Category: Sunday

  • Haba, Kudu, haba!!!!

    To Apongbon, and the offices of a leading Law Firm, to take a writfor libel and defamation against Mohammed Kudu Haruna,  a columnist with this newspaper and publisher of the defunct Citizen magazine. Ever since last Wednesday when the pesky and foolhardy columnist attempted to out what he thought was the real identity of the man behind this column, snooper has been inundated with calls to confirm or deny whether he was also the elusive and reclusive scholar so named by Mohammed Kudu Haruna.

    Well,snooper is happy to report that this was a case of appalling mistaken identity. In journalism as everybody knows, it is a taboo for anybody to unmask the identity of a pseudonymous columnist. For a man who has risen to the top of the profession to commit such a gaffe is bizarre in the extreme. Something must be happening to Kudu these days. If this is his way of rewarding a friendship of over forty years which began in August 1975 at the Youth Corps camp in Awgu in the then East Central State, then the stress of these times must be getting to the old boy.

    Many mutual friends have asked snooper to take it easy with the old boy. One mutual acquaintance even volunteered the information that Kudu may be obsessing with the identity of TataloAlamu because he(Haruna)  himself is no stranger to conflicted and conflicting identity: A Yoruba boy who speaks Nupe language but who thinks he ought to be Hausa/Fulani. Nobody can beat that for generic and genetic upheaval.

    The identity of the man behind the mask or behind the pipe has been the subject of a raging controversy for quite some time. For the education of Kudu and his ilk, the original name is an oriki from Ogbomosho food lore. Thanks to Mr AgboAreo, a diligent researcher and prolific pen-pusher, Atatalosigbegiriana, means he who regrinds fresh pepper to add to stale gbegirisoup. TataloAlamu was an iconic musician who plied his trade around Beere, Ibadan going towards Mapo Hall and was famous for his profane lyrics and pulsating beat. Snooper was a denizen of the ancient quarters.

    A famous columnist of the seventies actually contracted snooper to find out the true identity of the mysterious columnist. A week after snooper confronted him with the fact that all evidence led in his direction, the man screamed: “ Ha won fepaminiyen!!!” (They want to kill me!”)  Another famous columnist prowled around The Nation for quite some time before he was sent away with the miscue that the columnist was none other than the Nobel laureate himself.

    During the Abacha years, SeyeKehinde, formerly editor of the fiery Tempo paper and now publisher of the City People, told a famous general that he was about to pay a visit to the columnist (Real name revealed). The man took SeyeKehinde aside and thundered. “ You mean that fellow is for real? I had thought it was a pen name all along. Kai, but there are lunatics in this country. How can anybody append his real name to such incendiary stuff?”

    TundeFagbenle, celebrated columnist lately of The Punch, has his own unique theory. The man behind the mask is an anjonnu or spirit. “I mean he goes out with us drinking and hell-raising and yet by the early hours of the morning, he would have written another tome. No normal human being can do that. The man is ebora!!”

    But the prize for strenuous sleuthing must go to the celebrated spy-master, AlhajiUmaruShinkafi, the MarafanSokoto. This column once wrote a piece on him and the man ordered one of his subordinate spooks still in service to fish out the writer known as TataloAlamu within twenty four hours. The spook later confessed to snooper at the Isaac John Guest House of the Lagos State Governor that he beat the deadline by two hours.

    As snooper writes this at four in Lagos in the morning of Saturday after having had lunch a few hours earlier at theKatsina Motel with KashimIbrahim, Mohammed Haruna can see that he labours in vain to pin down the man behind the mask.

     

  • Neither grazing reserves nor ranches: let history be our guide

     It is a lie to claim arrogantly that government has a monopoly of violence and one would have thought that Boko Haram has proved that beyond all doubt.

    “Nobody can stop the government from acquiring land anywhere. Government is government. If anybody thinks that he is violent, government has a monopoly of violence”. –Senator Abdullahi Adamu –Chairman, Senate/House Joint Public Hearing Committee. 

    History, it has been said, repeats itself as tragedy.  This we must try to avoid as Nigerians but since successive Nigerian governments had only been toying with the idea of having a genuine, and honest, national conference where we would tell ourselves the truth, and nothing but the truth, I think it behoves concerned individuals to try their humble best to help the country out of this conundrum. Resolving the naughty issue of the herdsmen is one issue on which we must allow history to guide us lest we further complicate our problems. Some of these truths have been coming out at the ongoing Joint National Assembly Public Hearing where the representatives from Benue and Ohaneze Ndigbo, Chief Edward Ujege, President General of Mdzough U Tiv and Dr Paddy Njoku , respectively, as well as that  of Southern  Zaria,  vehemently objected to the Grazing Reserve Bill. Beyond the public hearing, at least two governors from the Southwest have equally voiced their opposition. These objections are the result of the sad experiences Fulani herdsmen had inflicted on people in various parts of the country, the most recent being the Enugu killing of about 40 persons and the Agatu blood feast which accounted for about 500 deaths but which Sale Bayari, Secretary-General of  Gan Allah Fulani Development Association (GAFDAN),  rhapsodised as the consequence of the Fulani’s unforgiving spirit – if they kill 10, we kill 100 in return, he enthused in Sunday Punch  interview. All the opposition is asking for, is simply that whoever armed these herdsmen should please disarm them.

    Given the above circumstances, the time has come for the government to read the riot act to these murderous herdsmen and their employers who operate behind the mask. It is a lie to claim arrogantly that government has a monopoly of violence and one would have thought that Boko Haram has proved that beyond all doubt.  Let me, therefore, suggest two ways in which the big men who own the businesses, and are arming these dangerous herdsmen can, in the interim, do their business unmolested in spite of the massive objections from the other geo-political zones. First, they should blow their cover and come out into the open. They should then submit a list of their herdsmen to government, disarm them completely and promptly enter into an agreement with the various governments, affirming their vicarious liability for any of their employers’ transgressions. Secondly, and  for the  long term,  given  the  business’s contribution  to the country’s growth and development , the business owners  should look to the north for  both  their grazing reserves  and ranches. The north should be turned, essentially, to the country’s grazing zone. As to whether constraints, science and countries like Israel have proved copiously that grass can luxuriate anywhere under the sun.  And to effectively do this, they should approach either their banks for long term loans or their state governments for partnership. They should then exploit the entire value chain by establishing meat processing companies with incredible, and foreseeable possibility of a quantum economic leap. Not only would their animals be more productive and fetch more money,  massive employment opportunities will open up for all Nigerians and  many of our currently  under utilised airports doting the entire country could be reconfigured for  cargo  haulage as the entire West African sub region could readily become their market.  Nor would there be a shortage of buyers coming from the South to buy cows, as well as processed meat just like they come to the north today, to buy yams, tomatoes etc.

