers State, Professor Ngozi Odu, representing Governor Siminalayi Fubara, and the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Mr Martins Amaewhule, delivered endearing speeches at the ECOWAS event, regarding the theme which is “Harnessing Artificial Intelligence for Parliamentary Efficiency, Ethical Governance and Development in the ECOWAS Region.” Those are the kinds of endearing speeches that should be associated with principal actors in Rivers State politics.

    While the feud lasted, Wike had declared that he would ensure that Fubara did not get a second term in office as governor. That declaration was made in a fit of anger, of righteous indignation, but the declaration cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, be called an empty threat. Notably, Fubara was and is Wike’s creation. And Fubara’s failure is as such Wike’s failure. For Wike to do anything inimical to Fubara would therefore be like using your hands to work and then using your legs to scatter and destroy the enviable product of that work.

    So, unless it becomes apparently or absolutely impolitic, Wike should watch the flower he planted bloom. In other words, unless anything happens, going forward, to show that the fear of mischief or treachery is real, Wike should not work against Fubara’s emergence as a candidate for second term. However, should it become impossible for a Fubara second term to be pulled off, Wike should work towards ensuring that Fubara’s political career does not end with the end of the ongoing first term.   

    In striving to ensure that Fubara stays afloat politically, Wike should discountenance those who would be crouching in wait to remind the FCT Minister of his earlier threat and dramatise his ‘inconsistency’. This column has always been of the opinion that every promise comes with an unstated proviso – “All things being equal.” Senator Biodun Olujimi of Ekiti State validated this thinking in a 31 July, 2025 interview on Channels Television.

    After defecting from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Party (APC), Seun Okinbaloye, in the Channels Television interview, reminded her: “You said there was nothing good coming out of the APC, but now you’re joining APC. What happens to everything that you have said in the past?” Senator Olujimi responded: “The APC we talked about in the past, the government that was in power then, is not the current one in power. … There is a different APC now.”

    In the past two or so years, Rivers State politics has thrown up politicians with bloodied but unbowed heads, as well as those with bloodied and bowed ones. In the particular case of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, as a Yoruba proverb says, “Ikú tó lóun ó bé ni lórí, tó bá sín ni ní fìlà, ká maa dúpé ló tó” (‘If death set out to cut off your head but ended up merely removing your cap, the right thing is for you to be grateful.’) As another one says, “Ajá tó relé ekùn tó bò ká kii pé ó kú ewu” (‘When a dog enters a lion’s den and comes out alive, we need to congratulate it.’) So, hearty congratulations, SIM! Make the best use of this second chance.

  • Tinubu’s week of speaking truth to power, healing old wounds, renewing friendships

    Tinubu’s week of speaking truth to power, healing old wounds, renewing friendships

    When history recalls the 80th United Nations General Assembly, Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will not be counted among the absent voices, nor among those that spoke in measured clichés. Instead, he will be remembered as the conscience of the assembly, the leader who held up a mirror to the world’s most powerful body and asked it whether it still has the moral courage to lead. Though his words were conveyed by Vice President Kashim Shettima in New York, they bore the unmistakable mark of a man unwilling to court silence in the face of injustice.

    Tinubu’s UNGA address was no ordinary diplomatic outing. It was a stinging rebuke of institutional lethargy and selective empathy. At a time when global conflicts ravage lives from Palestine to Sudan, when sovereign debt strangles economies in the Global South, and when multilateral forums increasingly resemble echo chambers, the Nigerian President warned that the United Nations risks irrelevance unless it reforms fundamentally.

    “For all our careful diplomatic language, the slow pace of progress has led some to look away from the multilateral model,” he charged. He reminded world leaders that events were increasingly taking place outside the UN’s hallowed chambers and the world’s most critical conversations were no longer centered on the institution meant to embody global fairness.

    But the harshest lines were reserved for the plight of the Palestinian people. “They are not collateral damage in a civilisation searching for order,” Tinubu declared. “They are human beings, equal in worth, entitled to the same freedoms and dignities that the rest of us take for granted.” Few African leaders have been this blunt, naming the injustice rather than cloaking it in evasive language. In so doing, Tinubu spoke truth not only to global authorities but also to history itself.

