Category: Sunday

  • Buhari, Magu and David Lawal versus Senate

    PRESIDENT Muhammadu Buhari reserves the right to nominate anyone for any post, and to stick with his nominees even when they are at first rejected by the Senate. In exercising this right, the president last week asked the Senate to reconsider its decision not to confirm the nominee for the post of Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu. Now re-designated as acting chairman, Mr Magu, as this column wrote when he was first turned down, deserves a reconsideration on account of his assiduousness, passion and even efficiency, notwithstanding his sometimes abrasive and unsophisticated approach to the job. The important point is that since the days of the former chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, no one has done the job with as much commitment, if not suicidal zeal. And in any case, those on whom Mr Magu is expected to train his anti-graft guns, are themselves uncouth, ruthless and unconscionable.

    All things considered, therefore, it is not surprising that President Buhari is sticking to Mr Magu. Last week’s presidential remonstrance to the Senate may be lacking in finesse and logic, not to say administrative acumen, but there are indications he may just pull it off. The plot against the EFCC boss, it was clear from the beginning, was never profound, never strictly legal, and never quite legislatively moral. Had the antagonism against Mr Magu rested purely on his work, especially the content of his ideas, perhaps he could be exposed as lacking in a structured approach to the work, and shown to be all sound and fury. Instead, at the point of his denunciation, when Mr Magu seemed to have united his enemies against himself, it was obvious that the plot reeked of a conspiracy between fulminating members of the president’s kitchen cabinet and many cynical lawmakers seized by either fear or loathing.

    But in sticking with Mr Magu, the president once again illustrated sharply the confusion and amateurishness that pervade the presidency. In the letter sent to the Senate and read by its president, Bukola Saraki, President Buhari clearly glossed over the anomalous manner the secret service undermined his appointee. It is true that institutions ought to be free to do their work, especially when that work promotes and undergirds the constitution. But in respect of Mr Magu’s nomination, that work ought to have been done silently and behind closed doors. That work ought to have helped the president to come to a clean and clear decision on who his nominee would be. However, the secret service did its job in such a manner that it seemed to have served as a counterpoise to the president’s decision and a reflection of the disharmony that has crept into the inner workings of the presidency.

    What the public expected of the president in his letter to the Senate was to address the secret service’s report frontally, get the agency to formally withdraw the report it earlier forwarded to the Senate, and plausibly defend its volte face on the grounds of superior information, not executive pressure. It has sadly taken the Senate to point out this elementary fact to the public and the presidency. The presidency may already be lobbying the Senate to approve Mr Magu’s appointment, but there is no way both the presidency and the Senate would not need to first resolve the matter of the secret service’s unfavourable report on Mr Magu. They can’t sweep it under the carpet.

    The chaotic workings of the presidency manifested even more vividly in the subterranean clearance unilaterally granted the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir David Lawal. Not only were the allegations levelled against him in the Senate referred by the presidency to the wrong persons for investigation, even the exoneration itself bore the hallmarks of tameness and favouritism. It is possible Mr David Lawal is innocent of the accusations and suppositions levelled against him; but those who probed him, including the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, did nothing to clear the SGF of wrongdoing. For, at the centre of the whole brouhaha is the issue of conflict of interest, not whether he had resigned or not from the companies that secured the contract from the ad hoc agency under his supervision.

    It is not clear how the Senate would react to the SGF matter. They will probably resist all blandishments the presidency might bring, even if the executive arm manages to win the support of Senator Saraki. It will therefore require inordinate pressure to save him, the kind of pressure that comes with horrendous and costly compromises, the kind of pressure President Buhari by his personal constitution and aloofness and inner solitude is poorly equipped to give. The whole world, figuratively speaking, supports Mr Magu. The initial resolve of the Senate to reject his nomination may therefore be unable to withstand the pressure that will be brought to bear when eventually the anti-graft boss is presented for screening. Indeed, what is at stake here is not so much whether the Senate finally does the president’s bidding concerning Mr Magu and Mr David Lawal, but the obvious and frustrating fact that the presidency does appear to walk with unsteady gait, reeling from one faux pas to another, unsure whether its modest accomplishments so far have not been the fortuitous outcome of kindergarten application of policies and ideas.

  • President’s medical vacation

    UNNERVED by unfounded speculations about President Buhari’s death during his medical vacation abroad, his aides back in Nigeria anxiously migrated from the honest admission of his trip being designed for rest and medical check-up to the fairly fictional story of the president embarking purely on vacation. The problem, it seems, are two-fold. First, the president served notice of a 10-day vacation beginning from January 23 and lasting, apparently minus weekends, till February 6. However, the president flew out on January 19, days before the vacation date indicated in his letter to the Senate. That seemingly harmless breach sent signals about the president’s lack of wellness and urgent need for medical help. It was also clear he and his aides should have been more open about his medical condition.

    Second, some critics have suggested that he has had enough time since he assumed office in 2015 to equip one hospital or two to make medical tourism needless for him and other public officials. They are right. His foreign medical trips remain a constant vote of no confidence in Nigeria’s healthcare facilities. And even if the excuse is that he needed to rest, the critics also suggest that in the spirit of these frugal times, he could have done it within his country’s borders. Again, they are right. The president has a responsibility to modernise healthcare and tourism facilities in Nigeria. But the truth is that given the president’s apparent intense medical needs, he sees these suggestions as luxuries he cannot contemplate. It is in moments such as when desperate medical anxieties confront a man that leaders see the futility of making policies excluding public officials from seeking the best medical help money can buy anywhere in the world.

  • Kidnapping: Are we this helpless? 

    With the rate at which kidnapping takes place in the country now, no one can really claim to be safe, except perhaps those who have full complements of security personnel around them.

    While some of the privileged few may be sure of their own safety, that of their families and relatives cannot be guaranteed as they are usually the target of kidnappers as it has been the case for some top personalities.

    The ease with which students and staff of the Turkish School in Lagos were recently abducted and later brought back near the school after payment of ransom is a clear indication of how helpless we seem to have become in ensuring the safety of our citizens.

    Apart from the major ones that get reported in the media, many other persons are being kidnapped almost on daily basis and their families forced to pay ransom which does not guarantee that they will be released alive. Kidnapping has suddenly become lucrative that many criminals have opted for it instead of other crimes like armed robbery.

    The perpetrators have become so bold that they almost seamlessly negotiate for huge amount for the release of their victims on phones without fear of being caught. Though some have been arrested, kidnappers have continued to have a field day with the police and other security personnel not being able to stop them when they and wherever they decide to strike.

    Obviously, one factor that is encouraging the kidnappers to continue to perpetrate their heinous act is the willingness of some families of victims to eagerly pay ransom even when the police say they should not. The excuse of the affected families is that the police don’t seem to, in most cases, have the capacity to take on the kidnappers.

    In some instances when the police have claimed to have rescued kidnapped persons, what actually happened is that the kidnappers, after collecting their ransom, drop their victims at a place where they can easily be found.

    In some high profile cases, the police have moved swiftly to rescue victims but in many other instances, they have simply been helpless. Families have therefore been left with no option but to negotiate with the kidnappers.

    It is very worrisome that the security situation in the country has degenerated to the present level where kidnapping has become so common. There is an urgent need to curb the very dangerous trend and discourage more criminals from forming their own kidnapping gang.

    Those who have been arrested for kidnapping must be promptly prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others. Revelations by those caught must be thoroughly reviewed and utilised to arrest other kingpins before they kidnap innocent people. If death sentence being proposed by some state governments will stop kidnappers from engaging in the crime, so be it.

    We cannot afford to allow the kidnappers to profit from kidnapping people and giving the country a bad image capable of scaring away foreign investors.

    While the police must improve on surveillance, intelligence gathering and device better strategies for nabbing the kidnappers, everyone needs to be more security conscious. We need to avoid situations that could make it easy to become victims of kidnappers. The police need as much information it can get to prevent kidnapping or to rescue victims. There is need for more vigilant community policing by all concerned.

  • Not this well-travelled road again! …

    I learnt that there are unemployed graduates and master’s holders among these kidnappers… If that is true, then they have acquired their education in order to fail the nation.

    Cheerio there, Reader; glad to see you’re middling like me, given our most unsavoury circumstances. Well, you know what they say: when you’re down, there’s nowhere else to go but up. Here’s to hoping that Nigeria’s up days are round the corner.

    I’m glad to report that during the week, the entire world was able to heave a sigh when the erstwhile president of The Gambia, Yahya Jammeh, decided to resign honourably after first digging in his heels, raising fears of a one-man war between him and his country. Reports say that before he fled, he first looted his country’s treasury though. I can only pray that he never finishes spending that money.