    I assure any doubting Thomas that these are things I have thought over very well. Sometime in the 80s, I seriously considered exporting raw foodstuffs abroad, especially to both the U.S and the U.K where my children were then studying. Once I did the feasibility study, the very first practical step I undertook was to go to Kuta in Niger State, where my inquiries had shown was my best source for yam. Rather than go in a car, the gentleman who accompanied me, Mr Omole, and I went by public transport to properly understand what I was getting into. After discussions with some  yam  sellers right in the market and  speaking  to one or two farmers introduced to me, we bought yams which my partner then brought to a Medoya at  Mile 12, Lagos, with whom I had agreed to help sell on commission basis. At Kuta, I noticed that unlike in the south, farmers do not have to make big heaps to harvest huge yams. I narrated this personal story to show that buyers from the south will continue to come up north to buy cows which will no longer have to be taken, months, through hundreds of kilometres from the north.

    There is, however, another very fundamental reason which makes one believe that as a united country, under God, desirous of peace, and disavowing of all these unnecessary bloodletting, we should allow history to guide us in these very dangerous times. That brings me to the following Whats app message that has been trending for some time now. Titled: “WHY ANY GRAZING BILL MUST BE STOPPED”, the story is told of how King Yunfa, the Hausa Sarkin in Gobir (now called Sokoto) hosted a Fulani immigrant called Usman Dan Fodiyo and his group in February 1804.  As a result of that act of hospitality, and the subsequent killing of Yunfa in 1808 by the immigrants, the entire Hausa kingdom has become lost, a booty to the Fulanis which has since become the Sokoto Caliphate; a venture that happened simply because the Fulanis were given access to grazing land as a result of the hospitality of their hosts (though they claimed to have been fighting syncretism -additions mine.) Nor did the Fulanis stop there. In Ilorin, they killed Afonja who had colluded with them and, in his place, installed the Alimis as kings over a predominantly Yoruba kingdom till today.  And had the Yoruba not defeated them in Osogbo in 1840, there would most probably be Fulani emirs all over Yoruba land today. Continued the story:  It is the descendants of these same Fulanis who are now angling for grazing reserves and a corridor through the entire federation. Such grazing reserves, if ever allowed, will see history repeat itself as tragedy because Fulani settlements,vlater,  communities and, finally local government areas with their own  elected officials will spring up all over Nigeria”. Concluding, the author wrote: “The grazing bill is a subtle continuation of the 1804 Fulani jihad by today’s  fully-armed, and well- protected, Fulani herdsmen with the age-old agenda to overrun and Islamise Nigeria. The grazing bill is not an attempt to solve the problem, it’s a subterfuge to progress the agenda. It is an age-old political strategy: create a problem, come up with a “solution” that advances the cause, and then give it a legal backing to make it look like a win-win situation”. Those interested in this story should Google WIKIPEDIA -the free encyclopedia for more information.

    All these may be hogwash, but my Yoruba people have a saying to the effect that: ina esunsun ki jo ni le e meji, meaning, you don’t make the same mistake twice. In reaction to the Whats app  story, I have heard people say it is an attempt to dip the Quran in the Atlantic Ocean as the revered Alhaji Ahmadu Bello was rumoured to have once promised. It was further argued that whether  it is a grazing reserve or a ranch, Fulani settlements would emerge everywhere in the country and given the Hausa/Fulani culture to always have a radio transistor on them, somebody, somewhere would one day just give the command or a fatwa to over run, and that would be all.

    If, therefore, there is no such ulterior motive behind the quest for a grazing bill, which, ab initio, presumes that the federal government immorally wants to fund some peoples’ private business, I would like to repeat that the suggestions earlier made in this article should prove reasonable and viable; indeed, it should be a silver bullet to the herdsman’s palaver.

  • Herdsmen, fuel price hike, Biafra and worst angst ever

    Herdsmen, fuel price hike, Biafra and worst angst ever

    AFTER few public officials, especially the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Solomon Arase, had suggested that the herdsmen troubling Nigeria were of foreign origin, President Muhammadu Buhari has in far away London finally succinctly addressed the matter. The herdsmen are indeed foreigners, he said, and those responsible for pillaging communities would not go unpunished. No one complains any longer that the president addresses salient national issues during his foreign trips. Perhaps the ambience is responsible. Neither Mr Arase, who has vigorously defended the thesis, nor the president, who has just latched on to the strange idea, has presented incontrovertible proofs showing how foreign attackers could penetrate Nigeria so deeply with foreign cattle unchallenged, knew the terrain so well, and had such lasting disagreements with many local communities that their famed ‘long memory’ prompted them to unimaginable bestiality.

    This sad and inconsistent thesis is compounded by the president’s intriguing response in Katsina to the issue of herdsmen trouble and agitation for Biafra. Speaking at the Emir of Katsina’s palace during his last visit to the state, the president seemed to find a tenuous link between the herdsmen crisis and the Biafra agitation. Said he: “I always say the civil war was fought for the unity of Nigeria because then we hadn’t even discovered oil, let alone enjoy it. But two million people were killed. The way the Sahara is advancing, with Boko Haram, growing number of people, and uncertainty over rainfall, in a land where we fought civil war leading to the death of about two million, for someone to just say he will chase us out? So where do we go?” It is not clear whether the president was misquoted. If he was not, he should like to clarify who the ‘us’ are that Biafra agitators want to chase out. Was it the rest of Nigeria? That would be untenable. Was it herdsmen or people living in the Sahelian belt? It was no doubt a curious and worrisome statement to make.