    The Nigerian leader’s reform prescription was detailed and pragmatic. He demanded permanent Security Council representation for Africa, with Nigeria taking its rightful place. He called for a new international financial court to manage sovereign debt, stressing that relief should not be treated as charity but as enlightened self-interest for global stability. He pushed for equitable access to Africa’s critical minerals, insisting that the continent must not remain a raw material appendage in the global value chain. And, looking to the digital frontier, he insisted that “AI must stand for Africa Included.”

    This was more than rhetoric. It was an assertion of Nigeria’s readiness to lead—not by begging for inclusion, but by offering its reforms and resilience as a blueprint for others. The UNGA platform allowed Tinubu to position his country not as a victim of global inequities but as a bold reformer calling others to higher standards.

    While his voice thundered in New York, back in Abuja President Tinubu was quietly deploying a different kind of leadership: empathy. Receiving the report of the Presidential Committee on Ogoni Consultations, he chose not to approach the decades-long oil impasse merely as an economic issue. Instead, he framed it as a human tragedy that must be acknowledged before healing can begin.

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    “We are not as a government taking lightly the years of pain endured in Ogoniland,” he said with deliberate solemnity. “The Federal Government truly acknowledges the long suffering of the Ogoni people, and today we declare with conviction that hope is here and is back with us.”

    By mandating the National Security Adviser to begin immediate engagements with NNPCL, local leaders, and stakeholders, Tinubu signaled urgency. Yet beyond bureaucratic steps, what stood out was his symbolic act: conferring national honours on the “Ogoni Four” and other heroes who paid the ultimate price in the struggle for environmental justice. It was a gesture that told the people of Ogoni that the nation remembers their sacrifice, and that the new relationship being forged will be one of dignity and partnership.

    Friday took Tinubu to Mapo Hall, Ibadan, where the coronation of Oba Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja as the 44th Olubadan became more than a cultural event—it was a reunion of friendship and a reaffirmation of hope.

    The President, recalling their shared days as senators in the early 1990s and as governors a decade later, drew attention to the resilience that defined Ladoja’s political career. He reminded Nigerians that when political storms threatened to swallow the Oyo leader, it was across party lines that they found solidarity. Now, at 81, Ladoja’s elevation to the throne of Ibadan was a crowning vindication, especially considering the fact that those who orchestrated the tribulation of the then Oyo Governor were not at the very colourful coronation ceremony, which stood Ibadan still. They are either dead or too shamed to join the memorable event.

    But Tinubu did not merely celebrate a friend. He seized the occasion to assure Nigerians that the painful economic surgery his government embarked upon was beginning to bear fruit. “The economy has turned the corner,” he declared to a jubilant crowd. “There is a bright light at the end of the tunnel.”

    The choice of Ibadan—a city with deep political and cultural significance—as the venue for this message was no accident. Ibadan was the administrative seat of the Old Western Region, the place you will call the capital of the Yoruba states. Where better could he have reminded his kin and the entire citizenry that the endurance of today is the seed of prosperity tomorrow?

    Earlier in the week, the President had welcomed Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara back to Aso Villa, days after the expiration of the six-month state of emergency that had temporarily sidelined his administration. For Fubara, it was more than a routine visit; it was an expression of gratitude to the man whose wisdom and political dexterity helped preserve his office in turbulent times.

    For Tinubu, it was another affirmation of his style: resolve crises firmly, then return to the path of reconciliation. His open-door reception for Fubara signaled that the President views Rivers not as a battlefield of political contests but as a vital partner in Nigeria’s stability and prosperity.

    The week had, in fact, begun on a personal note. On Sunday, Tinubu celebrated his wife, First Lady Oluremi Tinubu, at 65, paying her one of the most heartfelt tributes of his presidency. He spoke of her as “confidant, counsellor, and steady flame illuminating my path,” and went further to say Nigeria owes her more than many will ever know, for she has carried sacrifices of statecraft without podium or fanfare.

    It was a reminder that behind the sternness of reform and the rigours of diplomacy lies the anchor of family, faith, and devotion.

