Category: Sunday

  • APC more troubled than leaders admit

    APC more troubled than leaders admit

    Judging from media reports, too many Nigerians are obsessed with the demons troubling both the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP) to care what is happening elsewhere in the polity. The main reason is not far-fetched. Both parties are immersed in intractable civil war, and have managed by dint of their incompetent leadership to project their griefs and tardiness on public consciousness. Voters take note, and are entertained by the buffooneries which quarrelsome PDP and LP leaders play. There is of course the unpretentious sidekick, the Social Democratic Party (SDP), sometimes half-wake, but often sleepwalking through Nigeria’s electioneering epochs. It does crazy things to be noticed, and like the LP has offered its bed to all kinds of pimps and whores. And so, consumed by these avoidable distractions, potential voters do not notice that hard talking and deep swearing opposition leaders are casting a sheep’s eye at the APC.

    No one can accurately predict how long the buffooneries in the main opposition parties will last. The PDP is rent in two, each side digging its heels in, resolute against any kind of reconciliation. All the party’s governors are not on one page, and the ones who might wish to take a shot at the presidency are too irredentist and ethnically fanatical to be of any use to the party or the country. Its political leaders, whether previous or new presidential aspirants, lack the political and diplomatic pizzazz to drive the party in the right direction or help foster peace and amity. The party pretends to some kind of conservatism, but at bottom, and particularly for its leaders, most of whom are either mercantilists or opportunists, ideology is an inconvenient abstraction. They are desperate to unite in the face of the existential threats the APC constitutes, but they lack the wherewithal to enforce administrative discipline within their ranks. In fact they seem to now wish for a celestial intervention to help them resolve their longstanding logjam, or at least conjure a deus ex machina to whip everybody into line. But given the intractability of their fight, they seem absolutely ill-suited to cutting corners. Instead of wishing the implosion of the ruling APC, they will have to sweat out a consensus or carefully and tediously rebuild their party, a prospect and hard undertaking that unfortunately seems repugnant to their casual approach to politics.

    As expected, and partly because it has nothing to boast about, the LP has concerned itself more with disparaging the APC than mending its own cavalier politics. It is more disunited than the PDP, has no known ideology to anchor its soul, and possesses no skills except perhaps the eclecticism of their former presidential candidate, the overrated Peter Obi. Constantly wrong-footed by two intransigent factions, party leaders, including the parent Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), have switched between strong-arm tactics one day, and half-hearted conciliation the next day. Neither tactics has worked. Deflated and exasperated, they have allowed themselves to embrace solutions completely alien to the nation’s laws or even their own ground rules. Like their opposition cousins in the PDP, they have reduced their initiative to hoping that the APC would implode sooner than later, at least before the next round of electioneering. But that next round is already here, and the opposition parties have remained paralysed and flustered by deep mutual loathing and internal dissensions.

    Nigerians may be close to writing off the two blundering opposition parties, but they also appear nervous that the APC’s unity and strength may be nothing more than a make-belief. Last week, the country was abuzz with speculations that the seven governors’ courtesy call on former president Muhammadu Buhari at his Kaduna home might not be as altruistic as the visitors themselves painted the occasion. They paid the visit, speculators on social and traditional media said, to prevail on the former president to restrain his fretting associates who once belonged to his legacy Congress of Progressive Change (CPC). The associates, it had been speculated, were on the verge of bolting from the APC, the ruling party having been formed by a merger of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), factions of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). If the CPC faction breaks away, the speculators reasoned and concluded, the APC might be in trouble, especially with the 2027 poll in view.

    Read Also: Okpebholo, Edo PDP clash over Tinubu’s re-election campaign kick-off

    Characteristically, ex-president Buhari has reportedly remained sanguine about the whole news. As far as he was concerned, he would remain a loyal party man, the APC having given him the opportunity to be elected twice as president. As for the so-called footloose others, he was quoted as saying, they were perfectly within their rights to determine their political future. It is not clear whether that was the answer his visitors wanted; but that would be vintage Buhari. As president, he did nothing to substantially help any faction or presidential aspirant in their bid to become presidential candidate, and did even less to campaign wholeheartedly for that candidate once he emerged. Asking him to prevail on potential defectors at this day and his age is like asking him to foreswear who he really is. He is contented, untroubled by the din around him, and unwilling to take risks he never took as a fledgling young military officer or an ageing and staid elder.

    Should the CPC faction bolt from the stable, the APC would of course quake. That quake would be seismic only if those who bolted are significant in status and number. The potential defectors may be disaffected and annoyed, especially as they now watch from the sidelines how technocrats seem to be taking plum appointments, but they are unlikely to be rash in taking a decision as weighty as defecting from certainty to uncertainty. In their calculations, they would want to be sure that their defection would cause an exit avalanche big enough to cause a run on the ruling party. Nothing guarantees that ruinous outcome. If they defect and the ruling party manages to attract a significant number from other parties to fill the void left by the departing CPC members, then the defectors’ goose would be cooked. Nothing is more calamitous to a politician than to be left stranded. The APC probably has its scenarios worked out, and will do everything to keep its aggrieved members. But if the potential defectors stick to their guns, the APC will wield the big stick. It will be a great gamble, but the ruling party seems to know that the alienated CPC men, assuming they are significant in number, may not be as valuable as they have sold themselves in the media.

  • Tinubu in Paris: A stepping away to step up

    Tinubu in Paris: A stepping away to step up

    In a political culture where optics are often mistaken for substance, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s relative silence over the past week has been both strategic and deliberate. The President, who quietly departed Abuja for Paris, France, about eleven days ago, has taken a critical pause—not for leisure or spectacle, but for something far more consequential: introspection and midterm recalibration.

    The Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, aptly described the trip as a “working visit,” but a deeper look reveals it as a strategic retreat—an intentional withdrawal from the noise of daily governance to reflect on how far the administration has come and to chart the path forward for the remaining half of his first term.

    Since assuming office in May 2023, President Tinubu has embarked on an ambitious journey to restructure Nigeria’s socioeconomic architecture. From bold fiscal reforms to tackling subsidy regimes and currency liberalization, his administration has been nothing short of transformative—though not without pain. With nearly two years of this hardnosed policy recalibration under his belt, this Paris retreat comes at a pivotal moment.

    This is a time to measure outcomes, revisit assumptions, and test the durability of the reforms put in place. The President is expected to be evaluating everything from the economic impact of fuel subsidy removal, to the outcomes of foreign exchange reforms, to the social safety nets being constructed to cushion the ordinary Nigerian from inflationary shocks. It is, in essence, the President stepping into the role of national CEO, poring over the books and forecasts before announcing his next big move.

    The facts already point to significant wins. According to data from the Central Bank of Nigeria, the country’s net foreign exchange reserves have surged to $23.11 billion—an impressive leap from a precarious $3.99 billion in 2023. This growth is a direct consequence of the administration’s fiscal discipline and renewed investor confidence, signalling that the economic stabilization agenda is starting to yield fruit.

    But not all victories can be measured in spreadsheets. The Tinubu administration’s journey so far has been one of tough calls and complex trade-offs. Removing fuel subsidies, for instance, was necessary to halt fiscal haemorrhage, but it also brought hardship to millions of Nigerians grappling with rising costs of living. The President knows this. He understands that transformation without compassion is a hollow achievement. Hence, this moment in Paris is not just about numbers and graphs—it is about striking a new balance between economic realism and social protection.

    Interestingly, while the President may have stepped back from the public stage, he has certainly not stepped away from governance. Throughout the week, his voice has still resonated across the national discourse, albeit in more solemn and ceremonial tones. On Sunday, he celebrated Dame Emmanuella Fashola on her 60th birthday, commending her service and role in promoting unity. In the same breath, he mourned the passing of former Oyo Governor, Dr. Victor Omololu Olunloyo—a titan of intellect and statesmanship.

    On Tuesday, he extended condolences to the family of the late Dr. Pascal Dozie, an icon in Nigeria’s banking and entrepreneurial space. And by Thursday, he had once again returned to the podium of national reflection—celebrating Africa’s foremost industrialist, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, on his birthday, while also mourning the loss of a judicial legend, Justice Ibitola Adebisi Sotuminu.