    So far, the herdsmen problem has assumed terrifying dimension only because government officials have demonstrated incompetence or conflict of interest. They claim the herdsmen are foreigners, and attribute their arms to the crises in Mali and Libya. Yet, leaders of cattle rearers associations in parts of Nigeria have owned up to fomenting reprisal attacks on the grounds that local populations and angry farmers provoked them. This was clearly the case in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State where herdsmen recently sacked many farming communities. What is also clear from the statements of the herdsmen is that the Fulani think like a transnational people operating like musketeers. An attack against one is an attack against all. They may come to one another’s aid; but it does not absolve local herdsmen of blame and responsibility. It is reckless and preposterous for any Nigerian official to make claims that even local herdsmen find ludicrous and specious.

    AS if the trouble from herdsmen is not enough, it is mystifying that the president is inexpertly handling the Biafra problem as well. Regardless of this column’s opinion of Biafra, he has repeatedly counselled that Biafra is an idea that cannot be crushed because of its location in the minds of its adherents. To tackle it would require much more than diatribe, threats and federal might. If Biafra military campaign were to be triggered today, its militants are unlikely to engage in open and direct confrontation. Its proponents would embark on the Iraqi, Afghanistan and guerilla-type of campaigns. It would be a cruel and unwinnable war. Is that the road Nigerian leaders want to impulsively travel? The problem is that there was no closure to the civil war. No amount of blackmail to the Igbo young who were not born before the war will eradicate the idea of Biafra until the country restructures and finds a closure to the recurring nightmare.

    And just as the whole country had transformed into a seething cauldron of troubles, the government caps the crises with a hike in fuel price from N86.50/l to N145/l. They’ll probably get away with it, and the unions, which are angling for negotiations, will have an ineffectual response. The economic imperatives on the ground do not favour the sustenance of former price regimes and paradigms. But what if the naira further plunges in value and crude oil prices begin to rise strongly? Can anyone guarantee there would be no further rise in prices of fuel and other goods? No one trusts the government to embark on a scientific and systematic response to the expected pauperisation of the people, whether the response comes in terms of palliatives or in terms of organised economic measures to shore up wages and employment. There is no history of that kind of salutary response in these parts. And it is not clear whether this government, which is groaning under old and retrogressive political and economic paradigms, can unleash the creative potential within all Nigerians.

    Nigeria is facing its worst moment of angst since the civil war. The problems are multifarious and spreading, but the language of the federal government is disturbingly full of threats and violence, making it hard for them to summon the honesty, ingenuity and realism needed to successfully tackle a problem poised to get worse in the coming months and years.

  • Socialism and its tangled archives of victories and defeats: for Edwin Madunagu @70

    Socialism and its tangled archives of victories and defeats: for Edwin Madunagu @70

    I am a Marxist and a socialist and have been so since 1973. I am also strongly influenced by anti-sexism, humanism and revolutionary internationalism. I have remained committed to what Karl Marx called the categorical imperative, that is the struggle to overcome all circumstances in which the human being is humiliated, enslaved, abandoned and despised… As I have said publicly on several occasions, this commitment comes before everything else, including family, ethnic group and nationality.
    Edwin Madunagu, The Nigerian Left: Introduction to History [2016, p 183]

    Thank you very much, but please let us put awaythe fears, the worriesof the faint-hearted among us that socialism is dead in our country and our world. Indeed, without being in the least complacent about the challenges ahead of us, let us rest assured that prospects for a post-capitalist era of political, economic and social justice for the vast majority of our people in Nigeria and the peoples of our planet are as good now as they were more than forty years ago when, in the Anti-Poverty Movement of Nigeria (APMON), we first became, instantly and forever, lifelong comrades in working class activism. What is this all about? Well, it is about a quiet but unshakable reaffirmation that Eddie and Bene Madunagu and I made this past Tuesday at Calabar a few hours before my departure for Lagos after a short visit to the couple.

    Of course, this undiminished belief in socialism and its bright prospects for the future of our country and the human community will strike many of the readers of this tribute as utterly fanciful. Outside of a very narrow group of what could be regarded as its diehard adherents, the visibility, not to talk of influence, of socialism in the politics of this country is at the present time near zero. More pointedly, in sharp contrast with things as they were only two decades ago, not a single one of our ruling class parties at the present time has anything in its ideology or policies vaguely reminiscent ofsocialism; without exception, they are all for neoliberalism, for privatization of all our public enterprises and unfettered deregulation.And in the world at large, the number of the nation-states of the world that are either actually socialist or socialist-inclined is countable in single, not double digits. Given this general background of national and global politics at the present time, is this faith in promising future prospects for socialism in Nigeria and the world merely an ‘audacity of hope’, as in Barack Obama’s book of the same title?

    Yes, it is; except that it is far more than the audacity of a hope that has nothing behind it other than hope itself. Beyond hope as hope, beyond a simple and uncomplicated faith that in the end things will work out for the good, what we have here is the completely rational certitude of Eddie Madunagu, the greatest materialist historian andarchivist of socialism and the Left in our country’s political history, that in the long view of things,historyis on the side of socialism, not capitalism.Madunagu arrived at this certitude not through romantic, fanciful ideas of something innate or natural in socialism and socialists but through an unwavering engagement as much with the defeats as with the victories of the past, present and future of the Left in the struggles for justice for workers and the poor in Nigeria. Indeed, of the many achievements of this comrade among comrades, it is thistotal dedication to going back again and again to the archives of where things went either wrong or right with leftists and socialists in this country that I wish to single out for discussion in this tribute to Madunagu on his 70th birthday anniversary today, Sunday, May 15, 2016. But before coming to this specific subject, it is helpful to locate Madunagu among the group of extraordinary human beings that it has been my great good fortune to have come across in the Nigerian socialist movement in the last four and half decades.

    After dedicating my first published book to my father and my maternal grandmother, my second book, The Truthful Lie, was dedicated to three comrades: Seinde Arigbede, Edwin Madunagu and Ntiem Kungwai, respectively a neuro-surgeon; a mathematician; and a political scientist.I confess that before my separate and joint encounters with these three men on Nigerian soil, it was only in the anti-war and anti-imperialist, Third World liberation support movements in the United States that I had met socialists and leftists that were not only brilliant and highly regarded in their chosen professional fields but were also deeply caring human beings with a great passion for justice, equality and dignity for all people, especially the most downtrodden. It is rather strange, both to recollect and to admit this fact now, but back then in the early to mid-70s, the socialists that I had met in Nigeria were, with few exceptions, stereotypical ‘firebrand socialists’ that were mercilessly caricatured in the daily press, in novels and plays and in the lambasting tirades of right-wing politicians like the late S.L. Akintola.