    A Week That Spoke Volumes

    Even with UNGA diplomacy, Ogoni reconciliation, and the hope-laden message in Ibadan defining the headlines, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s docket still pulsed with quieter but telling engagements—some delivered personally, others by trusted lieutenants—that pressed the same levers of governance: merit, morality, unity, productivity. These were the steady beats that gave the week its rhythm.

    Monday opened with salutations that doubled as civics. Tinubu hailed former Katsina Governor Ibrahim Shehu Shema at 68, citing a record that treated education, health, and infrastructure as non-negotiables of responsible government—an ode to discipline and patriotism as working gears for a reforming republic. He also celebrated Spectrum Engineering’s chairman, Engr. Abubakar Isa, locating manufacturing and engineering at the heart of recovery, and congratulated Damilola Ogunbiyi on her inclusion among Forbes’ Sustainability Leaders 2025, affirming an equitable energy transition that prioritises the underserved and accelerates access for millions across Africa.

    If Monday framed the cast, Tuesday supplied the continental brief. At the Africa Minerals Strategy Group roundtable in New York—conveyed by Vice President Kashim Shettima—Tinubu urged Africa to finance its mineral destiny through sovereign funds, blended vehicles, and innovative instruments such as an Africa Mineral Token. The thesis was blunt: sovereignty cannot be pawned for capital. Control of critical minerals, processed at home and priced with leverage, is how the continent enters supply chains as owner rather than onlooker; anything less is dependency by another name.

    Wednesday blended character, culture, and civic discipline. Tinubu saluted Dr. Femi Orebe at 80, honouring a columnist whose pen steadied democratic advocacy and sharpened public debate across decades. In Owerri, he cautioned Christian pilgrims against absconding, defining pilgrimage as a battlefield of conscience—not a visa strategy—and urging travellers to return with their groups in dignity. He also celebrated Abdullahi Tijjani Gwarzo at 65, praising a politics rooted in principle and proven in service from local government to the federal cabinet.

    By Thursday, the spotlight swung to performance. Senator Saliu Mustapha drew presidential praise as one of the legislature’s “bright lights,” a reminder that agriculture and rural development must be mission, not mantra. In the oil patch, Tinubu’s tribute to NUPRC chief Gbenga Komolafe underscored regulatory reform as nation-building by other means: predictable rules, transparent oversight, investor confidence—and continental coordination through AFRIPERF—to lift standards, output, and credibility.

    Friday stitched community, memory, and nationhood. Tinubu celebrated Honourable Adebisi Yusuff, the Alimosho organiser whose politics is spelled in ward meetings and social relief. At the National Mosque, through the Information Minister, he opened Independence week with a call to unity—one country, one project—despite the trials of sixty-five years. In Otukpa, he honoured Chief Audu Ogbeh, a bridge-builder whose imprint “will be felt for generations.” He also mourned Chief Oludolapo Akinkugbe, pharmacist, publisher, and philanthropist—one of the sterling hands that helped shape modern Nigeria. And he saluted Bishop David Oyedepo at 71, noting decades of impact across faith, education, and social investment.

    Together, these strands formed the understory to the headline week: reward excellence, reject ethical shortcuts, centre production, and call the federation to shared effort. Reform is policy; nation-building is posture. Both require stamina—and they are won in the steady work between the big moments.

    In all, the week of September 21–26 painted a portrait of a leader navigating multiple fronts with one unifying theme: truth. At the UNGA, Tinubu told the world’s most powerful nations that their selective morality is unacceptable. In Ogoniland, he told a people that their pain is not forgotten and that partnership is the way forward. In Ibadan, he told Nigerians that the storm clouds over the economy are breaking, revealing light. In Rivers, he told a governor that reconciliation trumps division. And at home, he told his wife, and through her the nation, that service is most potent when anchored in love and sacrifice.

    The coming weeks will test whether these words translate into lasting change. But for now, President Tinubu has reminded both Nigeria and the world that leadership is not about silence or convenience; it is about speaking truth to power, healing old wounds, and carrying the people’s hopes with both conviction and compassion.