    Read Also: Sustain collaboration with Tompolo, Ijaw youths urge Tinubu 

    Beyond these tributes, however, was a key diplomatic engagement that reaffirmed Tinubu’s active presence even while abroad. On Thursday, the President met with the United States State Department’s Senior Advisor for Africa, Massad Boulos, in Paris. Their discussion focused on regional security, including collaborative efforts to build durable peace in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They also explored avenues for expanding economic cooperation across Africa, with Nigeria naturally positioned as a strategic gateway.

    The significance of this meeting cannot be overstated. It reflects not only the President’s ongoing diplomatic engagements, but also Nigeria’s emerging role as a stabilizing force in regional security architecture and a focal point for transcontinental economic cooperation. That this meeting occurred while Tinubu is on a self-imposed strategic retreat speaks volumes about his ability to blend deep internal reflection with active international diplomacy.

    These engagements, though not policy-shaking in the traditional sense, underscore one vital truth: the wheels of governance have not stopped turning. The President may be physically removed, but his hand is still firmly on the tiller. This is leadership by remote command—a demonstration that a modern presidency does not have to be chained to geography to be effective.

    Even more importantly, the President’s trip sends a broader message about the maturity of the Nigerian state. That the machinery of government continues to function—ministries working, security agencies on alert, institutions delivering—is a testament to a leadership style that emphasizes delegation, continuity, and the strengthening of institutions over the cult of personality.

    As Nigerians look ahead to the President’s return, expectations are justifiably high. The Paris retreat, after all, is not just a time-out; it is a think tank session, a policy lab, and a strategic war room rolled into one. What emerges from it could very well shape the trajectory of Nigeria for the next two years—and possibly beyond.

    Insiders suggest that the President’s focus in the coming months will be on consolidating reforms, driving industrialization, attracting more foreign direct investment, and expanding job creation, particularly for youth. If the first half of his term was about diagnosis and shock therapy, the second half is expected to be about stabilization and inclusive growth. More structured palliatives, better coordination among agencies, and a push toward local production in key sectors like agriculture, manufacturing, and ICT may define the new phase.

    It is also likely that the President is using this period to refine his cabinet’s focus and performance metrics. In the months ahead, Nigerians should expect a more aggressive pursuit of delivery—where ministers and heads of agencies are held to account for outcomes, not just activity.

    Ultimately, Tinubu’s Paris sojourn is a political and strategic intermission, one that acknowledges the immense work already done and the even greater challenges that lie ahead. By choosing reflection over rhetoric, and quiet strategy over showmanship, the President has demonstrated that leadership sometimes requires stepping away to step up.

    And when he does return to Nigerian soil, the nation should be prepared for the next chapter—one that promises to be more focused, more intentional, and more responsive to the everyday Nigerian’s hopes and hardships.

    Steady Hands at the Helm While Tinubu Charts the Course

    Meanwhile, with President Tinubu away in Paris on a working retreat, taking time to evaluate the midterm progress of his administration and blueprinting the path ahead, his absence has in no way slowed the engine of governance. Instead, what we have witnessed is a demonstration of a well-oiled administrative machinery, with trusted lieutenants keeping the wheels of state turning smoothly—firmly guided by the principles and directives laid down by the President.

    At the forefront of this charge has been Vice President Kashim Shettima, a loyal deputy who has spent the week not just filling in but reinforcing the President’s vision across sectors. Over the last weekend, Shettima hosted the CEO of Big Win Philanthropy, Jamie Cooper, at the Presidential Villa. The meeting was more than a routine diplomatic courtesy—it showcased the administration’s relentless pursuit of partnerships to tackle malnutrition and create jobs for Nigerians. In Shettima’s words, President Tinubu’s “bold vision and pragmatic leadership” are the guiding light for a Nigeria on the rise.

    On Monday, the Vice President was on hand to welcome Sweden’s Crown Princess Victoria to the State House, signalling Nigeria’s continued commitment to strengthening diplomatic and economic ties with global partners. The reception was symbolic—a nod to Nigeria’s position as a key African player engaging with the world even as the President consults globally from France.

    Elsewhere, other key players in the administration were equally active. The Presidency, through its communication channels, swiftly shut down rumours that President Tinubu had sacked INEC Chairman, Mahmood Yakubu. The prompt and firm rebuttal by Special Adviser on Policy Communication, Dr. Daniel Bwala, was a clear indication that the administration is not leaving room for distractions, even in the President’s physical absence.

    Tuesday saw Shettima speaking with characteristic frankness at a public engagement, where he stated that Nigeria’s fiscal woes stem not from its federal structure but from poor resource management. It was a moment of candour—and one that reaffirmed the Tinubu administration’s readiness to face hard truths and lead by reform. That same day, the Vice President also inaugurated the board of the Nigerian Independent System Operator (NISO), further strengthening the power sector reforms.

    Meanwhile, in the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator George Akume rolled out a new Performance Management System aimed at tracking public sector efficiency. It was a reminder that the Renewed Hope Agenda includes not just grand visions but measurable targets.

    By Thursday, Akume was also inaugurating a new board for Galaxy Backbone, a move geared toward advancing the country’s digital infrastructure. At the same time, the Presidency launched a National Community Engagement Framework Drafting Committee to deepen grassroots participation—a timely initiative to close the distance between government and the governed.

    Perhaps the biggest highlight of the week was Shettima’s presence in Calabar, Cross River State, where he flagged off a Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zone. Backed by the African Development Bank’s $2.2 billion commitment, the project is a strategic thrust to revolutionize agriculture and ensure food security. Remarkably, it came just days after a similar project was launched in Kaduna—proof that this administration does not pause.

    In sum, what the week has shown is that while President Tinubu remains momentarily out of sight, he is far from out of touch. His vision is alive in the actions of his vice president, advisers, and ministers. Governance has not just continued—it has expanded in scope, deepened in reach, and sharpened in focus.

    The country waits in anticipation of the President’s return, not out of anxiety, but with the certainty that what is coming next is backed by quiet preparation and a renewed drive. The groundwork is being laid, the agenda is marching on, and the state is not idle—it is busy, disciplined, and determined.

  • The Uromi killings and matters arising

    The Uromi killings and matters arising

    On his Facebook page, on 28 March, 2025, a popular United-States-based Professor of Communication, Farooq Kperogi, stated and asked in exasperation: “Several people have sent me unwatchably bloodcurdling videos of northerners being burned alive in what is said to be Edo State. What exactly is going on? I am despondent as I am confused. Edo has no history of hostile relations with the North. Can someone explain to me what’s going on? None of the people who shared the videos with me was able to answer my questions satisfactorily. That’s why I am asking publicly.”

    In a 29 March, 2025 article, Kperogi noted: “My inquiry has led me to understand that the Uromi community has been gripped by abductions for ransom, which sometimes result in deaths. Seething with rage and vengeance over the incessancy of deadly kidnapping by ‘Fulani herdsmen,’ the community was primed for jungle justice. When local vigilantes accosted a bus traveling northward through the town, they found Hausa hunters armed with hunting guns and machetes aboard. In the bigoted, know-nothing estimation of the Uromi vigilantes, Hausa hunters were one and the same as Fulani kidnappers. So, they burned the innocent Hausa hunters for the crimes of anonymous Fulani bandits.”

    Kperogi noted further: “I honestly couldn’t bring myself to watch the dreadfully nightmarish videos to the end. I broke down at the point when one of the hunters was thrown into a flaming fire from a wheelbarrow and he exclaimed “Wayyo Allah!” in anguish. It was too much for my fragile heart to handle. These sorts of savage slaughters of innocents persist in Nigeria not just because of a progressive loss of faith in formal institutions for the redress of communal grievance, heightened anxieties about safety, and increasing faith in the efficacy of jungle justice but also because of the absence of consequences for them.” 

    According to Abubakar Adam Ibrahim in a 3 April, 2025 article on “Grieving in a time of feast,” in Daily Trust, “They had been travelling to celebrate [Eid] with their own loved ones before they were intercepted at Uromi, beaten, clubbed, hacked, and torched in the most inhumane way possible. The suspicion that they could possibly be a kidnapping gang that had terrorised Uromi of late has been given as a justification – they were, after all, travelling with locally made guns and hunting dogs because they were hunters.”

    As Ibrahim further notes, “On the part of their murderers, there are three possible motivations – not vindications – for the barbarism that resulted in these lynchings. One might be fear, the other might be hate, and the third might just be sheer savagery. Fear because, according to reports, kidnapping gangs have besieged Uromi recently, and in response, the community had set up a vigilante group to secure the lives of the locals. Fear has made people do the most awful things in the name of self-preservation. The possibility of hate being a motive cannot be ruled out entirely, considering the ethnic hues that have coloured these killings. If it is neither of these two, then it has to be just the intrinsic savagery of the masterminds, who simply could not pass up the chance to spill the blood of others. None of these is good or even acceptable.”

    Furthermore, Ibrahim observed: “The Edo State Governor, Monday Okpebholo, has, to a large extent, made a significant effort in damage control. Already, the killings were poised to draw retaliation from the North. The statement of the Edo State Government regarding the lynching was reassuring, or at least it sounded reassuring, and his visit to Kano, where most of the victims were from, to pay condolences and appeal for calm, was a great work of interstate diplomacy. Only God knows the number of lives that have been saved as a result. This does not discountenance the fact that the lives that were lost should never have been lost to begin with.”

    Ibrahim said in this regard: “The failure of our security systems has meant that individuals, groups, and communities are taking security into their unprofessional and unregulated hands. The consequence is the democratisation of violence, whereby those with the greater capacity for violence fare better. Violence is something that the state must retain a monopoly of and not be made accessible or normalised under any circumstance. Until this monopoly is restored, and until criminal groups are obliterated from the Nigerian system, incidents like the one at Uromi will recur where innocent travellers and non-native locals are murdered in cold blood.”

    As Emeka Omeihe stated, in this regard, in his column in The Nation on 7 April, 2025,  “The killing of 16 travellers of northern extraction by a vigilante group in Uromi, Esan North East Local Government Area of Edo State, has exposed the dangers in the quasi security outfits that emerged in response to the festering insecurity in the country. More than anything, the chilling incident highlights scant regard to law and order, due process and sanctity of the human life. In it can also be located a culture of violence that is increasingly enveloping this country and increasingly threatening its social fabric. If this culture of violence, mistrust and easy resort to self-help is not urgently stemmed, it may soon begin to define us as a people.”

    Possibly in response to the view that illegal vigilante groups like the one which perpetuated the Uromi murders were operating due to the absence of optimal security cover by authorised security forces, the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC) organised a webinar on 8 April, 2025 on “Preventing Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria: The role of the security agencies.” The presenter at the webinar was CP Adewale Saka Ajao, Commissioner of Police, Federal Capital Territory Command.

    In his remarkably dispassionate and highly intellectual presentation, CP Ajao noted that extrajudicial killings, whether perpetrated by conventional security agencies or unrecognised or illegal persons or groups, were killings not authorised by the court. He also distinguished between extrajudicial killing and loss of life in the process of self-defence.  According to him, going ahead to kill a person as an act of retaliation after the person has been effectively restrained and arrested is not self-defence, but a case of extrajudicial killing.

    Moreover, CP Ajao identified the causes of extrajudicial killings as weak and inefficient judicial system and delay in or undue lengthening of the trial process, perception of the security agencies and the judiciary as corrupt, resulting in lack of confidence in both the security agencies and the judiciary. He also identified lack of human rights training by the personnel of security agencies, the use of violence as an electoral strategy by politicians, the political, ethnic and religious partisanship by security personnel, drug addiction and undiagnosed mental health issues. 

    Read Also: Uromi killings: Fed, Edo govts set up fact-finding committee

    As is usual with social media reactions, comments on Kperogi’s post at the beginning of this article seeking to verify the gory videos ranged from the measured to the reckless. One deeply reflective commentator sought to know why about twenty-four hours after the dastardly act, information about it was still scanty on the mainstream media. The same kind of question was raised in a more rigorous manner by Yushau A. Shuaib in The Guardian of 31 March, 2025.  Specifically, he stated: “In school, we are taught that the media – often described as the Fourth Estate – exists to educate, inform, and serve as a watchdog for society. Yet behind this noble ideal lies a troubling reality: media narratives are frequently shaped by the interests of their proprietors, patrons, and editors. Even on deeply sensitive national issues, editorial direction can be swayed by commercial gain, political allegiance, or ethnic loyalties.”

    He further observed: “A … recent and … distressing case underscores this troubling trend: the lynching of Northern hunters—predominantly Hausa-speaking Muslims – in Uromi, Edo State, on Thursday, March 28, 2025. The victims, reportedly en route to Kano for Eid al-Fitr celebrations, were travelling in a truck when local vigilantes intercepted them and allegedly found dane guns. This sparked a mob attack. A harrowing video showed the men pleading for mercy as they were beaten and burned alive, while onlookers stood by with chilling indifference. … Despite the horror captured on video, most national newspapers downplayed the incident. Shockingly, the atrocity was eclipsed by frivolous matters that received more prominent coverage.”

    Shuaib then said: “Several factors fuel this persistent media bias, including ownership influence, where proprietors and sponsors shape narratives to align with their interests; lack of diversity, as many newsrooms are dominated by personnel from a single region, leading to skewed perspectives; and commercial priorities, where advertising revenue and political patronage often outweigh the public interest – as evident in the prioritisation of birthday tributes over national tragedies.”

    This view tallies with the following admonition from Lawanti: “History has shown us how societies unravel – not all at once, but step by step, lie by lie, silence by silence. Hausa and Fulani have weathered invasions, colonialism, and political exclusion – together. What must not happen now is for digital agitators to succeed where imperial powers failed.

    The whole saga indicates the increasing significance of the social media in the collection and dissemination of information. Unfortunately, the social media is largely unrestrained, and the consequences of social media exuberance could be dire. As Kabiru Danladi Lawanti notes in the 11 April, 2025 edition of Daily Trust, “Genocide never begins with violence. It begins with language – systematically crafted to dehumanise, divide, and desensitise. Rwanda and Yugoslavia were not failed states; they were fractured societies, where identity was weaponised through the media until violence felt logical. Northern Nigeria today is not Rwanda. But some of the same psychological architecture is quietly forming – this time, across the digital landscape.”

    The largely unsatisfactory performance of the mainstream media in the Uromi murders brings to the fore the skepticism about the existence of ‘a free press’. What this situation underscores is the fact that communities or segments of a community underserved in the existing media ecology need to consider the establishment of a variety of media outfits, targeted at different audiences (local, state, regional and national) and the intensive training of requisite personnel, as a matter of urgent strategic investment to avoid the kind of media silence or blackout or media de-prioritisation that was witnessed in the reportage of the Uromi murders. 

  • When will southerners band together to protest serial herdsmen killings in south

    When will southerners band together to protest serial herdsmen killings in south

    The gruesome killing of 16 persons believed to be hunters returning from Rivers to Kano state some two weeks ago is reprehensible and will, forever, leave a sore taste in the mouth. It is gruesome in the extreme and shows in a grim  manner what killer Fulani herdsmen, long embedded in Southern forests  during the President Muhammadu Buhari administration, do on a daily basis.

    Even when during the pandemic the President declared illegal all interstate travels, he could very well have been talking to the marines as thousands of these Northerners were furiously being hauled in trucks to no particular addresses in the South .

    As I showed in the article:’The recrudescence of  criminal Fulani herders’ kidnapping activities in the Southwest’ of 23 March, 2025, these killers reportedly nestling in over 50 camps in the Southwest alone, and their cousins in other Southern parts, were doing nothing besides answering to the following FUNAM DICTUM:

    “We your leaders held meetings across the key Northern States of Sokoto, Bornu, Katsina,  Kano, Yobe, Kebbi, Bauchi and Kaduna. Our resolve is that Northern youths should move enmasse to Southern States. Relaunch the mass movement in ways they have never seen … If the towns and cities are hostile,  hang out on the street corners, in uncompleted buildings, occupy the forests, pitch tents, make any where available as your abode, your rest places, your home.We urge you to be armed. The infidels may want to attack you”. 

    Since then it has been tears and more tears everywhere in the South and there had been no Southern groups threatening, claiming that the heavens was about to fall.

    But I think it is time Southerners convey press conferences daily, to announce that a Fulani herdsman, even with no cow at all, has again killed, or kidnapped, a Southern Nigerian.

    It seems to me that only such can mollify this furious harassment and blackmail from the North.

    Incidences are countless in and around Uromi, Edo state, and other parts of southern Nigeria of murderous Fulani herdsmen daily wreaking havoc, raping, kidnapping and killing at any or all hours of day, and night since they now know the terrain only too well. Neither the bush nor highway is any longer safe.

    That the same is the fate of non- Fulani Nigerians in the North was amply demonstrated in the Plateau killings of this past week when  gunmen  killed no less than 52 people and displaced nearly 2,000 others over several days of attacks in six villages in Plateau’s Bokkos district, reminding one of December 2023 when more than 100 people were killed in the same district.

    This is what Nigerians suffer in the hands of murderous Fulanis, yet their politicians and so- called elders are adept at threatening and blackmailing governments, vowing retaliation on the one occasion they get paid in their own coins.

    Below, in an abridged form, is how the PUNCH Editorial of 6 April, 2025, very dispassionately did justice to its well- earned reputation by brilliantly capturing  all the issues at stake in the matter of the unfortunate Uromi killings, perpetrators of which it says must be apprehended and tried.

    It wrote inter alia: “

    .”The Edo State Government and the security agencies must activate mechanisms to identify the culprits of the dastardly act. They must be brought before a court of competent jurisdiction and tried justly.

    The caveat: the security agencies should do their work with tact and not become an army of occupation terrorising innocent members of the Uromi community.

    As the outrage deepens, with the police, military and other security agencies invading Uromi, Nigeria is missing one crucial point. There is a clear precursor to the killing of the Uromi 16: the provocative bloodshed by Fulani herders across Nigeria.

    Read Also: JUST IN: Benue youths protest herdsmen killings

    In February, Edo witnessed the death of 27 farmers. Initially, the state government reported 22 deaths. The casualty figure jumped to 27 by the end of the month. Governor Monday Okpebholo did not move into action then or offer to pay compensation to the victims’ families.

    Beyond Edo, Nigerians have been constantly inundated by the rapine of Fulani herdsmen, with little respite from the state and federal governments.

    Farmers are under siege and unable to go to their farms in Plateau, Benue, Ekiti, Ondo, Nasarawa, Ogun, and many other states.

    Many farmers are paying tribute to Islamic terrorists. Fulani herdsmen, with a sense of gross entitlement, encroach on farmlands and kill farmers for preventing them from violating their livelihoods. Massacres, arson, rape, and killings have become the norm for these violent Fulani herdsmen.

    In 2014, the Global Terrorism Index listed Fulani herdsmen among the four most dangerous terrorist groups in the world because of their killing spree in Nigeria.

    On New Year’s Day in 2018, Fulani herdsmen slaughtered 72 persons in Benue State. President Muhammadu Buhari feigned ignorance about the massacre.

    The bloodthirsty herdsmen murdered over 40 people in Ukpabi Nimbo, Enugu State, in 2016. The Federal Government has not prosecuted any of the perpetrators.

    In December 2023, Fulani herdsmen continued their atrocities in Plateau State, killing over 140 residents in 62 villages during the Christmas period.

    The outrage simmered down shortly thereafter without the arrest or prosecution of any invader.

    So, the hypocrisy of the Federal Government and security forces in handling such incidents is glaring.

    This selective justice raises troubling questions about the value placed on the life of a Southern Nigerian and a Northern Nigerian.

    When an Adamawa State farmer, Sunday Jackson, killed a Fulani intruder on his farm in self-defence in 2015, the Supreme Court upheld the death sentence against him, even though he should have been tried for manslaughter.

    Yet, when Fulani herdsmen carry out mass killings across the country, the government feigns ignorance, remains silent, or reacts tepidly.

    Until Nigeria embraces the rule of law and discards partiality in the dispensation of justice, the cycle of violence will persist.”

    The Tinubu government has established a Ministry of Livestock to encourage ranching: Livestock farmers should take advantage of it instead of practising the divisive and outdated open herding system.

    It is not only Fulani herdsmen.

    Islamic extremists have been responsible for numerous killings. The 2016 murder of Eunice Olawale, a Christian preacher in Abuja, attracted no outrage in Northern Nigeria or among the security forces that have now trooped to Edo State.

    In 2007, the pupils of Toyin Oluwasesin murdered her on the untenable accusation of abusing the Koran. None of the 16 pupils were brought to justice by the Gombe State Government or the Federal Government.

    In Sokoto State, the colleagues of Deborah Samuel lynched her on flimsy grounds of writing against Islam; the 2022 case has died down with no justice for the victim.

    The Federal Government practically ignored the brutal killing of Funke Olakunrin, the daughter of Afenifere leader, Reuben Fasoranti by Fulani herdsmen in 2019 in Ondo State.

    When violence is met with indifference, it emboldens criminals to act with impunity.

    International observers have repeatedly warned about the unchecked violence of Fulani herdsmen. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented the widespread attacks and government inaction.

    Some estimates suggest that Fulani militias have killed over 3,600 people since 2015, making them one of the deadliest non-state armed groups in Africa.

    The solution lies in a comprehensive security overhaul. The Nigerian Police Force is understaffed and ill-equipped to handle the country’s security challenges.

    Therefore, Nigeria should decentralise policing and allow for the creation of state police to enable governors to protect their domains effectively.

    Security agencies must leverage intelligence to prevent attacks rather than merely reacting after the fact.

    Farmers must be protected, and perpetrators of violence must be prosecuted to serve as deterrents. Without true federalism, Nigeria is doomed.

    The Federal Government should rise above ethnic biases and ensure that every Nigerian life is valued equally.

    Selective justice and political correctness have eroded trust in the state’s ability to protect its people…”

    No government, federal or state, worth its name, must permit itself to be hoodwinked or blackmailed (to make money) by the slew of Press conferences by Northerners, read as Fulani – inspired,  and allow itself be misdirected in its actions.

    If, as they have threatened, this is the occasion for the North to opt out of the federation so be it because whoever comes to equity must come with a clean conscience.

    Just recall that not even President Buhari empathised with grieving Benue people after they have mass buried about 70 persons killed by Fulani herdsmen in Guma and Logo areas of the state but remembered to tell them to live in peace with their neighbours – the same villains.

    If the federal government does not want a backlash from Nigerians

    then it must treat them like it treats Fulanis.

    No Nigerian is more Nigerian than the other.

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XV)

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XV)

    For the first one hundred and fifty years the industrial revolution was principally a European enterprise even if the Americans had come to the party about the same time as it had crossed the English Channel into the European mainland. As soon as it spread to any country, it was adapted to fit local conditions. Since there was a multiplicity of local conditions, several variants of the process took hold in different countries and this led to rivalries of the destructive variety all over the continent. The capitalists in the different countries, mainly in Western Europe competed with each other to secure spheres of exploitative financial interest in different parts of the world. From Africa to the Far East, back to the Middle East and even in the less sophisticated parts of Europe such as the Russian empire, not forgetting the Ottoman Empire which at that time was audibly, if slowly, disintegrating. Over time, these rivalries became deadly just as it was in the early days when the Spanish and Portuguese had cornered Africa and South America between them with the English, French and the  Dutch muscling in to corner different bits of the New World and parts of Asia for themselves. It was the riches wrung from these overseas territories that triggered the industrial revolution in England in the middle of the eighteenth century. This time, other European countries were determined not to miss out on any of the good things that were up for grabs in any part of the world. They were therefore determined to match anything that was cooked up by English industrialists in the area of seizing territories for exploitation abroad. From that point of view, both imperialism and colonialism were not allowed to be exclusively English thus setting the stage for deadly rivalry.

    One of the most important triggers for industrial revolution in England was the draining of the population from the rural areas into the cities. This happened gradually over several centuries but by the middle of the eighteenth century, the large number of people, enough of them with critical skills, were on hand to kick-start work in the factories which the early industrialists were building in London, Birmingham, Manchester and other lesser cities dotted across England. However, this meant that there was a growing shortage of agricultural workers and a concomitant fall in food production both in terms of quality and quantity. The immediate consequence was that available food not only became more expensive but increasingly so with time. Under these circumstances, the workers became restive, demanding the provision of the food they needed to save themselves from starvation. To cope with the circumstances in which they were mired, they demanded that food be imported from wherever it could be imported to be sold at reasonable prices. They may have been hopelessly hamstrung by their situation. But the landlords who were benefitting from the high cost of food stood resolutely in the path of the legal reforms needed to allow the importation of food. It is interesting to note that the response of government to the agitation for food importation was to throw a wall of tariffs around food from abroad thereby maintaining the high cost of food even in the face of starvation as was the case in Ireland. There, up to a million people starved to death when the local potato crops failed two years in a row. Ironically the wheat crops in those years were better than they had ever been before. There was more than enough food to feed the people. But the people did not have money enough to buy the wheat which was grown in Ireland in those lean years. The abundant wheat harvests were sealed up under military protection in trains and shipped across the Irish sea to England to be sold at great profit to the landlords. The welfare of millions of people paled into massive insignificance in the face of the overwhelming need to generate profit for the members of the ruling class.

    Read Also: The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XII)

    It has to be said however that the people at the sharp end of government policies did not simply fold their powerless arms. They raised their voices in protest and when it was apparent that nobody was bothering to listen to them, they poured into the streets and rioted in one city after the other. They were insistent on overturning the Corn Laws which stood implacably between the people and affordable food. The battle was fought in parliament from the end of the Napoleonic wars in 1815 with varying degrees of success. Finally the industrialists who were best placed to benefit from cheaper food for their workers were successful and the oppressive Corn Laws were repealed by parliament in 1846. Thereafter, wheat and other grains poured into Britain shifting the balance of power within the country to the cities. Consequently, Britain not only became an importer of food but other materials as well thereby establishing the principle of global free trade. She was of course able to do this because she had a far flung empire on which the sun never set demonstrating the power of imperialism to the rise and rise of capitalism on the global level.

    Grains were being produced at minimum cost on the prairies of the USA, the pampas of Argentina and by the serfs toiling for next to nothing in the vast lands of the Russian  empire. These were imported to Britain at a much lower cost than before the repeal of the Corn Laws. Consequently, British workers not only had money for food but also to spend on factory produced goods. A win-win situation for the industrialists and capitalists to the detriment of the land owners whose hold on political power was also  being loosened. It also removed the spectre of starvation which hung over Europe making Malthus to sound the alarm about imminent starvation in his famous thesis which was published with much doom and gloom in the closing years of the eighteenth century. At that time the global population was still short of one billion. Today, hand in hand with the inexorable rise of capitalism global population is matching steadily towards the nine billion mark suggesting that the  ghost of Malthus has finally been exorcised.

    It has become clear that the Malthusian prediction about the end of the world has been premature. It is highly unlikely now as it was indeed then that human civilization is not likely to come to an end with the whimper of global starvation. The trajectory of human existence suggests however that the danger of a spectacular ending such as some form of global war cannot be discountenanced or simply dismissed out of hand. Evidence provided by the Boer war eloquently suggests that the rise of capitalism goes hand in hand with the possibility of armed conflict. And this is what happened in Europe where the first war to have been fought on a global level was precipitated by the rivalries which followed the rise of capitalism within the continent. The simplistic answer to the question of how the First World War began is that Serbian nationalists assassinated Archduke Ferdinand and heir to the throne of the Austro Hungarian Empire (together with his consort) on the streets of Sarajevo. Yes, that was the immediate cause because it prompted the issuance of a string of ultimatums which led to the mobilisation of troops all over Europe. What is missing from that scenario is that the clouds of war, seeded by the rise of capitalism had been hanging over the continent for many years. In the beginning, it appeared that the scramble for Africa might light the fire of general war in Europe. The Berlin conference was convened with the specific intention of putting out that fire. And it did. But it soon became apparent that the embers of the fire were still glowing under a thin cover of ashes. The fire was still alive and was soon to be blown into a conflagration which all but destroyed Europe completely. That it did not do this was not for the want of trying.

    More than a hundred years after the end of the First World War, there is still a great deal of debate about how the war began or more appropriately, which country lit the fatal torch that brought about the conflagration that led to the incineration of millions of Europeans. Germany lost the war and to suit the narrative of the winners, she was blamed for starting the war. This made it possible for war indemnity to be levied against Germany. The weight of the reparations imposed was so crushing that it virtually guaranteed a return match only twenty years after the end of the Great War as the First World War has come to be known in history.

    The truth about what led to the First World War is that it was caused by at least several different reasons each one of them as compelling as the next one. Whatever the reason, that war did a great deal of damage to everything associated with human existence if only in terms of scale. For the first time in human history, millions of men were mobilised in a matter of a couple of weeks and poured into the cauldron of the first war to be fought on a scale invented by industrialists who are totally incapable of doing anything by halves. The killing that took place on the various theatres of that war was on an industrial scale. Soldiers were rushed to the various battle fields by train travelling at dizzying pace along railways which had been cleared of other trains except those carrying instruments of slaughter to the war front. At the battle of the Somme, the British army lost sixty thousand men in the first hour of battle. By the time that meaningless offensive ended, the French, British and German armies had sustained between them, the loss of more than a million men in a little over three months. All casually wasted over a few metres of muddy, unproductive tract of land. In the end, perhaps the only thing shining above those blood soaked fields of Flanders and elsewhere in the world was the flag of the industrialists celebrating the rise, rise and rise of capitalism.

  • No alternative

    No alternative

    • Even if govt tarried before speaking up on naira-for-crude policy, it was still better late than never.

    Just as well that the Federal Government has directed the continuation of the naira-for-crude sales to Dangote refinery and other refineries in the country. This was a masterstroke for Nigeria’s motoring public and that was why many Nigerians commended its introduction in October last year.

    But, the way the immediate past group chief executive officer of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL), Mr Mele Kyari, refused to make public his position on the deal until the expiration of the initial six months duration on March 31, it was as if he forgot, and so soon, that Nigerians did not gladly embrace subsidy withdrawal. They only grudgingly did after President Bola Tinubu announced on May 29, 2023, that “subsidy is gone”.

    Fuel subsidy or its withdrawal has ever since the military era remained a contentious issue in the country. It has always been a source of friction between Nigerians and successive governments that tried to remove it. And this is understandable: there is hardly any country whose citizens love to pay more for goods and services, or even taxes.

    As a long-time participant in the oil sector, Mr Kyari ought to have known that that was one area that should not be treated with levity even by the government, because of its volatility.

    The naira-for crude deal became a major tool that helped modulate fuel prices in the country, with the pump price going south to about N865 per litre at some filling stations, down from over N1,000 some months back.

    Naturally, prices of some essential food items also responded to this stimulus. Things appeared to be looking up until the unholy silence on the deal shortly before March 31.

    Whereas, when the Federal Government began the naira-for-crude policy, NNPCL was expected to supply 385,000 barrels of crude oil to the 650,000 bdp Dangote refinery which was the acting pilot of the project, the company could not meet up with the supply for the better part of the initial six months. As a matter of fact, the period was characterised by consistent low supply, compelling Dangote refinery to look beyond our shores for crude oil.

    According to ‘Daily Trust’,  “A document reviewed late January indicated that for February 2025, the scheme has been allocated only four cargoes, and for March, just two cargoes totalling 950,000 barrels (1.9 million barrels in total for the month). This represents an allocation of 61,290 barrels per day – far below the 385,000 bpd target under the scheme.” At a point, the refinery imported 12 million barrels from the United States.

    Read Also: House Committee opts for alternative dispute resolution

    NNPCL’s response to the development was too casual: “Discussions are currently ongoing towards emplacing a new contract. Under this arrangement, NNPC has made over 48 million barrels of crude oil available to Dangote refinery since October 2024. In aggregate, NNPC has made over 84 million barrels of crude oil available to the refinery since its commencement of operations in 2023.” Until Kyari was fired on April 2, no one knew the outcome of the discussions that the company said were ongoing. Just as the company had to remind us that its supply was subject to availability of products. Does that ring any bell?

    Of course, no one would have expected NNPCL to sell what it does not have, whether to earn naira or dollars. But the, the body language and, in fact, actual actions of Mr Kyari did not seem to support the deal ab initio.

    Otherwise, the so-called negotiations on the deal would have progressed and indeed an agreement reached before the deadline.

    Apparently, the government had been taking cognisance of this foot-dragging on the part of Mr Kyari, hence, its decision to relieve him of his duties as soon as there was nothing to show that he was ready to continue to support the policy.

    Perhaps the government also allowed the deadline to pass before firing Kyari so that it won’t be accused of acting in bad faith. Many considerations come into play when taking a weighty decision like that, especially in a country where people worship ethnic cleavages. So, Kyari provided both the petrol and the match with which to roast him when by the March 31 deadline, he had not announced what next.

    But government cannot afford to wait forever because there was an overarching need to sustain the gain of the gradual decrease in the pump prices of petroleum products that the deal succeeded in bringing about, if for nothing else.

    There is no doubt that this was already being eroded with pump prices of fuel rising in the absence of any clearcut decision on what had happened to the policy.

    This should be expected, with Dangote refinery stopping sales of refined petroleum products in naira. Nigerians could no longer understand what was happening. Even some of those who were beginning to see the subsidy withdrawal in positive light began to wonder about the basis of our being hopeful of the coming of Dangote refinery and others, if they would not make fuel affordable for Nigerians.

    What is more? Other advantages envisaged from the naira-for-crude deal like sustenance of local refining, bolstering of energy security as well as reducing the pressure on foreign exchange so as to help stabilise the naira would also in a matter of time become elusive.

    This fear becomes the more real with the country still spending hugely on fuel import.

    AI Overview says “Since September 2024, Nigeria has spent a significant amount on fuel imports. Specifically, oil marketers imported 2.3 billion liters of petrol between September 11 and December 5, 2024. In addition to this, NNPCL spent over N126.5 billion to import 136.7 million liters of PMS on a

    single day (February 10, 2025).  Furthermore, the total petrol import expenditure for 2024 reached a record high of N15.42 trillion.”

    I am sure this must be shocking to many Nigerians. How could we have spent such humongous amounts in foreign exchange to import fuel when Dangote refinery that is capable of producing 650,000 barrels a day all alone, and other refineries are working? This is a lot of strain on the forex that the country sorely needs to boost the value of our currency. So, how could someone have been foot-dragging on a policy like naira-for-crude that has some potential to bail us out of the forex quagmire? Somebody help me; something is not adding up here.

    It is now I am understanding what a colleague told me last year when I thought we would be saving about a third of our forex once Dangote refinery and others take off and that would help the naira gain some muscle. He said it doesn’t work like that. I am beginning to see sense in what he told me. That is the legendary ‘Nigerian factor’ at work, (or is it at play?)

    All of these explained the big relief that Nigerians had when the committee in charge of the deal finally spoke on April 9. Hear the Technical Sub-Committee on the Crude and Refined Product Sales in Naira initiative that convened an update meeting on April 8, to review progress on it as well as address ongoing implementation matters: “The stakeholders reaffirmed the government’s continued commitment to the full implementation of this strategic initiative, as directed by the Federal Executive Council.

    “Thus, the Crude and Refined Product Sales in Naira initiative is not a temporary or time-bound intervention, but a key policy directive designed to support sustainable local refining, bolster energy security, and reduce reliance on foreign exchange in the domestic petroleum market.”

    Of course challenges could come up in the course of implementing the naira-for-crude policy or any policy for that matter, they ought to be addressed. Not to throw away the baby with the bath water.

    Mercifully, the committee acknowledged this fact: “As with any major policy shift, the committee acknowledges that implementation challenges may arise from time to time. However, such issues are being actively addressed through coordinated efforts among all parties.”

    Now that the government has said the policy would continue, the new NNPCL group chief executive officer, Bayo Ojulari, and his team, must manage it sustainably.

    For now, there does not seem an alternative to it. If we have Dangote refinery, Port Harcourt Refinery and we look forward to more joining them, our fuel import bills must drop significantly. If we must import, it should be to help modulate prices and prevent one or a few producers from hijacking the sector and Nigerians would be at their mercy. That is the main reason many experts and the generality of Nigerians are happy that the naira-for-crude initiative has come to stay.

    • At least until further notice.
  • Intellectual Slavery and the Colonial Subject

    Intellectual Slavery and the Colonial Subject

    A fool and his intellectual capital are soonest parted.  As it was in the beginning, so it it is proving to be at this late and probably closing phase of western domination of the universe. As the Black month unfolds, it is appropriate to dwell on the issue of intellectual slavery and the mental constitution of the colonial subject. The greatest wars take place in the territory of the human mind, and it is the unchallenged domination of this vital front by the western imagination that is responsible for its six-century domination over the rest of the world..

    There is a consensus among anthropologists that slavery has always existed in human society. It is an offshoot of warfare.  Old Britain, for example, was a colony of the Roman Empire. People have always colonised and enslaved each other. But intellectual slavery, that is the mental colonisation or the deliberate and systematic inferiorisation of the other, has achieved its most potent form and formula with western imperialism and its variant of modernity.

     Physical enslavement and actual colonisation can be savage and abusive of human dignity, but intellectual slavery, because it works insidiously at the level of the mind, is even more cruel and exacting. Once a people’s mind is conquered and enslaved, the dominion and domination naturally extend to other domains such as the political, the economic and even the spiritual. The mentally enslaved is thus comprehensively de-humanized, that is stripped of their humanity— which makes the work of the conqueror easier.

     So it is, then, that today, the Black person, unlike the Chinese and Indians, has no viable religion of his own, no economic system, no political institution, no traditional epic genre as Isidore Okpewho spent a life time refuting, no literature as they impishly and impudently told Wole Soyinka as a Knight’s fellow in Cambridge, no culture as they taught Chinua Achebe, and of course no history but a barbaric void as Lord Hugh Trevor-Roper grandly claimed.

    Having been a combatant in the global theatre of mental decolonisation for over four decades, yours sincerely is often amused by the antics of the mentally colonised. But one must not fail to notice when some delicious ironies appear in the horizon to lift the universal gloom about the unhappy fate of the Black person.

    Just as the Black month of February(2013) was unfolding, there on television was a group of retired Nigerian rulers together with the incumbent stoutly defending the government decision to spend billions of naira to commemorate the centenary of the amalgamation of the protectorates of Nigeria. There is a lot to celebrate about the amalgamation, they all chorused as if on cue and without any sense of irony.

    It was a most beguiling and historic snapshot, particularly with the most combatively unenlightened among the lot railing and thundering with the usual combustible gusto.  There may be a lot to celebrate about Nigeria despite everything. But the amalgamation was not a Nigerian event.

    The “Dual Mandate” of Lord Lugard is a famous piece of fiction and a pious fraud since there is no evidence to show that the overrun nationalities ever gave their consent. It is a consecration of empire and imperial might, a testimony to its awesome power of colonial coercion and ability to territorialise and re-territorialise Africa at will.

    If this singular feat of human supremacy should be celebrated at all, it should be by relics of empire glorifying the might and power of their ancestors and not the descendants of those who were herded in like human cattle. The celebration and commemoration of one’s own enslavement is a classic instance of mental colonisation and the most depressing example of Afro-Saxony in recent political history. By the same token, the Japanese ought to commemorate the arrival of Commodore Perry on their shores, and the Chinese the seizure of Hong Kong.

     Yet as we have hinted, a lack of self-awareness and its ironic possibilities is a logical corollary of mental slavery. The Secretary to the Federal Government was widely quoted to have repeated Lord Lugard’s words with warm approval that Nigeria was “the product of a long and mature consideration”. Snooper will like to ask the burly and amiable Anyim Pius Anyim if any of his ancestors was present at the deliberation.

    If the Nigerian officials had wanted to be fair to themselves and to history they ought to have gone a bit farther in time to the Berlin Conference which began in 1884 and effectively saw to the colonial partitioning of old Africa. It was in 1884 that Henry Morton Stanley, the footloose Welsh explorer who managed to fight on both sides of the American Civil War, arrived in Berlin clutching a raft of treaties with traditional African chiefs who had willingly signed away their possession in exchange for meretricious trash.

    Next year, it will be 130 years since 1884, even though the Berlin Conference actually concluded in 1885. Since this tradition of frittering away immense natural resources has continued in Africa, particularly in Nigeria, we must not be afraid of celebrating and lionizing our worthy ancestors. Where it comes to a celebration of self-dispossession, the Nigerian government must accord this date a priority over mere amalgamation.

    But there may be more mundane matters hiding under this grandiose nonsense. The goat eats where it is tethered, says a famous Cameroonian proverb.  Even if one cannot discount an element of deliberate mischief in all this, it is noteworthy that virtually all the newspapers reporting on the centenary extravaganza published a curious picture of Anyim with his mouth apparently salivating with intent. It could not have been at the prospects of the giant Ohaozara yam or rice from his native Ishiagwu.

        What will Equaino, Du Bois, Blyden, Martin Luther King,  Cheikh Anta Diop, Azikiwe, Nkrumah, Macaulay, Senghor, Sapara Williams and all the avatars of the great project of mental decolonisation say about this desecration of history by the ruling elite in Nigeria?  How will Frantz Fanon, the great psychiatrist of cultural deracination and political schizophrenia, describe the ruling class that presides over the current post-colonial anomie of Nigeria?

    It should be noted that while this capitulation to neo-colonial slavery is going on in Nigeria, two great sons of the Third World, one a Nigerian, the other an India and both Nobel laureates in different fields, are engaged in stellar decolonising projects.  Soyinka and Sen are two of a different kind, but both are united in their passion and affection for their respective countries and continent.

      While in a new book, Wole Soyinka is deepening and refining his time-honoured quest and engagement with the recovery and recuperation of a noble and heroic African past as a weapon for confronting the neo-colonial devastation of the continent, Amartya Sen is chairing a committee in India to revive Nalanda, the world’s oldest university, after an 800 year recess.

    Read Also: Holocaust Remembrance Day versus the Slavery Heritage

     Soyinka surely has his Marxist and neo-Marxist critics who accuse him of romanticizing Africa’s feudal and unedifying past. The debate and the fundamental flaw in this argument are beyond the purview of this column. But suffice it to note that the decolonizing project is more than a matter of life and death for its heroic protagonists. Exile, humiliation, torture and death have been their lot. Francois Mitterrand, the late French president, famously described Thomas Sankara as “a cutting edge that cuts too sharply”. His childhood friend and comrade in arms, the same fellow who was taken in as an orphan by Sankara’s noble parents, was persuaded to do him in. The rest is history and Ibrahim Taore. The question is: why has it proved so costly proving to the rest of the world that all people are equal and that even if Africa is no longer at the cutting edge of civilisation, it was at least the cradle of current civilization as evolved?

    The reason is the size, scope and scale of ambition of western modernity. For the first time in the history of the world, we have a vision of modernisation which can only expand and grow by denying or suppressing everything that came before it and by obliterating all that is parallel and contemporaneous to it.

    Hence the costly struggle to re-establish the Egyptian foundation of western modernity and the momentous inspiration it derived from classical Islam. Once the link and the trail of human achievement are re-established, the myth of the primitive Africa savage is very hard to sustain indeed. And so by the same taken is the project of mental colonisation..

    In 1809, more than half a century before the outbreak of the American civil war, the Abbe Henri-Baptiste Gregoire, sent a manuscript of a new work to Thomas Jefferson, a founding father and the third president of the United States. The book was a celebration and commemoration of essayists, writers and scientists of African extraction who had found their way to the west. It was titled, De La Litterature des Negress.

    As we have had cause to note in this column, despite his principled opposition to slavery, Jefferson’s view of the intellectual capacities of black people was notoriously truculent and characterised by savage dismissals. In an infamous passage from his Notes on the State of Virginia, Jefferson noted thus of the African American: “It appears to me that in memory they are equal to whites: in reason much inferior, as I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid; and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous”.

    This remarkable diatribe was coming on the heels of the literary exploits  of the trio Equaino, Cuguano and Sancho, former slaves of African descent, who seized late eighteenth century literary London by the scruff of the neck and were feted in all the leading saloons of England’s capital for their astounding feats of imagination. Being very well-connected to the metropolitan circuits of the old world, Jefferson could not have been unaware of the literary triumphs of these exemplars. Perhaps it was a case of prejudice compounded by deliberate ignorance. Gregoire’s treatise could have been a well-aimed and profoundly clandestine attempt to help Jefferson modify or moderate his unhelpful worldview.

    But it was an uphill task. The same views resonate in the works of European intellectuals and philosophers such as David Hume, Emmanuel Kant, Friedrich Hegel and even Karl Marx. As far as Marx was concerned, India and the African continent lost nothing in the wanton destruction of their old culture by the European conquerors as it was a culture shot through with idiotic superstitions and morbid myths. 

     Nowhere else in human history had there been such a systematic and concerted attempt to cast a whole race as inferior. It was a pan-Western project of mental colonisation in which conservative, liberal, reactionary and radical intellectuals shared a unified vision of the world based on collective mental conditioning and the assumption of the “natural” superiority of western modernity.

    The consequences of mental colonisation are still very much with us, despite the cessation of physical colonisation,. They can be seen in nation-states that are inferior and poor copies of the original, political institutions that are not up to scratch, political elites that are a miscegenated breed of thieving nuisance, economic systems that are uncritically and uncreatively borrowed without any thought for the local conditions and in borrowed religions that lack race-specific nutrients.

     It will take a new intellectual elite with a new dream of Africa and a new visionary conception of human redemption to free the Black race from the clutches of mental colonisation. Before this mental revolution, all political revolutions are null and void.

    •First published in March, 2013. An earlier version of the essay was published as part of the proceedings of an international conference  held in London in August, 1997 to commemorate forty years of Ghana’s independence.(ed, Ad’obe Obe) 

    Natasha was here

    Reading you yet again one wondered whether it’s the manner or the matter or the inimitably felicitous interweave of content and form that enthrals to the last syllable of the incandescent quill. Such is your invaluable contribution to human enlightenment, and, impliedly, global gnosis that even transition to ancestor realm would be a colossal loss of epochal, if not, apocalyptic proportions. Long may you live, old master. In your earlier intervention on the Natasha saga, you did hint on the less-than- prepossessing and propitious metaphysical conceits of her Eastern onomastic etymology. Very easily, Natasha’s striking elegance and nubile litheness compels a ready comparison with heroines of myth on the one hand and countervailing Amazons of history on the other: we recall female avatars such as Joan of Arc, Cleopatra, Juliet, Queen Amina of Zauzau, Moremi of Ile-Ife and others. However, there is a sense in which all female homo sapiens carry congenitally the germ of  erotical Manichaeism such that, on the one hand, they can be considered benignant, gracious, good; a beauty, and on the other hand, malignant, fiendish, evil; a Gorgon.  As Wole Soyinka tells us in his Myth, Literature and the African World, the kitchen cleaver is at once both a domestic implement and a blood-letter. This Janus-facedness, this Ogunian duality, this Pharmakos element is what Natasha seems to emblematize in Nigeria’s body politic. As she cuts caper, swaggering about the place, her spiritual precursors headed by the incomparable Helen of Troy egg her on….Like them, Natasha is a latter-day femme fatale singeing to cinders the unwary Alpha males like feckless moths in her inflaming flares. What is the use of her physical comeliness? A potential banana peel for men; a healing, therapeutic sight for sore eyes? Is it ultimately a bane or boon  both to self and society? This poisoned chalice requires further interrogation and societal problematization going forward. Whilst it is in order to reprimand the privileged rogues of the NASS for their shameful philandering and the accompanying loutish dereliction of duty, it is important also to note that in realpolitik, class loyalty, like the word, is an egg, once broken, it cannot be patched up. Today, Natasha is making hay or social capital from male-bashing at the highest levels of national power and authority. But, sadly, she is equally singing her own swansong as far as political relevance and leadership recruitment are concerned. Natasha was here.

    Name withheld. The rejoinder is from a former student and current Professor of English at the University of Lagos. 

    And from a retired female professor, former dean and former DVC at OAU

    Baba Agba, I am not impressed by the lady’s antics at all.

  • Crying lot of Negropolis

    Crying lot of Negropolis

    As a writer and columnist held in some regard, you get the request all the time, plaintive pleas and sobbing jeremiads about the forlorn and dire fate of the Black person in a world that now seems even more determined than ever to leave Africa behind, stranded by choice so to say. When you point at some oases of hope and regeneration on the continent, despite everything, they tell you to remove the blinkered optics. Principled pessimism is better and more productive than obscene optimism, they charged. There is a peculiar poignancy about old people crying. It speaks to some deep unease in the polity; some fundamental angst and elegiac regret about how it came to pass. You cannot but feel pity and compassion even if you have eaten the head of a tortoise as part of the ritual of tough-mindedness. Here follows one of those that came during the week from a friend, longstanding academic colleague and retired don from OAU.

    Read Also: Okpebholo: ‘Politicians who wrote fake results now crying of rigging’

      “In our lifetime, Thomas Sankara was quenched under mysterious circumstances…now we have his Soul coming forcefully in Ibrahim Taore’s body…to rescue black race from the vice- grip of Western world, yet those of you our Messiah are digging deeper into the slavery cesspool.

       Who will save us? Asiwaju Alamu…….. GBA WA ooooo.”

    Ojogbon Adekola Junaid

  • SNAPSONG 253

    SNAPSONG 253

    So far and yet so near

         There must be a magic pull

    In the ebony aura of your absence

         And the velocity of migrant winds

    Across your lush and lyric acres

         Where sighs saunter into songs

    And laughter echoes through the night

         While the eaves unplug their vigilant ears

    So far, so near

         Smiles lengthen into miles

    Ardent wayfarers count the steps

          Of running rivers even as

    Expectant mountains mistress their memories

         From their clout beneath the clouds

    The timeless sky teases the sunflower

         And its soft, obedient clock

    The wagtail watches it all

         From its tender twig

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    Talkative odidere* keeps processing the tale

         From its studios among the leaves

    So far, so near

         Green memories season into brown   

    But the Road that took you away is busy

         Laying the carpet for your earnest return

    * Odidere: Parrot

  • The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XIV)

    The rise, rise and rise of capitalism (XIV)

    I honestly did not think that South Africa, because of her small size as well as her distance from the epicentre of global capitalism, was going to consume as many column inches as she has done so far in this series. I am even now still wondering how South Africa has, so to say, slipped my creative leash such that I can only follow helplessly in her wake. However, after some reflection it is clear that South Africa, needs to be regarded as a special case because at different points of her existence she has demonstrated the many characteristics of rampant capitalism. She can therefore be cited as an index case for the rise, rise and rise of capitalism. All the indices of unapologetic  capitalism; imperialism, colonisation, exploitation, brutal resource extraction, punitive societal stratification, recourse to extreme violence, relentless pursuit of inequality and racial compartmentalisation as well as stark racism have all been part  and parcel of the history of South Africa for five centuries. That story is compelling and deserves to be told. It needs to be told.

    The Boers fled from the Cape following the abrogation of slavery in all parts of the British empire in 1834. They did this in an attempt to put themselves outside the reach of British rule which was cramping their bigoted style. With the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley and gold in the Witwatersrand however, their independence became untenable as the British, their predatory style in full display, moved in to take what they regarded as their fair share of those precious minerals. As they had always done wherever they went around the world. Clearly, the situation demonstrated a high potential for violence which duly arrived when the Boers who had steadily built up a powerful arsenal of contemporary weapons went on the offensive against British towns leading to the Boer war which raged furiously for more than two years and seriously tested British resolve to continue to add new territories to the surging British empire on which the sun was never supposed to set.

    At the beginning of the war, the Boers, for all their early aggression were not expected to stand up to the might of the British army for very long. Against all odds however, they did. They were able to do this not only because of their fighting qualities but also because of their use of guerrilla tactics with which the superior British forces, used to conventional warfare as they were, could not cope until an effective strategy could be developed to counter the potency of this method of fighting. In the end, vast resources in men and material had to be committed to the fight before the Boers could be removed from the field.

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    In the first place, there had to be a general mobilisation within Britain in order to bring enough men under colours. To the dismay of the recruiting authorities, the general physical condition of the typical British male of our species at the time was so poor that the majority of men caught up in the recruitment net were declared unfit for service. The British working class was almost as a rule badly under-nourished and suffering from one or more diseases, many of which were endemic and were more or less incurable. The riches which had been pouring into Britain for more than three centuries had not percolated down the social ladder for the benefit of the majority of those at the bottom of the pile. According to one commentator, the British master race could not find enough men that were considered fit enough to be sent out to be killed by eager Boers on the hills of South Africa or anywhere else for that matter. Capitalism could not guarantee the provision of the minimum condition for human growth in the most advanced capitalist country outside the USA at the turn of the twentieth century. Fortunately for the cause, the authorities took this as a wake-up call for the enhancement of living conditions in Britain at that time. The steps taken at that point in the light of what needed to be dealt with, made it possible for the supply of all those millions of young men who were slaughtered wholesale on the Western front and other killing fields of the First World War some fifteen years later. Members of that generation were no more than fatted sheep ready made for sacrifice to Mammon and its acolytes.

    As far as the Boer war was concerned, the ability of the British to put many men in the field was not a guarantee of success. Their commanders had to develop the proper strategy to deal with the enemy. What they came up with was fiendishly brilliant. The Boers in the field needed to be continuously supplied with food and other such necessities over short supply lines and all that was needed to thwart their military ambitions was to cut those supply lines. What the British did was to herd, mostly women and children into what they called concentration camps within which they died in their thousands, of hunger and disease. Thus, the British, to the fury of their opponents, were waging all out war on women and children. Later on, during World War II, the Germans had developed this strategy into and art form and used it to deadly effect all over Europe. The bitterness engendered by the use of this strategy against the Boers lingered on within South Africa for so long that many Boers were eager to fight on the side of Nazi Germany at the outbreak of World War II even though as part of the British empire, they were committed to supporting Britain in that conflict. And these antipathies are still being nursed today. This is why contemporary times the game of rugby is still associated with the Boers, cricket with the English and football abandoned to the blacks. The coloured fit in everywhere as best they could. Not too long ago, the different races that make up the Republic of South Africa did not share the same playing fields. They did not in fact share anything. Not even the air they breathed.

    Another factor of the Boer war is that British settlers in Australia, Canada and to some extent, New Zealand were dragged into the fight. This set a tone for what has followed all British military engagements ever since, right down to their recent misadventure in Afghanistan. In the unlikely event of British involvement in  Ukraine, you can be sure that their overseas cousins especially the Australians will accompany them into battle.

    The British were also influenced to some degree by their experience in South Africa. For many of the soldiers who were sent to war, this represented their first opportunity to see anything resembling life outside Britain and they came back home with many stories to tell. To them, war was an eye opener to many things including the poverty that the had to cope with everyday. Of course, this being war, not all of them survived to tell their stories. Today, Liverpool FC fans occupy a portion of the stadium at Arnfield which is known all over the world as the Kop. I wonder how many of them know that the original occupiers of that stand were veterans of the Boer war. They were those who survived the fighting on Spion kop, a small hill on which regiments raised in Liverpool fought and died in South Africa. The survivors of that battle came home and named a portion of the stadium which had a steep hill-like incline, the Kop, in honour and memory of the many that fought and died on the Spion kop. Their gallantry in defence of the rise of imperialism, colonisation and capitalism is all but completely forgotten now.

    Britain may have defeated the Boers but it was at considerable cost to the imperial order. It may even have marked a turning point to the march of imperialism and should have been a warning to the imperialists. Right up to when they were confronted by the Boers, the British had won a series of easy victories against rabble armies which were armed with antiquated weapons which had no business on a modern battlefield. The warning that should have been heeded was that colonial conquests were likely to become much more expensive in men and material than they had been before. Another danger which was not heeded was that further expansion in many parts of the world could only be against well armed modern armies against which victory could not be guaranteed. But these warnings fell on deaf ears. There were resources which the capitalists needed to exploit for their natural resources and markets which were to cultivated as consumers of their manufactured goods. The hope was that the results of the Berlin conference was going to prevent the Europeans from going to war with each other over disputed territories in Africa. Whilst this limited objective was successful, events within Europe led to such sharp divisions that the First World War was precipitated and ferociously fought for four destructive years.