    As incredible as this assertion may seem now, especially to readers of this piece below the age of forty, at one time socialists and leftists were widely considered a very strange breed of men and women in our country and our continent. True, some of themdid strike fear and terror in the governments of this country, but only on the basis of a wildly irrational hysteria that saw a looming showdown with communism that was more imagined than real, a hysteria that was in fact manufactured and stoked by ideological proxy wars of the East-West Cold War. Arigbede, Madunagu and Kungwai were the first of the dozens of socialists and leftists that I was to meet in the course of the next two decades that nobody, no government, no rabid right-wing ideologues could easily write off as rabble-rousers, as losers who turned to socialism only because they had been unable to make it in their professions, their private lives, their lackluster forays into bourgeois politics.The list is much too long to give here in its inclusive entirety, but in the 70s and 80s, it was a life-changing experience for me and many others to meet in the socialist movements in this country women and men of the intellectual and moral caliber of people like Segun Osoba; Bala Usman; Toye Olorode; Mahmud Tukur; Dipo Fasina; Molara Ogundipe; Benedicta Madunagu; Idowu Awopetu; Ropo Sekoni; Ngozi Ojidoh; Kayode Adetugbo; Mohammed Sokoto; Dunni Arigbede; Festus Iyayi; G.G. Darah; Tony Engurube; Princewill Alozie; Asisi Asobie; Grace Osakwe; Jibo Ibrahim; Rauf Mustapha. Above all other considerations, what was particularly remarkable about these men and women was the fact that, placing their personal brilliance and professional successes at the service of a cause that was much greater than each person, they created organizations that were unparalleled in their effectiveness in the history of the left in this country, organizations like ASUU, Women in Nigeria (WIN), and NANS. This is precisely the point at which Edwin Madunagu’s almost unique contribution comes into the picture.

    At this point in time, I think it is fair for me to say that it is common knowledge in the circles of socialists and leftists in our country that Eddie Madunagu and myself are so close in our positions, our views and our interventions that we are almost inseparable. To this, I can add that we have both been very concerned, very dedicated to documenting and informing Nigerians and the world of the struggles of the Left especially against the background of the distortions and crises of capitalist underdevelopment in our country. However, I think that while a few comrades and compatriots on the Left know of Eddie’s work of careful and painstaking documentation, most people are not aware of just how very deep and wide this work is, especially with regard to the past – or rather, the many pasts – of the socialist, feminist, workers’ and mass movements in Nigeria.

    I draw the attention of the reader to the fact that, for the very first time in this tribute, I have just alluded to the diversity, the multiplicity of the many levels and strands of leftists and socialists in our country. As a matter of fact, I now in addition draw the reader’s attention to the fact that the list of dedicated socialists, feminists and radical leftists that I gave earlier in this piece is dominated by academics and intellectuals. Though he is himself an academic and a scientist, Eddie Madunagu’s sustained work as the quintessentialhistorian and archivist of the Left in Nigeria has ranged far beyond academia to a consistently ecumenical purview that takes in virtually all the major figures and key players of the past and the present, in essence demonstrating that genuine and passionate socialism did not begin with the present generation. Permit me to give a succinct elaboration of this observation.

    Among the many published works of Eddie are the following that are crucial for an understanding of the victories and defeats, the successes and reversals of the Left in this country: The Philosophy of Violence (1976); The Tragedy of the Nigerian Socialist Movement (1980); Human Progress and Its Enemies (1982); Problems of Socialism: the Nigerian Challenge (1983); The Political Economy of State Robbery (1984); The Making and Unmaking of Nigeria (2001); and Understanding Nigeria and the New Imperialism(2006).Not included in this list is the considerable number of journalistic pieces that Eddie published both while he was on the editorial board of The Guardian and later as an unattached stringer. There are also many written but as yet unpublished manuscripts in his vast output. Thus, what we confront in this immense corpus of Madunagu’s writings is an array of issues and subjects too vast to be grouped under a single theme. But even so, a careful perusal of the published and unpublished materials will readily reveal the consistency with which Eddie has been obsessed by the avoidable errors, the missed breakthroughs, the promising roads not taken. Speaking only for myself, I have been particularly awed by the passion and scrupulousness with which Eddie has approached the lives and works of what we now know as the Old Left, all in a bid to tease out what connections and legacies, positive and negative, they have with us. In the writings of no other major figure of the Nigerian Left at the present time will you find figures like Pa Curtis Joseph, Pa Michael Athokhamien Imoudu, S.G. Ikoku, Tayo Akpata, Eskor Toyo, Ola Oni and the Zikist revolutionaries of pre-independence Nigeria. And here, it is necessary for me to point out that in many cases, Eddie actually sought out and had extensive interviews with these figures before they passed on;and some of them indeed not only gave full access to our indomitable archivist but in fact donated their papers to the holdings of the Calabar International Institute for Research, Information and Documentation (CIINSTRID) that Eddie, with the cooperation of a few other comrades including this writer, founded in 1994. By the way, CIINSTRID is the only free research institution and public library of the Left on the African continent.

    The work of Eddie Madunagu has been monumental; but it is still unfinished.As I wish my friend and comrade a hearty welcome to the club of septuagenarians that I joined only five months ago, I wish to applaud the vastness of the archives that he has bequeathed to us. In those archives are the details of the many problems that socialism and socialists have faced in our country and our part of the world. What we must now do is square off those archives with the archives of the problems and challenges that socialism and socialists have faced in the world at large. It so happens that the prospects for a post-capitalist future are indeed much brighter in many other parts of the world than in our country at the present time. But we are part of the world at large, thanks in part to global capitalism. No comrade that I know understands and appreciates this contradiction better and keener than Edwin Madunagu.

     

    Biodun Jeyifo                        

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

     

  • Might I remind Great Britain…

    Britain planted the seed of corruption; Britain trained this child the way to go and hooray, the child of corruption is now grown. How dare she now laugh at her own offspring of corruption? Nigeria is in today’s mess because of Britain’s past action

    Like many Nigerians, I have been privileged to see the video in which the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, labelled Nigeria, along with Afghanistan, as being ‘fantastically corrupt’. It immediately aroused in me such indignation and anger that actually made me love Nigeria even more; perhaps out of pity for the underdog.

    First, dear reader, let me describe the video to you, in case you have not seen it. Then, we will have our own little chat about it. Don’t worry, I promise not to shout or even raise my voice. I will be nothing but REASONABLE. Sorry, I’ll try and keep my voice down.

    The physical scene is some posh room, the kind Nigerians steal money to obtain, and the scenario is a cocktail party, with the PM, perhaps the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and someone else chatting with the Queen of England in a small group. The PM tells the queen about an up-coming anti-corruption summit and declares categorically that Nigeria, along with Afghanistan, is ‘fantastically corrupt’. Then there is some laughter from the group, you know, THE DERISIVE KIND OF LAUGHTER! Sorry, I promised not to get angry.

    President Buhari, Nigeria’s president, has given his response to that remark. He said that Cameron was just ‘being honest’ about the corruption situation in Nigeria, and so he, Buhari, was not looking for an apology. He was only asking that the funds stolen from Nigeria and kept in British banks be returned to Nigeria, that’s all. He certainly has a large heart, better than me.

    Reader, the president’s statement represents a loaded, double-barrelled gun with Nigeria’s finger poised on the trigger and Britain looking directly into the eye of the gun as she wonders if it is still working. But we know our president to be not only a simple and forthright gentleman but also an expert one-liner. That admirable one-line response translates as, ‘you call me a thief for stealing; but you have got to be a greater thief for receiving and keeping my loot’. There, that ought to tell them. It should also defend Nigeria’s honour, or what’s left of it.

    Admirable, I say, as that response was, I am not satisfied. I am also not asking for an apology from Britain; I am only after showing Britain not so much how hurtful that remark was but how jarring the laughter was. I have decided to remind our British officials of a few things for when next they are looking for a cocktail party topic.

    If Britain cares to remember, Nigeria did not willingly agree to be a colony. Indeed, many areas of it were forcibly brought under British rule by the power of her guns. Thereby, Britain forcibly brought three EQUALLY STRONG BUT DISPARATE GROUPS together to slug out their existence. Even a blind man could tell that nothing but disaster would result from that but not Britain. Instead, it went ahead to cement that union by naming it Nigeria and blessing it with what it called a parliamentary government. Nigeria has since then been struggling to govern these three groups which it has not dared to dissolve.

    It might have helped if Britain had given a hint or two on governance by building a few social structures for this most populous black nation on earth like France did for its own territories. But no sir, Britain did no such thing; it only built the things it needed for its own mission – carting away rich raw materials. The new country was then left to go on as best as it could – deeply ignorant of western ways yet must run a modern, westernised system. The result has been that from 1960, the country has been moving ungainly from one catastrophic error of governance to another, and providing endless mirth for British officials at their teas and cocktails, I’m sure.

    Forgive me, I omitted one fact. Britain did do something. It laid the foundation for conducting censuses which records of the 1950s and 1960s showed were so skewed anyone could see through them. There were rampant reports of false entries by various groups in order not to be cheated by others. The censuses then showed anyone looking for answers that the Nigerian experiment would not work; but since Britain was not looking for answers, only one solution – that the entity must be kept together by every means – it ignored the translation. So, it proceeded to, according to documented reports, employ duplicity to favour one part. Hey presto, exulted Britain, the problem was solved. The problem was not solved; rather, the seed of corruption was sown. Britain planted that seed of corruption; Britain trained this child the corrupt way to go about solving her problems and hooray, the child of corruption is now grown. How dare Britain now laugh at her own offspring of corruption? Nigeria is in today’s mess because of Britain’s past action.

    No one is denying that there is corruption in Nigeria. Heck, there is massive corruption in Nigeria. This column, along with many, many others, has documented reactions to the mindlessly staggering sums pilfered from public coffers and loosely accounted for. It has drawn attention to the absence of social structures that would otherwise have removed anxiety about shelter, clothing and food from people’s minds. It has drawn attention to the disease of stealing for stealing’s sake currently ravaging public officials.

    So, this column is not blind to reality. It is only berating Cameron, if it dares, for making Nigeria’s corruption a topic for his cocktail party’s amusement. In doing that, he showed a certain lack of sensitivity to the origins of that corruption. He also showed that he had no idea that much of the funds stolen from Nigeria have ended up in Britain to fund the British economy. This is what President Buhari reminded him about.

    I remember that in the 1980s, Nigeria attempted to forcibly repatriate one of her citizens living in Britain then because he had taken Nigeria’s funds and stashed them in Britain. There was a great to do about the attempt then not just because it failed but because it was made in the first place. It turned out that British banks held close to a billion naira of funds said to have been taken away by the individual. That was why Britain was so indignant and minded so much. Since then, various politicians have attempted to out-do that individual and have stashed colossal amounts in British banks. Now, we’re asking politely and we are not angry, can we have them back please? Who knows, those sums may help us find our way back from the sinking sands of corruption.

    Just as I was smarting from the undeserved British mirth, another video of an event was made public. It showed a former British ambassador giving some unpalatable details of how Britain got involved in the war in Iraq. The details given clearly showed that Britain did not have clear proof that there were weapons of mass destruction being built in Iraq yet committed its human and material resources to that war. In other words, the government of that time corrupted facts in order to do what they wanted to do. The world is still grappling with the outcomes of that war.

    Corruption is not a source for mirth. Rather, it is a sign that something is deeply wrong and requires intervention. Someone should please tell Cameron that the corruption in Nigeria is not a source for laughter. It is calling rather for some serious thoughts. I would tell him this myself but I guess I am just too angry for words. Still, I have discussed this reasonably, have I not?

  • Searching for lasting solution to Nigeria’s economic problems (2)

    The thesis is that most of the problems in the economy, politics, education, culture, and public morality are more of effects of unimaginative distortion of the country’s pre-military design of the country’s politics and economy

    The first part of this piece last Sunday gave a historical summary of how Nigeria migrated between 1960 and 1999 from dual federalism to ‘hegemonial federalism’ recently inherited by the Buhari civilian presidency. The core of the column last week is that military dictators in control of the country since 1966, particularly those in power during the phenomenal rise in revenue from petroleum, believed that throwing petroleum dollars at the architecture of the country’s governance was the best thing to do, to keep Nigeria eternally united or indivisible, regardless of whether the result of such new structure improved the welfare of citizens in the 36 largely unviable states created to survive on petroleum funds.

    In view of President Buhari’s pledge to review the constitution to create a federal spirit in the country, today’s piece will show how changing the current ‘hegemonial federalism’ to a competitive federalism among federating units may help President Buhari’s objective to improve the country’s federal system. The thesis is that most of the problems in the economy, politics, education, culture, and public morality are more of effects of unimaginative distortion of the country’s pre-military design of the country’s politics and economy. It is important to examine the causes of the current situation, in order to think out of the box about how to prevent making the same mistake in our effort to improve the economy.

    Talking about federalism before independence and after the emergence and exit of military rule is not new in Nigeria and should not need any grand theory to justify in this column. Chief Obafemi Awolowo remains the grand theorist of federalism in the country. He said and wrote repeatedly that a functioning federal system is the best way to keep Nigeria’s multiethnic nation united and sustainably so. He warned that any other model of governance is more likely to bring instability, disharmony and lack of development to the country as a whole, as well as to its parts. Federalism is a system that has produced and sustained many of the world’s most successful economies: United States of America, Canada, Belgium, Brazil, Germany, India, Spain, Switzerland, United Arab Emirate, South Africa, and Ethiopia, for example. And federalism had worked very well for Nigeria in the years before the advent of military rule.

    It is true, as President Buhari had emphasised at the UK Anti-Corruption Summit, that corruption had served as a way of life for decades in Nigeria. It is also true that the magnitude of corruption in the country has damaged the country’s economy, education, politics, and even culture, but it is necessary to look at circumstances or policies that must have created a conducive setting for the rise of venal men and women in politics in the country, in a manner that did not happen until 1966. Undoubtedly, creation under military rule of a political and economic system that promoted profligacy and parasitism must have boosted the courage of corrupt citizens to steal from citizens with relish. Whether it is at the central government or in subnational governments, politicians and administrators have been groomed since the mid-70s to see their job as directors of consumption of petroleum revenue.The desire of military rulers to use rents from petroleum to nurture a parasitic and predatory elite in the states and at the centre created a basic condition for corruption. There is no better way to illustrate this than the popularisation of Security Vote as a governance instrument at all the three levels of government. Where it could not be justified, lawmakers created constituency allowance as their variant of slush funds.

    Under the leadership of those who created states after states to be funded by revenue from petroleum, a longer concurrent list than can be found in any other federal system on the globe became a permanent feature of Nigeria’s federal system. Most of the functions of the regions before 1966 were given to the central government in the name of Concurrent functions, to justify allocating over half of the revenue from petroleum to a layer of government with no citizens to be directly responsible for. And if the central government failed to carry out any of its concurrent functions, frustration of citizens desirous of resisting the distant central government was guaranteed by the fact that it is only the central government that controls all forms of state coercion. In addition, governors at the state level also found (and still do) it easy to spend the funds allocated to them as corporate social welfare payments, requiring not more than a trip from state capitals to the nation’s capital. Consequently, the system that President Buhari promised in his manifesto to change encouraged venality in government at all levels, for the simple reason that no level of government had to work for the funds at its disposal in the decades of oil boom. The philosophy of military dictators who de-federalised the country: ensuring that no part of the country is productive and strong enough to think of leaving the union had held sway for decades and was acceptable to both military and civilian rulers until the sudden collapse of petroleum price.

    The result of all this is that rulers at the three levels of government got inured to looting the funds from awuff or manna from petroleum. State governors, like their counterparts at the centre, used the near absolute power accorded them by the presidential system imposed on the country’s governance system by the same set that turned the country into a federation of unviable states with zeal. So attractive was having a state to govern or one near home for traditional rulers and their praise singers to milk that even six months before the plunge in oil revenue, the country was awash with calls from the country’s “big men” for creation of more states, most of which would have been created at the instance of the central government if consumers of non-renewable fossil fuel had not gotten wiser than our own leaders were able to imagine.

    President Buhari must have seen the obsolescence of the current unitary system when he said in his manifesto that his government would “initiate action to amend our Constitution with a view to devolving powers, duties and responsibilities to states and local governments in order to entrench true Federalism and the Federal spirit.” He also must have seen the lack of wisdom in the existence of 36 bureaucracies being sustained by rents from petroleum or any other mineral  when he pledged in his manifesto to “balance the economy across regions by the creation of 6 new Regional Economic Development Agencies (REDAs) to act as champions of sub-regional competitiveness and put in place a N300bn regional growth fund (average of N50bn in each geo-political region) to be managed by the REDAs, encourage private sector enterprise and support to help places currently reliant on the public sector.”

    As President Buhari embarks on other projects apart from fighting corruption, such as reforming the institutions of government, he also needs to encourage his attorney-general to embark on preparing a bill towards taking a holistic view of the architecture of governance. For example, promising to create six new regional economic development agencies to be driven by grants of N50bn to each geo-political region is akin to reinforcing the current quasi-federal system. Like corruption, creating subnational governments that can respond to the needs of their citizens through fiscal autonomy and transferring most of the functions currently given to the central government should not wait until Buhari’s second term. If there is any institutional reform that is urgent, it is the reform of the current unitary system.

    The president should pass Chief Emeka Anyaoku’s recommendations, made repeatedly in the last few years on how to grow Nigeria’s democracy and development to his attorney-general as background materials for thinking out of the box in order to change a system that has failed citizens over the years. The mindset that re-engineered Nigeria away from federalism cannot solve the problem created by the culture of lethargy and venality spawned by centralism and looking for centrally mobilised funds to continue to do what we have done inefficiently since the 1970s is to add to the shambles that compelled Nigerians to vote for change in 2015.

  • Labour’s same old mistake

    Labour’s same old mistake

    Workers should fight for good governance,
    not minimum wage

    Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) on Tuesday formally presented their minimum wage proposal of N56,000 to the Federal Government. “I can say now authoritatively that as of yesterday (Tuesday) we made a formal proposal to the Federal Government of N56, 000 to be the new minimum wage. The demand has been submitted officially to government and we hope that the tripartite system to look at the review will actually be set up to look at it”, NLC president Ayuba Wabba said. Whilst this might have drawn applause from workers in the country, it would seem to me an indication that Labour has not learnt any lesson with regard to minimum wage. The unions seem to be doing the same thing all over and therefore should not expect a different result. When in 2011 the present minimum wage of N18,000 was fixed, the same way they celebrated; now the euphoria is gone and the workers are back to square one.

    Of course Wabba advanced good reasons for Labour’s position. One is that the law stipulates that minimum wage must be reviewed every five years. If the last review was done in 2011, then it is time to review it again, so that, to use Wabba’s words, workers would “not be seen as sleeping on their rights”. The logic, according to him, is that no worker should be taking salaries that cannot sustain him for 30 days. In other words, workers’ take-home pay should be able to take them home. Can the present minimum wage do that? I’m afraid, ‘No’. There is also the problem of manufacturers who will not be able to sell their products if workers are too poor to buy. Workers have to be empowered to be able to buy what they need. This is as well impeccable. Wabba crowned it all by alluding to the connection between corruption and good wages. If workers are not well paid, the temptation to steal will be high. Again, one can hardly fault this.

    Indeed, those who conceived the idea of five-year review of the minimum wage did so for very good reasons, chief of which is to index it with the rate of inflation. True, a lot of waters had passed underneath the proverbial bridge since 2011 when the minimum wage was last reviewed. As at the time workers got the N18,000, crude oil was selling at about $111 per barrel and the exchange rate was N110 to the dollar. Today, not only has crude price fallen (around $46 per barrel), the exchange rate too has depreciated, with the Naira now exchanging for about N321 to the dollar at the parallel market. Ironically, it is now that Labour wants N56,000 minimum wage! Wabba noted the bad state of the economy: “Our argument is that, yes, it is true that the economy is not doing well, but the law stated that wages for workers must be reviewed after every five years”.

    There is, however, one point Labour has not mentioned, which is enough to knock out all the good points it made to justify its call for N56,000 minimum wage. And that is the fact that many of our political leaders have over the years proved that they cannot be trusted with the noble responsibilities placed on their shoulders because they care only about themselves. That is why they always think they must have access to whatever comfort money can buy, even when those who supposedly elected them (and they are representing) do not even know where the next meal will come from. It has been said time and again that our legislators are about the highest paid in the world. Some of those who made the assertion had often cited examples from different parts of the world, including the United States of America and Britain where lawmakers take public transport and live in moderate apartments. Also, they are not paid stupendous allowances in those countries as our own lawmakers, even as they do not have perks that are wrapped under the table. Everything about their worth as lawmakers is open and transparent.

    Let me therefore help Labour by adding the prodigal manner in which our political leaders live as one of the reasons to justify the new minimum wage. With our kind of politicians, it is quite a valid point for Labour and indeed all other Nigerians who do not have access to public funds to insist on having as much as possible of the national cake.

    Perhaps if the political leaders only live big at our expense, without stealing brazenly in a way that we had to notice, as in the immediate past, we would not be this aggrieved. But the way and manner many of these political leaders and their cronies help themselves to our common patrimony cannot but make us angry. I doubt if there is anyone that is angrier than me over this matter. Indeed, that was what made me become a proponent of the idea that Nigerians should always insist on having the best of good life that money can buy from government so that those who intend to steal will have very little left to pilfer.  The political leaders and their cronies have so much to steal because we often leave too much free money in their care, and because we do not ask questions.

    Moreover, you have people who served at best for eight years and after that, they award themselves mouth-watering packages that have no bearing with the country’s economic realities. These are more serious issues that Labour should fight; and not to keep asking for wage increases which the political leaders would almost always grant if that would make the Labour unions happy and keep their eyes from prying into what is happening in the executive, legislative and other chambers (of corruption) that dot the landscape.

    We should be wiser now.

    Indeed, this assumption (by Labour and the rest of us that increase in minimum wage is the solution to workers’ poverty in the country) is analogous to the belief that chopping off the head is the cure for headache. We are where we are in the country because of bad governance. Even if crude prices have not crashed, the country would still have been in trouble, given the rapacious and primitive manner the country was stolen blind, particularly in the Goodluck Jonathan years.

    I can bet it, the government would most likely grant some concession, (that is after reminding labour that its members constitute only a fraction of the Nigerian population and can therefore not get what it wants fully) but whatever concession government grants will still not take most workers home, whether in cosmopolitan Lagos or in rural Ekiti or Osun, going by the prevailing cost of living which is not likely to improve unless we have good governance. And I see the workers gladly embracing government’s new minimum wage when it finally comes. But, in a few years time, however, the reality would dawn on them that what they thought they got was not what they actually got. At the rate we are going, a time will come when we would have to buy a loaf of bread which can hardly feed two persons for N250.

    Why Labour has not thought along this line of insisting on good governance instead of its fixation with wage increase is what I do not understand. Could it be that it is shying away from this line of reasoning because it is also afraid of its own shadow? Whether we like it or not, Labour too is enmeshed in some integrity crisis, particularly concerning its housing scheme which remains as messy as ever. And for it to demand good governance, it must also put its house in order. You can’t go to equity with soiled hands. I have this feeling that Labour often capitulates in crises times due to the fear that government could want to blackmail its leaders with some of these messy deals. So, when the Labour should be in the forefront of struggles, its leaders suddenly develop cold feet and abandon the cause, citing some threats of treason from government as reason.

    But the simple truth is that a man with logs in his own eyes cannot tell another  to remove the speck in his.

  • Any hope for marriages?

    Any hope for marriages?

    THE breakdown of songstress Tiwa Savage and her manager Tunji Balogun’s marriage kept the media engrossed for the better part of two weeks. It was, however, just one more failure in a long and widening line of celebrities’ broken marriages. Distressed marriage, or its more final variant, divorce, is of course not a staple of celebrities alone. You don’t have to be famous, live in poor countries, or reside in a developing or underdeveloped democracy to divorce. Virtually the same reasons that predispose the rich and famous and the bond and free to divorce apply among the poor and dispossessed as well as among those living in democracies and under dictatorships. Indeed, divorce is fast becoming the leitmotif of humanity.

    Nigeria, for which this column can speak a little authoritatively, has found coping mechanisms for distress in marriage. From culture that frowns more at a divorced but sometimes innocent and decent woman and rhapsodises a coarse and brutish philanderer, to the law itself which is loth at every stage to weigh in with expert ideas and sensible interventions, and on to the admissibility of harems either through religion or native law and custom, it is all but guaranteed that there may never be a reliable statistics of broken marriages in Nigeria. But for many other countries outside Africa, statistics show that the marriage institution is under grave threats. More than half or two-thirds of marriages end in divorce in many developed countries, with Russia topping the list by some estimates.

    So, whether Nigerians are shocked by the reasons Ms Savage gave for the collapse of her less than two years old marriage or not, or whether they frown at the seeming irresponsibility and childish tantrums of Mr Balogun or not, there is nothing extraordinary about their inability to sustain their marriage beyond a few beggarly years. They have laundered their dirty linens too openly for the relationship to heal. As most newspapers yesterday showed through copious reporting of celebrities’ failed marriages, that special group of entertainers has a difficult task keeping their marriages going. Not only do they wed in public glare, they are literally performing marital duties, down to its salacious contents, in pure and censorious daylight. And when the crash comes, thanks to an undifferentiating and lascivious social media feasting on their stories and lusting for blood and tragedy, the fall is often mighty and irredeemable.

    This column has no interest in examining why Ms Savage and Mr Balogun’s marriage collapsed. It is a needless exercise. The damage is already done, and no celebrity, let alone an anonymous commoner, will learn any lesson. Were that possible, every celebrity would learn to pick and choose well after examining the grief a colleague came to. Indeed, how do you counsel someone who is by nature not reflective to reflect on a prospective partner? How do you advise someone whose testosterone is racing, and who is determined to give free rein to that untethered, high-pitched momentum till his 70s, to avoid a prudish lady of high breeding who has mastered her own desires? How do you prod an irreligious man whose every instinct and pore exudes polygamous fantasies to sustain a sedentary lifestyle revolving around one great and perhaps deep and professorial woman? The world is a fantastic pastiche of multiplicity and florid display of personalities. Success will always mix with failure, and evil with good, until utopia comes.

    The marriage institution is today being redefined. In times past it could not exist except between a man and a woman. Now it has multiple and even legal and constitutional meanings. It is not yet known how far and wide the frontiers of marriage would be expanded; but perhaps in this generation, newer and more troubling definitions would become legally and constitutionally admissible. For the purpose of this piece, a traditional definition of marriage will be assumed. Furthermore, it will be assumed that a distinction between a peaceful or good marriage and a warring and unstable marriage exists. The unstable marriage may not always end in divorce if a spouse exhibits the forbearance needed to accommodate an unreasonable partner. But it is far better for a prospective couple to study each other beyond the surface to discover common grounds, common worldviews, and internal constitutions transcending the meretricious.

    It is strange that the world seems oblivious of the danger constituted to the health of the community by dysfunctional marriages, whether in permanent instability, as seems the norm, or in regression to divorce. Whether the world likes it or not, the larger picture of politics or business is a reflection and projection of the smaller emblematic picture of marriage. The more dysfunctional families become, of which marriage is the cornerstone, the more the society becomes susceptible to vices and tyrannies of every kind. Scarred marriages leave lasting impact on nuclear and extended families, no matter how valiantly they attempt to transcend its troubling elements and consequences. Napoleon Bonaparte’s unrequited love for the hugely distracted Josephine was a factor in his rule, leading in the opinion of this columnist to an attenuation of his policy brilliance and genius, and serving as a trigger for his frequent eruptions and tenuous family attachments. Joseph Stalin’s lack of family mooring bordering on disdain for his wife, Nadezheda Alliluyeva, whom he drove to distraction, given his impatience with her bipolar disorder, might explain a part of his misanthropy in the name of industrialisation, economic growth and empire building.

    In contrast, the quietude enjoyed by Charles de Gaulle on the home front buoyed by the couple’s compatibility might also explain a significant part of the success he achieved as a leader and the composure with which he took principled stand at key junctures of his life and politics, including his characteristic brinkmanship. Winston Churchill’s achievements, largeness and lofty principles are difficult to comprehend outside his stable and effervescent marriage to a woman, Clementine, whom he described as complex and formidable, especially given both his general disposition to gamble his future on the throw of a dice and the depression that sometimes wracked him. The marriage angle to successful leadership and politics may require more study, but this column has always been intrigued by a noticeable correspondence between some degree of stability and complementarity on the home front and the successful enunciation of great and visionary ideas and implementation of great and impactful societal programmes. The point is that there is of course no direct correlation between a good marriage and great leadership, but a potentially great leadership may be derailed or undermined by unstable marriage.

    But far more importantly, every prospective spouse has a responsibility to choose a partner well, whether he is into music, entertainment, politics or leadership. Peace of mind is irreplaceable. Complementarity is great and profound. And to choose well is to find a soul mate in the idealistic sense who is dead or indifferent to materialism, who is unfazed by a spouse’s achievements, who sees sex not in the unrealistic and hyperbolic sense the world now sees it but as an expression of closeness, warmth, friendship and bonding. Today, every medium — from radio to television as well as newspapers to Internet — promotes sex in the lurid, prurient and detached and casual sense, sustained by a cornucopia of pharmaceutical concoctions, pornography and heights of pleasure that are either difficult to achieve or sustain without resorting to monstrosities and other forms of addictions. The celebration and glamorisation of sex have created disturbing diversions from its original and more sensible and restrained purposes, to explorations in uncharted and demonstrably unsustainable terrains. These in turn have led to either the redefinition, if not complete expunction, of the term ‘infidelity’, or its subsumption to indulgent, age-old cultural signposts. It has also led to men killing and priming themselves to please their spouses in the jackal sense, and women exhibiting themselves in the limiting and humiliating sense as objects of pleasure.

    As Ms Savage and Mr Balogun are demonstrating by their very public and tragic falling-out, the consequences of a broken marriage go far beyond the obvious. In their flawed relationship, they mirror so many things about the indiscriminate morphing of Nigerian culture, the distressing and lascivious spirit of the age, the shifting understanding and redefinition of values in their relentless state of atrophy, and the overwhelming movement towards a global mean of marital fundamentals that conform lesser and lesser to the human species. For the marriage institution, global scepticism is giving way to global cynicism. And as bad choices mix with bad character and misshapen values, the world will gradually drift from anchor farther into a formless sea of moral turpitude exposing a yawning gap that cannot be bridged till the end of days.

  • The Whiteman’s burden

    The Whiteman’s burden

    (The founding continent and the founder effect)

    Basil Davidson calls it the Blackman’s burden— a savage and ironic jibe at the Whiteman’s burden, the self-imposed historical duty of stamping rational order and humane civilization on the rest of the human race. