Category: Sunday

  • Avoidable plagiarism

    For a government trying hard to convince its supporters and opponents about its “change” agenda, the insertion of two paragraphs from the United States President Barrack Obama’s 2008 victory speech in President Muhammadu’s Buhari’s September 8 address at the launch of the “Change Begins with Me’’ campaign is an unfortunate development.

    To err is human, but an error of this kind can arm critics who are not interested in focusing on the message of change. But the slip as noted by the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Publicity, Garba Shehu, in his press statement, should have been avoided.

    Notwithstanding the massive support that brought the federal government to power, it must not lose sight of the fact that there are enough ‘wailers’, apologies to Femi Adesina, and even disappointed supporters who will not spare any wrong doing, however minor.

    The culprit of the embarrassing insertion in President Buhari’s speech should have known that with the Internet, virtually every claim can be cross-checked, while similarities in statements or outright plagiarism can easily be found out. All you need to do is to put any suspicious paragraph in a search engine and the original source will show up.

    Recently, Malania, wife of the US Republican Presidential candidate, Donald Trump, was accused of plagiarising a speech by Obama’s wife, Michelle. It was hard for the Trump’s team to deny the accusation when the two speeches were aired.

    If any speech writer finds any quote irresistible and it cannot be completely rewritten, what should have been done is to attribute it to the original owner. For me, there is nothing wrong in giving credit to another author. It confirms how widely you have read and your readiness not to take credit for what is not yours.

    Sometimes after several readings, it is possible to forget that a particular quote is from another writer. But at the level of a presidential speech in a politically-charged situation like we have in the country, such an error can be very costly as the present instance has turned out.

    Good enough, the Presidency has admitted its fault and promised to take appropriate disciplinary measures to prevent a recurrence. There should be no room for any overzealous staff, like the one said to have been responsible for the insertion, to write any speech which should not be subjected to critical scrutiny.

    Beyond the Presidency, there is a major lesson for all to learn from the incident.

    While the faceless presidential speech writer can be the plagiarism offender for the moment, he or she is not the first and will definitely not be the last. Plagiarism is not new to us. Many, including university lecturers, have been found guilty in the past, while many others yet to be caught are currently engaged in the act.

    The Internet seems to have made it easy to plagiarise and unfortunately not many see any wrong with it. While plagiarism at the Presidency stands condemned, it should not be condoned at any level.

    Many students nowadays simply search on google and get write-ups by other persons which they submit as their own. There are cases of complete academic projects edited minimally and submitted to earn degrees.

    There are also many websites and blogs that violate the copyrights of original content owners with impunity. They profit from contents they didn’t pay for to produce. It is not enough to copy stories and credit the source without the permission of the owners in some cases.

    These unethical practices will continue as long as offenders are not named and shamed. We must all learn to give credit to whom credit is due.

  • Obasanjo and political culture

    Obasanjo and political culture

    EVEN though he spent his eight years in government repudiating his own private counsel and knowledge of how democracy works, ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo used the occasion of the visit of the factional chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Ali Modu Sheriff, to rhapsodise the beauty of democracy. Senator Sheriff, a former Borno State governor, had in early September visited the former president to draw him into intervening in the fierce dispute stymieing the progress of the former ruling party. He would not intervene, the former president said with a sneer. He then went on to describe the PDP as soulless and dying, and the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) as enervated. Chief Obasanjo’s democratic credentials may be suspect, but his characterisation of the PDP and APC appears unimpeachable.
    With a strong hint of condescension, the former president had said: “I was once the leader, for eight years. I was the leader of PDP, but the PDP that I was the leader of is not the PDP of today. The PDP of today, if you can talk of a party again as PDP, its soul has been taken out of it, and those who allowed that to happen are, unfortunately, either in the country or out of the country unperturbed about the fate of the party and indeed the fate of the country. For our democracy to thrive, we need strong political party in government and strong political party in opposition, for it to be strong and dynamic.”
    He continued: “Today, PDP cannot claim to be a strong party in opposition, I don’t know if APC can claim, at the national level, to be a strong party in government either. Now, that is part of the misfortune of this country today. It must be the concern of all Nigerians that the present democratic dispensation must not be allowed to be derailed and for it not to be derailed, we must have a strong political party in government and a strong political party in opposition.”
    The PDP may bristle at being described as a dying party, and the APC, which has done its best to pander to Chief Obasanjo’s whims may be shocked by the ex-president’s betrayal, but the truth is that there is simply no way to nurture democracy if the opposition is in disarray and the ruling party is devoid of conviction and principles. Indeed, at the moment, there is no settling the precedence between the two parties in terms of their irrelevance to the country’s democracy and progress. Chief Obasanjo says the PDP has lost its soul, almost as if it was a recent thing. It is not a new thing. The PDP’s soul began to wither when Chief Obasanjo assumed office and in characteristic military fashion launched fearsome attacks on the true founders of the party and custodians of its values. The war was so brutal and the outcome so unequivocal that many years later, after he was through with his numerous self-serving battles to burnish his depleted image, founding leaders of the PDP had been completely emasculated, and budding second tier leaders of the party in the National Assembly had been defanged.
    Chief Obasanjo worsened the party’s woes when he castrated the party’s electoral organs shortly before his second term in office ended, and barred them from producing strong and competent successors. By the time the inexperienced and irresolute ex-president Goodluck Jonathan assumed office in 2010, the PDP had not only become a soulless party wanting in every virtue possible, it had transformed into probably the most predatory political machine ever, a party completely dedicated to feasting hungrily and angrily on the commonwealth and promoting vice on a scale that beggars belief. Now, Chief Obasanjo is snickering at the party that gave him nurture, when in fact he was the architect of its misfortune. Had he promoted internal democracy in the party when he was president, and had he left a great legacy worthy of emulation in leadership recruitment, political culture and responsible and transparent governance, the stranglehold the party initially had on the polity would be as strong as ever.
    Chief Obasanjo dates the party’s woes insinuatingly to his exit from the party. It is not true. He kick-started the process, midwifed it, and waited long enough to see the edifice poised to crash before hastening indecently, half clad to the door. Rather than mock them, and knowing what he now preaches with splendid foresight about the indispensability of a strong opposition, he should encourage the party to halt its self-destructive intraparty battles. Chief Obasanjo has a long and illustrious culture of profiting from other people’s misfortune, as the civil war and coups and various tragedies of his enemies show. He will probably let the PDP stew in its juice since he sees nothing to profit from its remake. He is too old to re-enter politics on the scope and magnitude he is used to; and he is too ideologically sterile to impart great ideas on the party with the passion and conviction the moment calls for. He will, therefore, stay aloof. More, he will rail at them and get them to grovel before him like Senator Sheriff did on September 3.
    But Chief Obasanjo is right that Nigeria needs a strong opposition, especially in view of the APC’s incredible vacuity, a weakness worsened by its amazing insularity. For the sake of democracy, Nigeria must encourage the PDP to get it right and regain its unity, if not its fragile ideas. Senator Sheriff cannot lead the party, but he needs to be pacified. His nuisance value is so strong that rather than the eminent persons in the party’s leadership, the fate of the party seems annoyingly to rest on him. How to mollify his rage is the great challenge. If they still have enough intelligent people in the party, some of those who have not migrated to the APC for both succour and sustenance, perhaps they can find the formula to unlock Senator Sheriff’s adamant heart.
    The greater worry, however, is the ruling party which Chief Obasanjo accurately, but with a smirk, described as weak. It is an indisputable fact that the APC has neither seemed nor acted like a party, not to talk of a ruling party. Its core is brittle and incoherent; and its exterior full of scaly and hostile attributes. It has put whatever ideology it claimed to have during the campaigns in abeyance. And its functionaries, many of whom are emotionally disconnected from the virtues and beliefs of the party, see their loyalty not to the party or the country, but to the president. Loyalty is a virtue, but if only it is located within the wider context of the party, its culture, its ideology, and its broad and engaging vision.
    Worse for the APC, its leaders have fought like Kilkenny cats, both at the party and National Assembly levels. The executive has on its own managed to stunningly disengage from the fray, hoping it would be untouched by the frenzy, intrigues and animosities tearing the party apart. It got off on a wrong foot with its leaders’ incomprehensible and antiquated ideas of politics, economics and society. Now, with a recession in hand, and a growing and alienated populace getting too angry to be placated, the party is desperately shopping for ideas from those it has scorned. It is also feebly trying to correct its leaders’ many misconceptions, and reverse the woolly thinking and mindset they initially eulogised and promoted.
    It is clear the PDP has realised its folly, but is at a loss how to correct itself. It is unfortunately not clear the APC has reached that epiphanic moment when it is struck by its own shortcomings and mortifying feeling of littleness. For democracy to survive, the country’s political and existential software must be re-engineered to promote healing, inner confidence and conviction. If both the APC and the PDP do not cotton on to these ideas and needs, they will end up floundering, and the country itself endangered.

  • Killer herdsmen as foreign terrorists

    Killer herdsmen as foreign terrorists

    IN his Eid-el-Kabir message, the Sultan of Sokoto, Sa’ad Abubakar III, argued against stereotyping Fulani herdsmen, most of whom he said were peace-loving and law-abiding. “All those so-called Fulani herdsmen, moving with guns, causing violence, fighting with farmers, are not Nigerians,” he posited. “These are foreigners coming into Nigeria to cause a breach of the peace of the nation. They are therefore terrorists and should be treated as such by the Nigerian security agencies.” This was not the first time he would defend local Fulani herdsmen, nor is he the only one defending them and drawing a dichotomy between local and foreign Fulani.
    Last May, Khalid Aliyu, a spokesman of the Jama’atu Nasril Islam (JNI), a coalition of several Islamic groups in Nigeria, also argued that it was wrong to attribute previous attacks in Agatu, Benue State, Nimbo, Enugu state and some parts of Nasarawa state to Fulani herdsmen. Insisting that the JNI statement could be attributed to the Sultan, he said of the alleged Fulani herdsmen attacks: “It is indeed absurd and most unfortunate that certain groups or people ascribe the incidence to ethnic and/or religious premise and whimsically apportion blame in order to batter the gradual restoration of peace and security in Nigeria.” Since then, however, the identities of many of the suspects arrested in some of the massacres and attacks have been indisputably Fulani, mostly local ones.
    But the Sultan’s description of the attackers as foreign terrorists has caused the most uproar. In the face of mounting evidence, the Sultan and many other Fulani leaders have struggled to dissociate the Fulani from the attacks — first the Fulani as a whole, especially over kidnappings, and then the local Fulani in connection with herdsmen/farmers clashes. The more Fulani leaders stubbornly stand their ground, the less successful they have become in convincing the nation. Barely moments after national Fulani leaders made their unsupportable arguments, local Fulani leaders accepted responsibility for the attacks, complete with reasons they argue justified the skirmishes.
    In the Benue State massacre, in which some 300 people were alleged to have been murdered in February in some communities in Agatu local government area, Saleh Bayeri, the Interim National Secretary of Gan Allah Fulani Association, gave a more detailed and believable account of the skirmish. According to him, and contrasting other national Fulani leaders’ accounts, the killings had their roots in the murder of Fulani leaders in 2013 and the unauthorised slaughter of thousands of cattle owned by herdsmen. In addition, said Bayeri, a respected Fulani leader, Ardo Madaki, who was invited to mediate the disagreements between Benue communities, especially in Agatu, and Fulani herdsmen was openly murdered and no one was brought to justice. Nothing was also done to prosecute those who murdered Shehu Abdullahi, another herdsman in the same area whose 22 cows were stolen. These murders, unlawful slaughter of cows, and rustling laid the grounds for revenge, said Mallam Bayeri.
    More damningly, Mallam Bayeri suggested that the Sultan himself had tried three times to settle the misunderstandings in Benue State, implying that national Fulani leaders knew exactly what was happening and who were doing the fighting. The grudges are local, and the fighters, bar some hired guns, are also local. The May, 2016 Nimbo, Enugu State killings, which were at first also attributed to external forces, have been proved to be local, with the grudges entirely local between herdsmen and farmers. If these clashes are to be avoided, it is unprofitable to pursue red herrings. Farmers and herdsmen, including the apparently more well-organised Fulani leaders, must realistically acknowledge the root causes of the mayhem in order to get sensible solutions.
    The killings by herdsmen in many farming communities are not instigated by foreign terrorists and attackers. The local herdsmen may hire foreign guns, which in itself is a sad commentary on the Nigerian security establishment, but the fight is local and most of the fighters are home grown. The herdsmen sometimes have justifiable reasons for the attacks, but so, too, do farmers; and both groups can rationally blame Nigeria’s weak law enforcement capabilities and the slow and ponderous and sometimes ineffective justice system. What appears to be complicating the discourse on the herdsmen/farmers clash is sadly the seeming inability of the federal government itself to find a lasting solution to the problem. Worse, law enforcement agents have sometimes needed to be angrily prodded to even arrest suspects who have engaged in open murder. Till date, Fulani leaders who provided explanations and justifications for some of the killings in parts of the country have neither been arrested nor interrogated. This has led to unfortunate suggestions that the security agencies sometimes look at the body language of the president before they carry out their constitutional responsibilities.
    Until the solutions proffered by the Federal Ministry of Agriculture are implemented, and regardless of the sentiments of Fulani leaders or even the presidency, the country must prevail on the security agencies to do their work without fear or favour. If herdsmen ruin farms, they must be arrested and made to face the law. If farmers take the law into their hands, they must also be apprehended. Rustlers must also be pursued and apprehended. It is depressing that political and ethnic leaders abjure either their oaths of office or the principles of justice to support their kith and kin against the laws of the land. More and more, it is becoming dangerous to leave in abeyance the desperate need to develop a national identity around which life and politics must revolve. Nature abhors vacuum. If that identity is not built to inspire unity, Nigerians will erect their own gods and idols and worship in their private, narrow-minded shrines.

  • Patience is a good patient

    Oh me gad!!! Oh me gad, as the Yankees will say. Dollar, dollar, dollar!! There is dollar everywhere but not a single greenback to spend. A feisty American lady who became hard of hearing after decades of tumultuous hell raising reportedly rejected the entreaties of her son to accompany him to the hospital for further examination from an ENT specialist. “I have heard enough!!”, the great dame reportedly shot back in defiance and damnation.

    But it does seem as if in contemporary Nigeria, you can never be deaf to the rumblings of the almighty dollar. To be hard of hearing does not extend to hearing about a hard currency like the dollar. Just about the time we thought we have heard enough about the daily dose of bales of currencies publicly and privately hidden, and the revelations of humongous state larceny, the inimitable and inevitable former first lady, the dame of melodrama herself, Patience Faka Jonathan, aka Mama Peace, has tumbled out again with something meant for the Guinness Book of record.

    Just what will one do with this Patience woman? At a time you thought she will fade away quietly, she has returned once again to seize the national imagination like a recurring nightmare. Readers of the column would have noticed that we have been very patient with our own Patience. This is probably due to an old-fashioned sexist gallantry of not impugning another man’s wife, no matter the provocation.

    Her irresistible rise to the top of the social ladder is stuff for legend and folklore. There is a hint of aborted greatness about this feisty woman. Her starry ascension is a classic study in patient and patented social climbing, notwithstanding the claims by incorrigible columnists that she was a pepper soup hawker. The hawker may yet become a social hawk in the fullness of time. Patience, a steaming pot of pepper soup on their face if they ever cross your path or show up in a glitzy hotel located in the Okrika waterfront.

    But this deluge of dollars is something else. A whopping twenty two million dollars has been traced to accounts belonging to her and opened with criminal chutzpah. But just when you thought that there might be some remorse and a sense of shame at the revelations, Patience has rallied back claiming legitimate ownership of the accounts despite the outlandish forgeries and criminal impersonation of her subordinate staff.

    When will enough be enough in this country? Rather than slink away in shame and misery, the former First Lady has let it be known that the money was meant for hospital bills and sundry medical expenses. Twenty two million dollars for hospital bills and sundry expenses?  Even by Third World standards of sleaze and infamy, this is quite a gory record. Such has been the daring and defiance that Patience has almost turned the table against the EFCC, virtually making that hardworking organization to look like a pack of shameless inquisitors.

    The last word is that the former First Lady has hired a battery of financial gurus and banking whizz kids to defend her medical bills. It promises to be a roforofo fight. Patience has no patience with hostage-taking. Why are we so blest? No mind them o jare . Na bad belle they worry them. Abi kilode gan? APC is not good medicine for the fiscally incontinent, and this is not a matter for common Patient Medicine Stores. (PMS). Let them try good old Epsom Salt. After all nobody can say that Patience is not a good patient. Please pass on the sick bag. When they become truly hungry, they will return to their own vomit. Snooper will be glad of another death.

  • About economic development in Ekiti State

    Ekiti State is faced with three fundamental problems

    The 1st Ekitipanupo Colloquium which held in Lagos, Thursday 8 September, 2016, was a high octane event, featuring papers by reputed academicians, professionals and seasoned politicians who have served Nigeria with distinction. Among them was Senator Olubunmi Adetunmbi who presented a technical, but very robust paper on: “Economic development and contemporary issues of concern to stakeholders in Ekiti-State”. Because of  the  paper’s relevance to Pan-Nigeria, and the grim picture of Ekiti it presents which,  it is hoped, should make Ekiti wannabe governors, come 2018, sit up and thoroughly re-examine their capabilities , or otherwise,  I have decided to publish it as presented, barring a mild abridgment for space, because therein lies the critical issues of who becomes the next  governor of Ekiti; not the leisurely talk about the Senatorial district he/she comes from or whether or not  he /she has spent all his/her years on earth  in Ekiti, never as much as venturing outside of it, as some are known to  canvass.

    1.0    Ekiti state is faced with three fundamental problems

    1.1       It’s all about people: What is the state of our people  Lowest SGDP in the region.

    Not enough businesses to create jobs and income – highest ratio in the region

    4/10 young people drop out of tertiary institutions

    Lowest tax index <N2000/ citizen which is in tandem with SME population, IGR and GDP

    Therefore, sound economic management in state is crucial to meeting national targets.

    2.0       The Fiscal Challenge of states

    November 2011, I was privileged to raise a motion on the floor of the Senate on the looming danger of insolvency and bankruptcy in states. The danger no longer looms, it’s here.

    5 years ago 20 states face the prospect of unstable and unfavorable financial standing, given the high percentage of their wage bill to the total revenue.

    As at that time the bulk of the revenue of states was being spent to on pay roll of the civil service which constitutes less than 4% of the total population in all states.

     

    It is therefore not surprising that today,  there are indications of insolvency in 27 states

    23 states received a bail out cash of N689.5 billion[9] from the Federal Government and recently 5 states[10] have been prequalified for another round of conditional bail out from the FG.

    3.0       Six practical steps for action by states

    3.1       Baseline for economic growth and human livelihood improvement: state of the state

    This involves a rapid assessment and understanding of the economy and of livelihood conditions of the state.

    • Estimation and analysis of state GDP. This will provide the canvas for creating MTSS for economic growth poles in state.
    • Agriculture – replicating the new value chain approach on rice in Kebbi and Jigawa.
    • Solid minerals mapping of the state and areas of immediate-medium term opportunity.
    • Youth development & mobilization: Entertainment, ICT & sports

    Concentric economy model with Ondo and Osun states.

    Institutionalise multi- year state development planning as the basis for public expenditure

    3.2       Lay the foundation for growth: planning for 2017-2019

    • Establish and or strengthen State Bureau of Statistics, Planning Commissions and Budget Offices or ministry of Budget and Planning
    • Develop 4 year medium term development plans for state and local governments and align with global and regional frameworks Emphasis will be on private sector led growth in Agriculture, Health, Education sectors; Infrastructure and enabling environment for PSD.

    Set performance targets in poverty education, health, agriculture/agribusiness, strategic infrastructure, environment and climate change

    3.3       IGR reform

    Ramp up internal revenue drive,

    Implementation of the FIRS/DFID/DFID/NGF state specific IGR reports.

    Expansion of tax net and efficiency of collection

    Land and property titling reform e.g. FCT, Lagos, FCT, Anambra, Enugu etc.

    Replicating Lagos, Ogun and Kano states experience

    Federal support and incentive for TSA adoption

    3.4       Improved PFM and fiscal transparency in states

    Review current FRA to reflect best practices of Brazil and India.

    Develop framework of MTEF for 2017-2019

    Fiscal prudence and cost control:

    • Salary bailout versus forensic audit of payroll and worker productivity
    • Overhead cost review to shave off all non-value adding and avoidable expenditure
    • Critical look at General Administration expenses – cost of running government houses, governors offices and political office holders

    3.5       Budget process reform

    First step is to regain fiscal sanity by ensuring that revenue matches expenditure.

    • Massive cut in cost of governance and focus more on essential public services particularly in public schools and primary health care delivery.
    • Commence ZBB to justify and bring down cost

    Reset ratio of recurrent and capital budget

    Pursue value for money, avoid contract inflation, institute effective price monitoring and public procurement policies.

    • Exploring and creative financing windows
    • Prioritizing the completion of on-going infrastructure projects in roads, rail and power
    • Mobilizing private capital for public infrastructure – expanding and speeding up concessioning process under PPP arrangements.

    3.6       Public service reform

    Necessity to right-size their public service; this could mean all or a combination of shedding jobs, outsourcing, cutting pay, trimming benefits and other creative ideas.

    There are models for managing labour unions during such drastic reforms to ensure collaborative rather than antagonistic labour relations.

    The public service consumed 60-120% of total revenue in some states.

    Use IGR as a proxy for worker productivity, some states are not generating enough to cover the minimum wage of N18,000 per month per worker.

    3.7       Making government work for the people: Focus on delivery

    • Development of State’s Key Results Areas SKRAs
    • Set performance targets for SKRAs in priority sectors
    • Set up M&E framework
    • Set up delivery unit within Governor’s office

    4.0       Conclusion

    These practical solutions can build the capacity of state government for turnaround management

    The current realities in the country indicates that states will have to look inwards and solve their problems rather than rely on the FG

    Therefore the state needs a new economic development agenda that rely on its youths to drive  economic growth, create jobs and improve livelihood of citizens.

    Fiscal openness with rational application of states resources will in aggregate terms be contributory to overall economic performance.

  • Has capitalism of the worst kind become permanent in Nigeria? – Resuming a forgotten debate (3)

    Has capitalism of the worst kind become permanent in Nigeria? – Resuming a forgotten debate (3)

    This was the first sentence of my closing paragraph last week: Every form of capitalism has the judicial-administrative superstructure necessary for its functioning and survival. Our criminal justice system, with regard to the open and defiant protection it gives to the unjustly rich and powerful, is one of the most unjust and irrational criminal justice systems in the world precisely because Capitalism Nigeriana is one of the worst forms of capitalism in the world. In clarification of this observation, let me adduce the evidence or proof provided by the following two astonishing facts.

    First: In the year 2005, the former World Bank President, the American Paul Wolfowitz, gave a speech at the so called “Sullivan Summit” (named for the Reverend Leon Sullivan, an African American cleric with a passionate interest in Africa who had been one of the world’s fiercest opponents of apartheid) that shocked the whole world, especially the international business community. In the speech, Wolfowitz, with the solid authority of his position as the World Bank President, claimed that between 1970 and 2001, Nigerian political leaders, military and civilian, together with their cronies, had stolen about 300 billion dollars from the Nigerian people, with the effect, among other things, of continuous ruination of the Nigerian economy and the impoverishment of about 75% of Nigerians in both urban and rural communities. Let us note in passing that Wolfowitz made this revelation in 2005, in which case the question naturally arises as to how many more billions of petrodollars have been looted from our country and diverted away from the national economy since then, about eleven years ago? Let us note also that although Wolfowitz was making a moral and humanitarian argument against the effects of corruption in our country, above all else he was speaking as an economist, the chief guardian and protector, as it were, of global capitalism. In other words, Wolfowitz was motivated by a bafflement as to what breed, what transmogrification of capitalism was taking place in Nigeria that capital could be so massively and consistently diverted away from our national economy.

    Here is the second fact, that I wish to adduce here: After Muhammadu Buhari won last year’s presidential elections, there was a widespread optimism, not only in Nigeria but around the whole world, that before the new president’s inauguration, looters would flee the country in droves in their private jets but would however find no places in the world in which to hide because wherever they went, they would face repatriation back to Nigeria to face the music. Moreover, it was widely expected that at last corruption would be checkmated in our country and looters would finally be made both to return the stolen loot and face punishment for their economic crimes against the nation. We do not know how many looters tried to flee; all we know is that those who have been arrested and charged have found seemingly impregnable protection under legal principles and practices in the administration of criminal justice that are unique to Nigeria among all the nations of the world.In this column, I have identified and condemned the very worst of such principles on innumerable occasions, but itis worth repeating again: Nigeria is the only nation on the planet in which interlocutory injunctions are admitted in criminal cases; in every other country in the world, this injunction through which cases can be prolonged for a very long time, is allowed only in civil cases. Seen in the context of the legal cover and protection that it provides for mega-looters – by the way, it is used by and for ONLY alleged mega-looters – this is the single most important legal principle working against the Nigerian national economy because it is the judicial rampart for the superstructure of what I described last week as Capitalism Nigeriana, one of the worst forms of capitalism in the world. As a demonstration of this claim, think of the following fact: some mega-looters who have been successful in evading retributive and punitive justice for their crimes in Nigerian courts all the way up to our Supreme Court, have been jailed in courts outside Nigeria, sometimes for the very same charge of money-laundering. Money laundering exists nearly everywhere in the world, but only in Nigeria and other countries with extremely backward and unregenerate forms of capitalism does money laundering enjoy the kind of protection available to looters in our criminal justice system.

    In case it has not been sufficiently made clear in all I have been saying in this series, let me make it clear at this juncture that my focus here is almost exclusively on the structural and institutional principles and workings of capitalism in our country in about the last three decades. In other words, I am not really concerned in this series with a moralistic and humanitarian critique of capitalism in Nigeria. No doubt this is implied, but it is not the main or real focus of this series that began in this column two weeks ago and will end next week. The commentariat in our newspapers, newsmagazines and online public interest journals are overwhelmingly powered by protests and analyses that are fueled by moralism and humanitarianism. This is all well and good, but in this series, I am arguing for us to pay more attention to structural and institutional factors, these being areas of the public sphere that the commentariat in Nigeria is generally very either uninterested or frankly uninformed, especially as this relates to capitalism and the forms through which it has evolved in the post-independence period. In the closing paragraphs of this piece, let me briefly deal with this observation by posing the following enabling question: was it access to oil wealth on a colossal scale that changed capitalism from a potentially benevolent and transformative kind to the present extremely unregenerate and malevolent Capitalism Nigeriana?

    Counterintuitively, my answer to this question is no, a resounding no. Before Nigeria became one of the world’s largest oil producing countries, we were very well on our way to using surplus accumulation from export or so-called “cash crops” to transform our economy into a modern capitalism with an internal industrial base for light consumer goods for a very large “home” market that embraced virtually all of West Africa. The richest Nigerians then did not depend, as they do now, on patronage from government, federal or regional. The vast majority of the aggregate of all presently living Nigerians did not experience and do not know anything about this form of capitalism but there are enough of us still alive to tell the stories! Let me give a personal testimony about this: in 1970 when I taught for four months at Adeola Odutola College in Ijebu-Ode before returning to the University of Ibadan to begin my graduate studies, I used to travel every weekend to Ibadan. The Ibadan-Ijebu-Ode road on which I made the journeys is still nearly as good and durable it was then, almost fifty years later, while other roads which were either freshly constructed or rebuilt after then all constantly undergo severe and extremely dangerous disrepair. Indeed, that high school at which I taught, Adeola Odutola College, was much better equipped (and probably better staffed) than many of our universities now precisely because the founder and proprietor for whom the school was renamed from its previous name, Olu-Iwa College, was a true capitalist magnate whose influence and authority were completely independent of the patronage of politicians and governments. Above all else, what I wish to stress in this testimony which does not claim to be an exhaustive analysis of capitalism at that stage of our (under)development is that we were well on our way to transforming a capitalism that was primarily agriculture-based to modern industrial capitalism. If this was the case, it was not a given, foreclosed development that oil wealth should have been diverted away from that trajectory. Indeed, the argument could be made that the oil wealth could very well have been used to augment that trajectory. Nothing in history is preordained to happen the way it usually seems to be after the fact, especially after things have become very fixed and settled along a particular path of mal-development.

    On this last note, I wish to emphasize, especially to younger people reading this series, that if the things I am saying and claiming here seem far-fetched, please know that in fact they were very vigorously nationally debated in the not so distant past in our country. I particularly advise those who are eager to find out for themselves the truth of these claims to get copies of the following documents: the “Minority Report” submitted by Segun Osoba and the late Bala Usman in 1976 after they disagreed with the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) which had recommended welfarist capitalism in the main document produced by that CDC while Osoba and Usman recommended socialism in their report; the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions, especially the Second Chapters of both documents that contain extensive reflections on fairness and justice in both the ownership of the means of production and the distribution of the wealth of the nation. When Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida formed the two political parties that contested the 1993 presidential elections, the National Reconstruction Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party, (SDP) and stated that one was “a little to the Right while the other was a little to the Left” he was reflecting the considerable influence of these debates on the kind of capitalism Nigeria should both enshrine in its constitution and back up with the force of state policies and actions.

    Obviously, we have traveled or strayed far from the paths indicated by those debates. Indeed, anyone who, upon reading all the relevant documents in those debates, claims that she or he could have anticipated an extremely unregenerate and unjust capitalism in which mega-looters and their defenders dominate the political order, the national economy and the judicial system would be hard put to defend that claim. So: how did we get here and how can we get out of it? If there are no simple answers to this question, this does not mean that there are no answers at all. This will be our starting point in next week’s concluding piece in the series.

    Biodun Jeyifo                                                                                                    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Governance: odds and ends

    Restructuring is not synonymous with destruction of national unity

    It is not easy to avoid temptation to characterize what would have been considered serious problems in other climes as odds and ends in contemporary Nigeria. With President Buhari’s emphasis on wrestling corruption, perhaps the country’s most corrosive problem, other problems that can water down democratic governance cannot but sound secondary. The subjects for discussion today are called odds and ends in order to draw a line between the justifiable preoccupation of the newish administration with corruption and other practices that may worry watchers of democracy in the land.

    The launching last week of “Change Begins with Me” has drawn comments from far and wide, particularly in the social media, the site of citizen journalism. There is nothing wrong with attempts by the Ministry of Information and Culture to attempt to create slogans that can mobilise citizens in the direction of ethicality in public service and accountability for one’s actions. Such efforts have been made before. We had Ethical Revolution under Shehu Shagari, Heart of Africa under Olusegun Obasanjo, Re-branding Nigeria during the administration of UmaruYar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan. All of these were designed to raise the moral standards of the average Nigerian by people under whose watch or at whose instance moral standards fell precipitously. Unfortunately, none of these heavy soundbites left any mark on the polity and citizens’ behaviour.

    But that previous attempts to make psycho-social slogans to drive the message of change in the past had not made any impact does not suggest that “Change Begins with Me” should be written off even before it takes off. But if the new slogan is to have noticeable traction, efforts need to be made to convince citizens that the government is not passing the buck. Nothing changes people’s attitude faster than the power of example. In other words, the ball is in the court of the government at every level to right the wrongs of the past and in the process raise the level of morality through examples from those in power and with access to the nation’s resources. All of the persons standing or awaiting trials for corruption, lack of integrity, transparency and accountability so far have been members of the country’s elite: top politicians, top military men, top bureaucrats.

    Of course, there is corruption in every sector of the Nigerian society. Drivers cheat their employers, housemaids steal from their employers; mechanics rip off their customers; nurses even demand inducement from patients; messengers in the civil service readily release files to those that do the needful by offering them kola while hiding files of those who don’t; college admission officers or teachers also demand special incentives from those requiring their service; etc. So, the Buhari government cannot be accused of misdiagnosis of the Nigerian malaise. But those driving the ethic of change need to think critically about what should be the primary target of re-education for change. “Change Begins with Me” is a good campaign that should form part of civics education. But we must not ignore that precepts can be easily neutralised by practice. A dishonest teacher teaching young ones about good moral behaviour makes nonsense of his teaching, once the kids have an inkling of his or her own deviance.

    One way to miss the point about absence of ethics in public life is to limit understanding of corruption in the country to Jonathan’s era or the last sixteen years of PDP rule, as bad they were for the country. Each change of government—military and civilian—since 1966 had been justified by the need to fight corruption, except the change of the military dictatorship of Mohammed Buhari, justified by his removers on account of fostering intolerable tyranny. It is, therefore, not illogical to claim that it is not the average citizen that has brought Nigeria to this low ebb; it is those in positions of leadership and the system and style of governance they have pursued, as well as rulers’ myopic vision about the eternal power of oil to mask all political, economic, and social problems. Emphasis has been for too long on celebration of power at the hands of those who have it and without regard to the feelings of the average citizen far removed from the corridors of power.

    One growing example of power celebration is the current insistence by the Federal Road Safety Commission that there must be special suppliers of speed limiters. After the court had ruled that FRSC has no legal authority to direct vehicle owners to buy speed limiting device from particular suppliers or companies favoured by FRSC, there should have been no new directive from FRSC on this matter. Unexpectedly, just a few days ago, the Commission re-affirmed its decision to determine who to sell speed limiters. It is a troubling irony that the FRSC feels confident to act with such impunity in a democratic setting. It is not the job of FRSC to determine standards of speed limit device and other gadgets; that is the role of Standards Organisation of Nigeria.

    The announcement by FRSC that desire to monitor effectiveness of speed limiters requires the agency to determine who supplies and sells speed limiters smacks of economic illiteracy. Nigeria is currently a free market economy. All that is needed to ensure that vehicle owners install effective speed limiters is to allow SON to check brands that entrepreneurs import to the country. FRSC does not need to endorse creation of monopolies or oligopolies for supply of speed limiters. With this kind of vision, FRSC may be one agency that can benefit immediately from the “Change Begins with Me” campaign. If the commission does not trust the judgement of SON, it should be advised to delay launching use of speed limiters, until it is able to manufacture its own speed limiter, which will still have to be approved by SON as the agency with knowledge to determine standards. Many of our institutions and agencies need to be reviewed, especially the powers delegated to them in a democratic setting.

    The last on Odds and Ends is the lowering of political debate in respect of calls for addressing roots of the country’s economic problems, outside of fall in oil price and looting of government treasuries. A few days ago, Governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal, who almost became a dark horse presidential candidate in 2015 until he announced lack of interest in running, used his gubernatorial bully pulpit to pontificate about how to grow the country’s democracy and economy. In the style of Fatwa or Papal decree, Tambuwal announced that Nigeria does not need restructuring: “We reject geographic restructuring but we believe in the unity of the country and the unity of Nigeria is non-negotiable.”

    More importantly, the ease with which Tambuwal, one-time speaker of the House of Representatives, created straw men or argument to smash in order to pooh-pooh calls for restructuring must surprise many of Tambuwal’s admirers while he was Speaker of the House, and this writer was one of such admirers. It is mischievous for a governor to confuse those asking for separate republics with those calling for restructuring as one of the most effective ways to make Nigeria work politically and economically. Tambuwal’s reduction of restructuring to‘Geographical Restructuring’ suggests deliberate over simplification or even distortion of intentions of those calling for restructuring, as ‘geographical restructuring’ is more akin to secession or disintegration than sharing of power and sovereignty between national and subnational governments. It is also fallacious to conflate Nigeria’s unity with unitary governance system. Restructuring is not synonymous with destruction of national unity.

    Undoubtedly, democracy grows when citizens can question existing institutions and practices   inherited from previous generations, but democracy recedes when elected rulers make attempts to drown out such questioning. Admittedly, Tambuwal has a right like any other citizen to promote his own idea or vision of Nigeria. And he did this very well when he called for a Nigeria that gives states and local governments more allocations. He should, however, be open to hear out those who call for dialogue on a new polity and economy that may benefit more from creating subnational levels that have unfettered freedom to create wealth than a system of allocation from the central purse to subnational governments, especially 774 local governments. It is not in the interest of the country for any of its elected political leaders to use the bogey of national unity to drown out a dialogue that may at the end lead to sustainable national unity.

  • For change to take place, look to every Nigerian!

    Change cannot take place in Nigeria unless all of us jump on that ‘Change’ Train… I’m not too sure mouthing any slogan can work the magic either. It can only be done when you and I are ready to change our ways and attitudes

    Everyone desires a new Nigeria, I more than most. In my dreams, I see a Nigeria where every road is tarred and airplane tarmacs do not have potholes. I see me stepping out of my house and taking the tram, subway, underground train or street car to go into the inner city. I see me taking the intercity or regional express train to travel to other Nigerian cities up yonder or down under. Heck, I even see me in my dreams having my own private car in one of them trains, and that private car is well equipped with everything I have dreamt of having in my sitting room: soft, comfy chairs, and Batman and Superman standing guard over my private train-car, in case other Nigerians are envious of my new status and want to burn it.

    This is one tall dream, you might say. I agree, because I am pretty sure there is no way in this world I can convince Batman and Superman to leave the comfortable environment of North America and their fight with their timid criminals and come and take on the more hardened Nigerian criminals. I tell you, I quite believe Nigerians are presently the most hardened criminals on earth. I will explain why in a moment.

    Criminals in most parts of the world take on one, two, three or a few more adversaries at a time. I do not mean to sound insensitive but this is a fact. When you hear of shootings in the west, as terrible as those are, casualties can usually be counted. When you consider the Nigerian scenario where criminals in high places cheat and victimise the millions of people in their care in the country, then the mind boggles. So whereas western criminals shoot some people dead at a time (bad, I agree), and even possibly cannibalise some literally (worse), criminals in Nigeria kill all the people and literarily cannibalise them all the time by embezzling the funds meant for everybody.

    Just look at our governors, present or past; or assemblymen, past or present. For example, I do believe there are very, very few governors in Nigeria who are not living beyond the people’s means. Whereas governors are supposed to administer their states on behalf of the people, they have mostly, I have read and heard say, turned out to be plunderers of their states by their state-enabled reckless spending. They have all lived in opulence while their subjects have remained in wretchedness. For all their efforts, the nation has not been the better; indeed, the nation is poorer for them. Under their various watches, salaries are being owed workers, state subventions are going underground and national trust funds are disappearing.

    The national and state assemblies are past talking about. If the recent Jubringate is anything to go by, we can safely say that Nigeria has never had any congress, only sets of daytime marauders coming and going.

    Now, I am truly sorry that workers are being owed salaries. I do not, however, mean to take on any trade union, whether PENGASSAN, NUT, Labour Congress, or any other, but I want to declare categorically that very few people actually do the work they are paid to do in this country. Most people prefer to work only when there is going to be some other payment for them over and above their legitimate earnings on the job. In short, most Nigerian workers in the public service work for less than a quarter of their earnings.

    There are increasing reports petrol tanker drivers consistently now arrive at their destinations with their tanker fillings short by thousands of litres. There are increasing reports that school teachers in the cradle of education in this country are found not to be qualified for the job, neither are they found in their classrooms. There are reports that civil servants are never ‘on seat’, ‘are their own ministries’ contractors’, or never work unless one is ready to pay them some illegal charge. Now, if these things are true, then this makes this an ethically philandering nation. In other words, the country is built on a culture of deceit wrapped in dishonesty.

    The funny thing is that Nigerians accept that the nation is on the downward slope; but not from their profligacy, only someone else’s. Talk to fifty people and none will agree that they have contributed to this slide in any way. It’s ‘others’ who need to change their ways. The primary school or university teacher who does not go to class is ‘not corrupt’; the driver who misuses the government vehicle in his charge is not corrupt; the civil servant who is permanently ‘not on seat’ is not corrupt; failing to write postscript unlimited some weeks is definitely not corrupt… Seriously, nobody is corrupt in Nigeria. Then that leaves only me.

    Yet, we all agree that the country is desperately in need of change to stem this slide. This change cannot happen though until we are all agreed on just when to wake up from our slumber of self-delusion. It is delusional for anyone to think he/she has not contributed to this cesspool we have dragged Nigeria into today for, in truth, we all did it, including me.

    True, some may have done a lot more damage than others. Even as we speak, I understand that Mrs. Jonathan is still arguing with the government over a $15m (or $31m, I don’t know) fund she had put aside ‘for medical reasons’, she said. Seriously, given that she is not on life support, nor is she nursing a life-threatening ailment, I find that sum a little excessive! $14m (or $30m) is perhaps more acceptable, but $15/31m?! Why, it’s enough to build a railway line between my house here and my village. Oh yes, I’m quite taken with rail travel I tell you.

    Change cannot take place in Nigeria unless all of us jump on that ‘ChangeTrain. It’s no use asking President Buhari to change things in Nigeria; I don’t think that it can be done by a presidential fiat. I’m not too sure mouthing any slogan can work the magic either. It can only be done when you and I are ready to change our ways and attitudes.

    The problem is that Nigerians have smelt and tasted blood and are liking it. They have tasted the things keeping Nigeria down under and it is sweet in their mouth mostly because these things fund their extravagant lifestyles. Through these illicit ways, they can fund the cars they give to girlfriends/boyfriends, build hotels their salaries are not qualified for, take summer vacations in developed countries, keep their children in Europe/America, and pack their lives and hearts full with material things they do not need… And you ask them to change all that?

    Change begins when parents help children to understand that they are to contribute to the universe not deplete it. It happens when governments realise that since the world began, the masses have always had the last laugh over the most tyrannical or brigandage regimes. Change happens when employers realise that they may own the work hours of their employees, they do not own their souls.

    Change must happen in our hearts and minds and attitudes towards everything including life itself. Change begins when we realise that we are to build the country not tear it down. Above all, change happens when we realise that a day comes when we either change the way we think and the way we work in this country or we are changed. So, which will it be for you?

  • Plus ça change

    Plus ça change

    THIS column assumes that the Federal Executive Council (FEC) cleared the re-launched national re-orientation campaign thematically anchored on Change Begins With Me, and that in particular President Muhammadu Buhari was briefed and was satisfied with the programme of action drawn up by the Ministry of Information, the campaign’s owner and parent. As many commentators, critics and supporters of the re-launched campaign have indicated, the All Progressives Congress (APC) government will not be the first to embark on a campaign to change public attitude to life, governance and public service. And so whether ethical revolution or national orientation, Nigerian governments are skilful in producing slogans and mantras whose conceptual foundations are sometimes amateurish and often war against facts and reality.

    On Thursday, the president kick-started the campaign with what some commentators have described as a rousing, appropriate speech on attitudinal change and re-orientation. If the reader is accustomed to scratching the surface of things, with little or no taste for plumbing the depths of complex and enigmatic issues, the speech is a satisfying piece of elocutionary barnstorming. It could of course be improved here and there, and more syntactic grace added to imbue it with life and resonance, but it fared no worse than the blather even Shakespeare himself unloaded upon his customers. It is the curse of the Ministry of Information that with every change in government, and with no one able to exorcise the ghost of superficial change created and unleashed by the Shehu Shagari presidency in the 1980s, its ministers find it compelling to concoct boondoggles of their own.

    There is nothing wrong with campaigns, for one way or the other there will always be campaigns to change anything disagreeable, either by force or by moral suasion. It is to the credit of many past governments, and indeed President Buhari who once embraced coercive change, that they seemed reluctant to employ genocidal tools in midwifing change like the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia did. Therefore, no amount of criticism, ridicule or resistance can dissuade the Ministry of Information, either under a conservative or progressive government, from indulging its romantic pastime of campaigning for attitudinal change. It is a waste of time to try. But if they exercise their right to formulate campaigns, especially on the back of the nation’s money, critics also reserve the right to draw attention to the futility of the exercise. The campaigns failed in the past, though they were sometimes backed by force or propaganda; there is nothing now to indicate they stand any chance of success.

    The Frenchman, Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Kar, coined a fitting epigram in the 19th century to capture the wastefulness and futility of such idealistic campaigns. Plus ça change, plus c’est la même, he moaned. Roughly translated as ‘The more things change, the more they remain the same”, it suggests that when change comes at all, it sometimes does so gradually and incrementally, almost imperceptibly. Yet, whether revolutionary or incremental change, over the centuries and from the experience of many nations, the status quo has yielded only few inches to the most assertive campaigner. Ask Napoleon Bonaparte; and ask Karl Marx. If the life and ideals of revolutionaries do not convince you, then ask Britain itself, that most famous of conservative nations whose political system, not to say its unwritten constitution, stands as a palladium of immovable change and stifling, suffocating status quo.

    If President Buhari and the Information ministry have learnt anything from the failures of the past, they have not admitted the rest of the country into that secret. Perhaps when the Information minister finally deconstructs the whole exercise, more Nigerians will become persuaded. But so far, there is little room for optimism. Given all that the president has said on the impending campaign to re-orient national attitudes and values, it is hard to see what indeed has changed — no pun intended. There is nothing in the president’s speech, absolutely nothing, to suggest that anyone in the executive arm or the ministry attempted a fundamental appreciation of the problem they hoped would yield to their ethical assault. Without a conceptual statement of the problem, and with apparently no conceptual tools to transform the intended change from its limiting and metaphoric existence, how on earth do they hope to create a new and ideal society?

    President Buhari merely restated the symptoms of Nigeria’s diseased past and present. But the nation ought to have got a gleamer of understanding of what he thinks is really the problem with the national attitude. Had he been able to fairly accurately state the conceptual foundation of the issues that war against the needed new national ethos, Nigerians might be fairly confident that the solution they dream about would not remain the chimera past governments had embraced and choked on for nearly 60 turbulent years.

    Here is the president’s prognosis. “There is no doubt that our value system has been badly eroded over the years. The long-cherished and time-honoured, time-tested virtues of honesty, integrity, hard work, punctuality, good neighbourliness, abhorrence of corruption and patriotism, have given way in the main to dishonesty, indolence, unbridled corruption and widespread impunity.

    “The resultant effect of this derailment in our value system is being felt in the social, political and economic sphere. It is the reason that some youths will take to cultism and brigandage instead of studying hard or engaging in decent living; it is the reason that some elements will break pipelines and other oil facilities, thus robbing the nation of much-needed resources; it is the reason that money belonging to our commonwealth will be brazenly stolen by the same public officials to whom they were entrusted; it is the reason a motorist drives through red traffic lights, it is the reason many will engage in thuggery and vote-stealing during elections; it is part of what has driven our economy into deep problem out of which we are now working hard to extricate ourselves. Every one of us must have a change from our old ways of doing things, we cannot fold our arms and allow things to continue the old way.

    “We must resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship, pettiness and immaturity that have poisoned our country for so long. Let us summon a new spirit of responsibility, spirit of service, of patriotism and sacrifice, Let us all resolve to pitch in and work hard and look after, not only ourselves but one another, What the current problem has taught us is that we cannot have a thriving army of rent seekers and vested interests, while the majority suffers.”

    Nigerians have never been in doubt how their country’s ills manifest symptomatically. Nor have they ever lacked adequate platitudes to hurl at the combustible follies and foibles that manifest as their country’s soft underbelly. What befuddle them, on the contrary, are the conceptual foundations of those ills, and how to engineer the right tools to combat them. Driving through red lights is a little part of the symptoms, certainly not on a scale anyone should consider a major problem. Embezzling public funds is done everywhere, and majority of people would steal or cheat if half the chance offers itself; the difference in Nigeria is the quantum, a quantum that is symptomatically enabled and driven by impotent institutions. Political malfeasance is not Nigeria’s exclusive preserve, nor is it the cause of the ills a re-orientation programme can affect with platitudinous change. For every problem the president has identified, there is nothing in it remotely suggesting amenability to the balm of re-orientation he and the Information ministry wishes to apply.

    It is of course possible to strengthen institutions and identify better law enforcement methods to curb many of the tendencies the president identified in his speech last week. But neither he nor those whooping for his speech will get the new society they so wishfully dream about just because they have managed to tackle many of the ills afflicting the society. When President Shagari concocted his ethical revolution, he also inundated the country with platitudes, scratched the surface of the ills and assailed them with half-hearted ethical regimen. No government since then, not President Buhari when he was military head of state with his War Against Indiscipline (WAI), nor ex-head of state Ibrahim Babangida with his Mass Mobilisation for Social Justice, Self Reliance and Economic Recovery (MAMSER), nor yet Sani Abacha whose dissoluteness wholly and powerfully counteracted his rebranded War Against Indiscipline and Corruption (WAIC) campaigns. In his speech, President Buhari scoffs at the ‘theoretic’ exercise of fighting societal ills, probably suggesting that the problem transcended the clumsy theorising of arm-chair idealists. But whatever he has said so far has not given any indication he and his fellow programmers even have a practical appreciation of the problem or the tools to tackle it.

    This columnist has said it repeatedly, but has unfortunately been misunderstood, that what ails Nigeria fundamentally is that neither the government nor the people have a vague, not to talk of clear, concept of Nigeria, and so cannot think of developing a distinct Nigerianness so sorely needed. This terrible detachment has created a vacuum that is being filled by all manner of crazy schemes, including the jaundiced ambition of ethnic and religious irredentists, and the cracked and distorted dreams and visions of myopic politicians and leaders. On this page, President Buhari had often been advised to first produce a concept of the country he wishes to lead and to bequeath. He has not done it. Instead, by a combination of suspect anodynes and jaded templates, he has foisted upon himself, and by extension the nation, a close-knit structure of aides and advisers so insular as to be unable to conceive and enthrone the breathtaking expansiveness and ideology a modern, multicultural and heterogeneous society needs to thrive and function.

    There is no statesman, no great leader, no man with a sense of history, who has affected his nation or empire so thoroughly as President Buhari hopes to do with Nigeria, judging from his speech on re-orientation, that has not first formulated and injected into the body politic a fundamental concept of his country. It is that concept that will form the pivot on which everything without exception turns. It is that concept that differentiates the French from other Europeans, the German from the rest, the Briton from other Islanders, the American, Russian etc from yet other peoples. And it is on such a concept that the exceptionalism of great nations is built and nurtured. If the president and his Information ministry still can’t understand this, then let them go and read the history they have avoided and despised for so long, the history so near under their noses that it emits the fame and raison d’etre of the Oyo Empire, Sokoto Caliphate, Benin Empire, Kanem-Bornu Empire, and so many more.

    In forming Nigeria, the British spurned the lessons of the nation-building cataclysm (the Spring of Nations) that convulsed Europe in 1848. They, therefore, carved Nigeria after their own disingenuous expediencies, eviscerated the country of the proud, independent and gifted souls that gave its peoples hope and being, and distorted this country’s noble histories midwifed through the magnifying glasses of the iconic Oduduwa, the scholarly Shehu Usman Dan Fodio, the audacious Alafin Abiodun, the extraordinary Tsoegi, the enigmatic Mai Idris Alooma, and the celebrated Eweka I, etc. The vacuum thus created has become so deep and encompassing that it is difficult to see how campaigns and platitudes will reform a police force so poorly funded that it cannot but be evilly inventive in resolving their financial woes, a military force built on the retrogressive tradition of lording it over the people in all manner of depressing abnormalities, a civil service treated contemptibly and brusquely by the ruling class and must fend for itself outside the law, an unfeeling political class that seeks advantage over one another, even if elections had to be ingeniously postponed, and health and education systems so barren and disconnected from the people that its functionaries are incapable of embracing any other ambition but that of self.

    The national re-orientation campaign theme is ‘Change Begins With Me’. However, reading through the president’s speech, and extrapolating from what the Information ministry might be doing or contemplating, the government really hopes the campaign would begin not with the rulers, but with the ruled. The ‘Me’ in their campaign is a subterfuge. But whether the campaign begins with those in office or the hapless people subjected to gross misrule, both the rulers and the ruled would be chasing a chimera if they do not appreciate that no change can take place of the quality and structure they campaign for until Nigeria knows who it is (identity) and what its ambitions in the world are (vision). No past president has shown that requisite depth of understanding, and none has done so even now; no, not President Buhari, nor the ‘theoretic’ and highfalutin denizens of the Information ministry. Until Nigerians get a sense of a country they understand and love, and are willing to die for, all campaigns will be nothing but tilting at windmills.

  • If only cows could talk

    If only cows could talk

    Our cattle are now moved by rail; someday, they’ll fly!

    Nigeria’s early generation cows must be green with envy wherever they are now, seeing that things are looking up for the latter-day cattle in the country. Unlike today’s cows, they were transported the long distances from the northern parts of the country to the south on foot or at best in trucks; in rain, in sunshine, enduring the sometimes harsh weather and the sometimes unfriendly terrains with all the attendant risks. It was such a harrowing long and tortuous journey, and making it to the market down south alive was something desirous of celebration by both the cows and the herdsmen.

    The Fulani herdsmen (sorry, they said we should not call them Fulani herdsmen again; henceforth, therefore, they will be referred to simply as herdsmen) too must be happy that they have been relieved of the burden of constantly whipping the cattle into line. For them, no longer the fear of cattle rustlers which they claim is the reason they carry sophisticated weapons, including AK-47 rifles. Although some of the cows remain fat in spite of the long journeys; hardly is there any fat herdsman probably so-called, something which could have resulted from their itinerant nature. Even for the cows, studies say they usually lose significant nutrients to the long distances. This should be expected.

    But for both the cattle and the herdsmen in the country, it is now a win-win situation. Beef-lovers down south too have something to gain by way of improved nutrients that come with rail transportation of cattle. The sad tales of yesterday and today would soon become history when rail movement of cattle from the north to the south is fully embraced. As the saying goes, the journey of a thousand miles begins with the first step.

    This first step in the new direction began on Thursday, September 1, when about 500 cows were moved by the Nigeria Railways Corporation (NRC) from Gusau, Zamfara State, to Oko-Oba Market in Lagos, thus signalling the take-off of the National Farm to Market Rail Scheme. The scheme is the brainchild of the Nigeria Incentive-Based Risk Sharing System for Agriculture (NIRSAL), as part of government’s efforts to provide low cost transport link between agricultural producers and consumers across the country, with an initial focus on livestock movement from North to South by rail.

    According to Daily Trust, “under the scheme, NIRSAL, in line with its mandate to de-risk and incentivise investment into verified impactful projects across the agricultural value chain, will provide bank guarantees for the financing of critical requirements involved in the movement of the cattle, including logistics and  equipment. Connect Rail Services Ltd, a bulk freight and logistics service provider is the first technical partner on this aspect of the Farm to Market Scheme”.

    Bello Abdullahi Abba, NIRSAL Coordinator, Research and Strategy, quoted Aliyu Abdulhameed, its managing director, as saying: “We are indeed happy to hear that the wagons have arrived ahead of schedule. We are very delighted that the historic train has arrived earlier than projected. It is a good omen and a further source of encouragement as we strive towards improving and deepening our Farm to Market Scheme.”

    Nigerians generally must be excited by this scheme, especially coming at a time when many of them have come to distrust and indeed hate the herdsmen over the impunity with which many of them ply their trade. As far as many Nigerians are concerned, the herdsmen are largely a band of murderers who leave deaths and sorrow in their trail, in their relationship with their host communities. From Benue to Ekiti, Oyo to Anambra, herdsmen had left in their trail deaths and destruction such that Governor Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State had to ban their activities from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m. in his state, and restricting them largely to lands specifically created for their operations in the 16 local governments.

    Hatred of the atrocities by the Fulani herdsmen (who appear not to know that where the right to graze stops, other rights begin), is what appears to have made the Federal Government to suspend action on its proposed grazing reserve which Nigerians generally see as a recipe for chaos. They want, instead, the more modern and pragmatic approach of making the herdsmen get ranches all over the country; after all they are businessmen. In other words, necessity has proved to be the mother of invention in this instance.

    Why this idea took so long to come despite its inherent advantages should therefore be surprising. Now, rather than move cattle from the north to the south in weeks, it can be done within 24 hours. It is even cost-effective. Movement of cattle from Zamfara to Lagos with the use of trucks costs over N200,000 but with rail transportation, the traders paid only N120,000. This is aside other advantages already mentioned.

    Whatever it is; even if it took necessity, that mother of invention, to arrive at this destination, it is still better late than never. Imagine the uses to which rail services can be put yet, our railway was killed by some unpatriotic Nigerians!

    The way we have transported cattle in this country for decades is symptomatic of the way we treat animals generally. Indeed, animals that are unfortunate to be bred in Nigeria must be full of envy whenever they see animals in the developed countries: the care and attention the latter get, with pet owners often kissing their pets; playing with them on their sofa and some of the animals eating some of the best food that even human beings cannot dream of in our country. Who says all animals are equal? Some animals are definitely more equal than others!

    Our own experience is such that you see cows being forced into ramshackle trucks which are themselves junk candidates in civilised countries. The cows that prove stubborn or refuse to enter the trucks peacefully (perhaps in protest against their rickety nature), are whipped into line. One wonders where the bodies that we were taught (I think in Civics class in those days) existed for the prevention of cruelty to animals are today. Even cows seem to know what is befitting as one could see in the pictures of the cattle that were transported from Zamfara to Lagos on September 1. The animals walked, in fact strolled majestically into their wagons, where they are treated with dignity as they had enough space to stretch themselves for the long journey to Lagos.

    I suspect if there was any resistance by any of the cows to enter the wagon, it must have arisen from fear of the unknown on the part of the cows that could be wondering whether what they were witnessing was for real, or it was another ploy by some heartless humans to get rid of them by some other means. This reminds me of the story involving one of our first generation politicians. Some elders from his town came to Lagos and they went to an office on Lagos Island. The politician then asked them to be going in batches as the lift could not take all of them to the floor they were going at once. When it got to the turn of one of the men, he refused to enter the lift. His fear?  He asked the politician whether he took him for a fool. The old man said none of those that the lift took upstairs ever returned and that even if the politician wanted to kill them, he should have done so more intelligently and more creatively! But that is just in the lighter mood.

    But the fate of our animals is a reflection of the state of human beings in the country. A country where governments care for no one could not care whether cattle are made to travel on their heads from Sokoto to Calabar.

    All said, cattle-rearing is a multi-billion naira business. According to NIRSAL, the worth of the North East-Lagos cattle trade market alone is N324 billion per annum. When we add the North – South East cattle trade, or the trade in small ruminants (sheep and goats), the estimates could be in the region of N850-N950 billion per annum between the north and southern parts of the country.

    So, there is no reason why herdsmen cannot afford ranches in line with modern realities. Where necessary, the government should assist them to get loans to run their business. This is the way to go, rather than compound our ethnic fears and suspicions by forcing other people to part with their land to people they see as violent and murderous.

    On behalf of our long-suffering cows, I say a big thank you to all those involved in this project. I only wish the cows could tell the other cows that are yet to feel the new experience about the new deal! They surely must hold a ‘family meeting’ where they must resolve to  reciprocate this good gesture by giving us tastier pepper-soup and other soups that we prepare with the ‘orisirisi’ (assorted) meat that the cows are endowed with! After all, “one good turn”, they say, “deserves another.”