    You’re right; you haven’t come here for a news review. I just could not contain my joy that a hapless people needed not be unnecessarily traumatised and offered up as needless sacrifices on the barren altar of one man’s ambition, pride and ego. Can you just imagine the scope of that destruction? I know; because I remember that we have also been down that road before – during them Babangida and Abacha days. Those were days of uncertainty. Would he go? Would he not go? Go already! They eventually went, one way or another, and here we are today…

    Yeah, we as Nigerians have had to travel down many roads to get to where we are now; many roads indeed. Even the road we are careering down right now looks very, very familiar, so familiar it is giving me this sinking feeling of déjà vu. You know what that is, don’t you? It’s when you experience something, and your mind tells you that what your eyes are seeing has already been registered in your brain, many horse years ago. And you tell yourself, ‘how can that be; I’m only ten years old?!’ It is because it very likely happened to your grandfather, grandmother, great grandfather, great grandmother, father, mother… Some people call it history repeating itself. I call it déjà vu.

    Nigeria has given and keeps giving us lots of déjà vus. Right now, very few people know exactly what state President Muhammadu Buhari’s health is in. It reminds you of the Yar’Adua story, does it not? Those who know the facts are not telling; and those who don’t know the facts are speaking. The rest of us are glum, watching and wondering.

    As if that were not bad enough, five children and three staff members of what is known as the Turkish school, the Nigeria Tulip College in Iseri, Ogun State. were said to have been kidnapped sometime this month from the school. Now, that is a road so well-travelled, the ground is positively glossy, because some time ago, some school children were also kidnapped in Lagos for a handsome ransom. Where is it going to stop?

    This column has repeatedly cried out about the evil of this new kidnapping business but the ears of the government and those concerned appear to be turned away. I think the government thinks that if it does not pay any attention to it, it will eventually go away. Truth is that it won’t go away no matter how we pretend it does not exist. It must be tackled head on, if it’s to shrink, like the herdsmen killers. But that is for another day.

    Actually, it is turning out that the more the problem of kidnapping is ignored, the more it seems to evolve. Right now, it’s character has become so complex that no one understands it anymore. Previously, only the down and out dregs of the society were involved in the ‘trade’ for pittances. Now, I am told that in addition to these dregs, unemployed graduates, Okada riders, Police, armed robbers, etc., are all cohorts of a sort in the ‘business’ now worth billions.

    People say there is so much money to be made from it that armed robbers no longer find it worth their while to rob for pittances anymore. They just kidnap. Now, policemen want in as it happened in Kogi State I hear, where a policeman confessed to being a member of one of the kidnapping gangs. In the same Kogi State, it was reported that some Okada riders took a lady hostage, collected the ransom, and still raped her to death.

    Many people have blamed unemployment as the root cause but this is arguable indeed. I was more aghast when I learnt that there are unemployed graduates and master’s degree holders among these kidnappers. And I have cried shame, thrice shame! If that is true, then they have acquired their education in order to fail the nation. I say the same thing for internet fraudsters, otherwise called four-one-niners or yahoo, yahoo boys. Thank God, they’re not girls!

    As shown in the Kogi examples above, it is not always the unemployment story that is responsible for people taking to kidnapping. Most happen because the perpetrators have chosen that path of life as their career. While I very sincerely sympathise with those citing unemployment as their motivating factor, I also sincerely beg to disagree with them. Anyone who kidnaps primarily wishes to control someone else’s life. That’s psycho/sociopathic behaviour. It is an option.

    There are many unemployed youths who are filling gaps in the society with innovative ideas even as we speak. There are many graduates who are re-inventing themselves by adding on skills to their bags of knowledge – computer, carpentry, video games inventions, performances, etc. There is literally no end to social needs that individuals can meet. It is a matter of matching one’s interest with the society’s need.

    Some people have advocated the setting up of CCTV cameras in schools and public places to expose the people behind these crimes. I would say that is a good idea if the funds are available. But, given the state of schools in Nigeria, I would plead that such funds should first be used to upgrade the schools so that many pupils would stop taking lessons under trees and in dilapidated structures. Besides, how many CCTV cameras are we going to need to cover all public institutions in Nigeria?

    I think the real solution to this problem is the Nigeria Police. Only the police still represent the equal opportunity answer to everyone’s prayer in this matter. However, we have a situation at hand in which the police are compromised. The police must agree that some of its members might be working with kidnappers and quickly do something about it before it spreads. It is only natural for people to be tempted to take the line of least resistance when faced with trials. Like everyone else, policemen and women also have social problems. Like the rest of the society, they must be taught that steady work is still the best way to meet one’s needs.

    By far the greatest influence on our youths is the flaunting of wealth by politicians who have become rich at state expense. Politicians disrespect the rest of the society when they flaunt their expensive cars, houses, private jets, etc., in the people’s faces and rouse all of the envy we are capable of. It is natural for youths to refuse to believe that hard work pays, especially when you can move from nothing to everything within a few days of being (s)elected. Knowing that they may never become senators or governors, a desperate youth can take the nearest shortcut.

    In truth, our politicians and other elites are doing more harm than good to our general psyche by the examples of unchecked greed they set daily. I think it is time all of us began to take responsibility for the state of our nation so that we don’t keep travelling on this same old beaten, glossy, terrible road.

  • A man called Obama was here

    A man called Obama was here

    As the remarkable Obama presidency wound to a graceful halt this last Friday, there were many across the globe who would have been very sad to see America’s first president of African extraction go. Many will miss Obama: for his honesty, his candour, his decency, his integrity and above all for the humanity he so warmly exudes. Even the White House will miss one of its most storied occupants.
    There was always something intensely personal about Barack Obama. You always have this feeling that you have seen or met him somewhere before. He seems exactly the kind of fellow you could share a can of beer or a stick of cigarette with. He appears to have listening ears and steady nerves; a man who would keep his own side of the bargain no matter what, and who expects you to keep yours. He was a gentleman in the old sense of the word.
    Opinions are sharply divided about the ultimate worth of this norm-breaking presidency. Many have long concluded that rather than being a great presidency, Obama’s was merely remarkable stint. Great presidencies often require great events to lift the presidential game from mere humdrum competence to exalting distinction.
    But we should not race ahead of the narrative. In order to have a full measure of the Obama presidency, we have this morning decided to read things backwards, in a manner of speaking; that is to project back to the beginning of it all before leaping forward to conclusion and closure in the coming weeks. As this column is wont to assert, history often moves sideways in order to move forward. Some gains are reversible until they become irreversible, etched everlastingly in the marble of human progress.
    We publish this morning a piece that first appeared eight years ago upon the advent and inauguration of the Obama presidency. The mood was upbeat, rosy and brimful of optimism. Eight years after, the expectations have been tempered by sober reality. The liberal resurgence epitomized by the rise of Obama has produced a neo-conservative reaction in Europe and America epitomized by the rise of Trump and others with right-wing trump cards. No matter which forces are ascendant, the world would be a poorer place without the rich ironies of history.

  • A Day in the Life of America

    A Day in the Life of America

    Now that the Obama extravaganza has come and gone, it is time for nations, societies and people alike to learn some important lessons. There are major lessons to be learnt from the events preceding, surrounding and succeeding the glittering spectacle. While it lasted, snooper was in the thick of things, arriving at a crowded and festive Dulles International Airport on the Sunday preceding the inauguration and not leaving until Hillary Clinton was firmly ensconced in office on Thursday morning.
    The triumph of Barack Obama has been a great public relations coup for an America that was widely reviled abroad as a seething conurbation of unintelligent and feckless militarism, a land that projects its internal injustice and political inequities on the rest of the world with the malice of a naughty but supremely devious toddler.
    It was clear that if nothing was done, America was going to inflict its own internal contradictions on the rest of the world with apocalyptic consequences. With unwinnable wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and with its economy hobbled as a direct consequence of its arrogant unilateralism, it was only a question of time before the entire globe was dragged under in an economic and political maelstrom.
    With the Obama miracle, the tendency has been to over-romanticise the sturdy values and endearing attributes of the society and nation that has thrown up America’s forty fourth President. We were all Americans this last week. From Australia to Zambia, from Auckland to Yenagoa, the entire globe stood still in admiration and awe of a truly functioning democracy, of people’s power at its most potent and potentially devastating.
    It was one of those great moments of history, a spectacular ritual of human renewal and societal self-validation. History may be a nightmare from which we are all struggling to wake up, as James Joyce famously quipped. But history can also be a sweet dream from which we do not wish to wake up or be disturbed by uncomfortable reality. The quintessential American dream was at work last week, and it was a glimpse of Elysium, of human paradise on earth.
    Yet in our rapture and admiration, we seem to have forgotten or conveniently overlooked the fact that an Obama presidency, as brimful of hope and promise as it is, does not even begin to disturb the litany of woes that has plagued America since its birth. Nor does it automatically presage the end of the multiple scourges that have turned America into a consuming hell for many of its nationals.
    These helpful reminders notwithstanding, let nobody take away the considerable achievement of the American nation in casting traditional bias and hateful prejudices aside to elect its first president of African American extraction. The triumph itself may be largely at the symbolic level. But to continue to dwell on this is to ignore the extraordinary collective courage and visionary resolve that went into cobbling the Obama rainbow coalition together.
    All nations are artificial constructs, counterfeit contraptions arbitrarily slammed on a territorial space by the imperial will of a mighty few. The United States of America is no exception to this iron law of modern nationhood. The modern history of America itself bespeaks a constant and occasionally violent struggle to impose order and cohesion on an increasingly unwieldy and dramatically shifting territorial space. Empires, kingdoms and fiefdoms are nothing but signifiers of space delineation at specific historical conjunctures, subject to change and terminal duress. What is permanent are the human communities so arbitrarily marked by the human will to power.
    In this Homeric battlefield, some nations have turned out to be more cohesive and coherent than others. This is because if the nation is an expression of the imperial will of the few, it takes the collective heroic will of the many to turn it into a national community of organic principles. A nation that has not transcended its inchoate origins to become a national community of shared values and common destiny remains what the revered Obafemi Awolowo has called a mere geographical expression or a congregation of mutually antagonistic armed camps permanently at war with themselves.
    Once the organic principles that bind a nation together evolve, it is the constant battle to reaffirm these core principles that shape and frame the evolution of the nation. Man is born free, but he is everywhere in chains, as Rousseau famously asserted. The founding fathers of America envisaged a nation of freeborn where all are equal before the law. But the ink had hardly dried on this noble declaration before America reverted to the default setting of a savage slave plantation.
    It is in the nature of human societies for noble ideals to be corrupted. The chief culprits are often the visioners themselves. What is important is not the corruption of ideals or their progressive desiccation in the roiling cauldron of history and lived experiences but the innate capacity of each society to summon the will and the inner resources of strength to challenge the decimation of its core principles. This is the road to renewal and self-validation.
    It is this battle for the soul of a nation, for its core values that the world has just witnessed in America. With the election of Barack Obama, America has once again demonstrated an amazing capacity for self-renewal which should be the envy of the rest of the world. It has not been easy for this change to come, and it has taken decades of blood, sweat and tears.
    Freighted with several contending and mutually contradictory notions of what is good for the nation and society, America has been a natural candidate for a deadlocked existence and the inevitable paralysis of the collective will. But once in a while in every society, an extraordinary figure of charisma and vision often emerges to break the deadlock and defreeze the frozen dialectic of history once again. In Barack Obama, the gifted son of an absconding African immigrant, America appears to have found such a person.
    It is too early to say whether the old stalemating demons will not return to hobble Mr Obama’s presidency. Many an American presidency had started on such a glorious note only to come spectacularly unstuck. Defeated, demoralised but not completely demobilised, the old warmongers and petrified foes of progress are still lurking with intent. In Obama’s case, youthful idealism and visionary vigour may well be a stuff that will not endure, as Shakespeare famously noted of youth itself.
    But if Obama’s extraordinary campaign and the swift and surefootedness of his opening move on the political chessboard are anything to go by, the omens are very reassuring indeed. Obama has shown a precocious understanding of the dilemmas and uncertainties that face his beloved country. He has shown an unusual empathy for the tragic emptiness of contemporary American society and the ultimate futility of the rampart militarism of its super-security state.
    The comparison with old Abe Lincoln may not be farfetched after all, and it is one that Obama himself seems to deliberately invite. The gangling and inexperienced Lincoln also won a gruelling campaign against better fancied opponents and went on to become arguably America’s greatest president till date. Lincoln went ahead to build bridges and to invite his implacable political adversaries like William Seward to the cabinet.
    Obama has done exactly the same thing, drawing sustenance from his opponents’ strength while building bridges of goodwill and genuine fellowship across a bitterly polarised polity. While his Republican opponents ran a divisive, partisan campaign and politicised everything under the sun, Obama chose to remain wisely above the murky fray coming across in the process as the healer and statesman America needs at this particular moment of its history.
    With President Barack Obama, it is morning yet on creation day for America. It is in the nature of nations and human societies to falter, to stumble and even to fall at critical moments. What is important is to find the courage and the strength of character to get up and get going again. Anybody who has been in America in the past few days will bear witness to history and give testimony to the inherent good nature of humanity.
    The mammoth crowd that witnessed the coronation of an American of African extraction is unprecedented in human memory. It was a carnival-like atmosphere of human regeneration. Something is astir in God’s own country. In transforming itself, America may yet help to transform the rest of the world. It will do so by the might of its example and not by the example of its might.
    •First published in January, 2009

  • El-Zakzaky: federal  subversion of the law

    El-Zakzaky: federal subversion of the law

    MORE than one year after he was detained without charge, and obviously more than 45 days after a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja ordered his release, the bruised and battered Shi’a leader, Ibraheem El-Zakzaky, is still in detention. The reason is that the government in Abuja believes it is above the law. Worse, it has contempt for the law; that is why it refused to appeal. The court, presided over by Justice Gabriel Kolawole, had on December 2, 2016 ordered the release of the Shi’a leader and his wife in 45 days, the provision of an accommodation for the couple, and payment of N50m compensation to them. It is not clear what part of the judgement the federal government was unable to comprehend, for the order of the court was rendered in English and in a style that did not admit of any ambiguity. After all, the government put up a spirited but futile defence in court.
    But days after the release of the Shi’a leader and his wife was due, the government has neither released the couple nor said anything. It is turning out that the Muhammadu Buhari presidency is both the law and the constitution. Any other thing, including the written Nigerian constitution, is obviously impotent in the estimation of the government and a rude, unpatriotic distraction. Rather than obey the court judgement on the Shi’a leader, certain faceless sources have sponsored publications intended to suggest that other more pressing reasons not placed before the court during adjudication are sufficiently powerful enough to make the government defy the court and the constitution. In sum, the Buhari presidency has served notice that it reserves the right to determine when, how and why any accused person would be released from jail.
    The argument of the anonymous sponsors of the publications in the Sheikh El-Zakzaky case is simple but exasperatingly unpersuasive. Said the anonymous source defending the government’s defiance of the law: “The major constitutional policy objective of government as stated in section 14 (2) (b) is public and not individual security…The issue of the release of El-Zakzaky is not exclusively legal. It has security and public interest as against individual interest undertone. Public interest and national security implications must be factored into consideration in line with international practices that conventionally place national security and public interest above any other individual claim of right. The Federal Government of Nigeria is looking into the case with the public and security interest dimensions into consideration.”
    It is not clear how ‘international practices’ supersedes the law and constitution of Nigeria, nor what public interest the source was referring to that transcended the rights of the individual enshrined in the same constitution disingenuously and mischievously quoted by the anonymous source to justify the arbitrary denial of a person’s rights. What is, however, clear is that by refusing to release the Shi’a leader and his wife, the government has deliberately decided to violate the law and desecrate the constitution. More, it has served notice that private considerations by government and its own insular interpretations of the law outside the courts of law are superior to any and every other consideration. In effect, the Nigerian has just been divested of his rights. If anyone thinks he has any rights henceforth, he must wait until he confronts the government to suffer disillusionment.
    When this whole saga began in Zaria in December 2015, after elements of the Nigerian Army clashed with members of the Shi’a group called the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN), the federal government repeatedly attempted to whip up public emotions against the group. In inquiry after inquiry, and from one court to the other, lawyers and witnesses of the government spoke of the Shiites in very uncomplimentary manner. They were a violent, surly and unruly neighbour to Zarians, said the government. They built without permits, said the Kaduna State governor, Nasir el-Rufai. They did not recognise any government, the governor added. And they were potentially more dangerous than the notorious Boko Haram sect, they summed up. None of these allegations against the sect held up in court, for the courts hardly judge anyone on intentions without proof.
    Indeed, President Buhari and Governor el-Rufai anchor and justify their disposition towards the Shi’a group and its leaders based on the persuasion, sentiments and arguments of haters of the sect. They list a litany of grievances against the group, including the unruly execution of their obligatory marches, the mistreatment of neighbours, their imperiousness, and the adamantine resolve of the sect’s leaders to permit and even encourage their members’ excesses. Since the sect was uprooted from their Zaria redoubt in December 2015, said the neighbours gleefully, peace had descended on the community. According to the neighbours, the long list of excesses of the sect was possible because the Kaduna State Government was for many years absolutely remiss in controlling and checking the IMN. But when it finally chose to do something, following hard on the heels of the army’s crackdown on the sect, the state government went along with the rampaging soldiers regardless of the law. Sects and individuals often subvert the law as heartily as they wish, however, the law makes provision for reining in malfeasant persons and groups. The problem, it seems, is that neither the army nor the state government followed the law in finding a solution to the Shi’a excesses.
    In fact, fearing that it could never secure a conviction against the sect’s leaders, and unable to defend its atrocious crackdown on the sect in court, including the more than one year detention of Sheikh El-Zakzaky and his wife without charging them in court, the government is now attempting to take refuge in the same constitution it has defied and desecrated. It is clear that the Buhari presidency operates outside the law when it suits it. It appears determined to keep the couple in detention for as long as it pleases, though it remarked snidely that El-Zakzaky’s wife was free to go if she was tired of caring for her battered husband. The government fails to realise that by cherry-picking what laws and judgements to obey, it is indirectly undermining both its own legitimacy and constitutional government, and invariably arming its enemies, many of whom have never had confidence in the president’s democratic credentials nor trusted Governor el-Rufai’s propagandist campaign that his messianic instincts tell him the worst of the sect.
    At long last, the government has admitted what everyone has long suspected: that this government relishes and engages in self-help. Gradually, Nigerians are waking up to the fact that dictatorship may already be upon the country. Worse, the more astute rest of the world will gradually and deliberately begin the process of coming to the despairing conclusion that the Buhari presidency is averse to the rule of law. Coupled with the police invasion of the premises of the online medium, Premium Times, an invasion that appears to have neither rhyme nor reason, there are increasingly fewer people who think Nigerian democracy is in a safe pair of hands. (See box).

  • And how about throwing some tantrumps?

    And how about throwing some tantrumps?

    In times of grave political emergencies, the human imagination often develops outsize wings possibly as a strategy of containing and coming to terms with impossible reality. What cannot be imagined is what cannot be endured. The civilized world has been filled with apocalyptic trepidation as the prospects of a Donald Trump presidency drew nearer, and the world woke up on Friday to the possibility that the rogue contrarian may actually pull the nuclear trigger on the occasion of his own inauguration to send the human race on a terminal snooze.
    But as the inauguration proceeded peacefully without a nuclear incident and without Donald Trump physically roughing up his running mate, one has been forced to scale down the Order of Calamity and to downgrade the furious political gale to a Category C storm. Trump even spoke brilliantly about patriotic protectionism as a harbinger of national prosperity. It is a de-globalizing project, stupid.
    Even then, the prospects of Donald Trump physically assaulting a visiting African strongman or suddenly unleashing his infamous verbal grenades remain real and gripping. Flashes of impatience and irritation with political rituals bristled as Donald struggled to maintain icy composure. There is also the possibility that the whole thing may end in a historic fiasco with Trump committing an epic security infraction which will trigger a bi-partisan impeachment proceeding against him.
    As the Trump presidency got underway, yours sincerely headed for his favourite watering hole to drown his sorrow. It has not been a good year for pundits and the stellar commentariat. The advent of Donald Trump has thrown the business of political star-gazing into disrepute. Eight years ago yours sincerely was in Washington to witness the triumph of Obama. At least one got that one right. But this one has been a huge lump in the throat. One had been praying that the day would never come or that Trump himself would make life easier by just disappearing.
    Here we are watching on television as the Obamas welcome the Trumps to the White House in a seamless transition which spoke volumes for the strength of American institutions and the magic of human power. In revenge, snooper has resolved to collect all of Donald Trump’s verbal howitzers as a constant reality check. We call them tantrumps.

  • Farce and incompetence  in Bello’s Kogi

    Farce and incompetence in Bello’s Kogi

    GOVERNOR Yahaya Bello, the so-called digital governor of Kogi State, spent the better part of one year and two successive panels screening the state’s workforce for ghost workers. After he brought the exercise he described as staff verification to an inglorious conclusion a few weeks ago, claiming with fanfare to have discovered over 18,000 ghost workers out of a little over 27,000 state staff roll, it was clear he was working to a predetermined answer. The verification exercise was riddled with contradictions and gross ineptitude, salary payment itself is still haphazard, deductions lack arithmetic and financial coherence, and the governor is engaged in a war of attrition with institutions and agencies for the purpose of getting as many workers as possible struck off the payroll, regardless of extant rules and laws.
    For a government that claims to groan under a monthly wage bill of more than N5bn (they have dishonestly included LG staff salaries), and whose second verification panel claims to have saved the state government about N2.6bn every month, it is incredible that the state still finds it difficult to pay salaries as and when due, not to say pay all workers full salaries at the same time. Kogi obviously operates outside known mathematical laws. And despite the second panel claiming to remedy what the state government described as the first panel’s shoddy verification exercise, it is remarkable that there are still complaints galore among state workers, some of whom, estimated to be nearly half of the workforce, have not been paid for more than six months.
    The governor, it seems, would prefer not to pay any worker at all. Seizing upon the screening panel’s recommendations, but without recourse to either its own terms of reference or the law, the state has asked professors in the state university and chief lecturers in the College of Education, and any other top civil servant, including chief nursing officers in state hospitals, to retire on account of salary and promotional stagnation that have lasted for eight years. In Kogi, the lecturers and directors do not have to reach retirement age, and neither the law nor any other rule matters. What matters is that Mr Bello is obsessed with cutting staff strength by hook or crook or simply not paying them at all using one pretext or the other. He prefers to splurge the state funds on other trifles. The famous roundabouts in Lokoja’s main street that conjured spiritual nightmares in his excitable imagination, and which he destroyed shortly after he assumed office, have remained abandoned. Instead, the restless traveller governor is erecting garish sentry posts on all the access roads to Government House, Lokoja.
    Those who imposed this naïve and dangerously inept governor on Kogi can look back with sadistic pleasure at the consequences of their meddlesomeness. Kogi now groans under a power shift of other people’s making, a shift that is in essence humiliating and disruptive. With no development happening anywhere in the state, and with workers hungry, sick and oppressed, Kogites are in a quandary about what to do to survive the next three years until either God or the ballot box puts paid to the impressionable young governor’s clownishness and propaganda.

  • Fed Govt v. Premium Times: reprising the past

    Fed Govt v. Premium Times: reprising the past

    WHAT began as an epistolary battle between the Nigerian Army and Premium Times, an online news medium, now looks set to snowball into the kind of troubling stalemate between the media and security agencies that harks back to the destructive years of military rule. The face-off began almost innocuously with the army writing Premium Times to publish a retraction of certain news item alleged to have made injurious assertions about the Chief of Army Staff (COAS), Lt.-Gen. Tukur Buratai, and ongoing military operations in the Northeast against Boko Haram. Said the army: “The Nigerian Army has instituted a legal action against an online publication, the Premium Times, over its failure to retract and apologise over false, subversive and malicious publications against the person of the Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Tukur Buratai and the Nigerian Army. All efforts to make the medium make amend proved abortive. The medium however remained adamant and recalcitrant. Consequently, the Nigerian Army has briefed it’s lawyers to institute legal action against the medium.”
    Premium Times, which boasts a few editors who were in the trenches during the inglorious Gen. Sani Abacha years, would not be intimidated. They promptly fired a reply asking and expecting the army to apologise for issuing threats over a disagreement that was justiciable. Said Premium Times rather provocatively but elegantly: “It really can be exasperating and disconcerting to see public officers condescendingly castigate journalists, many of whom are not only internationally acclaimed and celebrated but who also have up to forty years of practice as journalists under their belt…Sir, the Nigerian Army of which you spoke so glowingly is an heir to a military that unpatriotically subverted, many times, constitutional governance in Nigeria, plunged Nigeria into a three-year internecine civil war, committed unspeakable rights violations against the Nigerian people and thwarted the efforts of Nigerians to restore democratic governance to Nigeria.”
    While the matter was still smouldering, the police, never an institution to let bad enough alone, invaded the premises of the Times to arrest the editor-in-chief, Dapo Olorunyomi, and a correspondent, Evelyn Okakwu, claiming that a report had been lodged with them by the army, the same army headed for the courts. Is anyone really in charge in Abuja, or have security agencies and other federal institutions turned rogue? No one of course says Premium Times is in infallible, or that the army is not just been unduly sensitive and skittish. But clearly the disagreement could be, and will be, resolved in court without hurting the law and the constitution.
    The army is justified to worry about its image and any other thing that could hurt the prosecution of the war in the Northeast. But it is sad they came to the peremptory conclusion, without significant basis, that the Premium Times was aiding and abetting terrorism. This is the sort of cavalier conclusions that injure the entire system. It was apposite then that the Times should remind the army of its unenviable antecedents in the dark days of military rule. It would injure Nigerian democracy if the government refrain from cautioning the police for using Gestapo tactics against the press. The complainant itself took the right step by going to court in what is evidently a civil matter; and the online publication responded with admirable chutzpah all round; why are the police crying more than the bereaved?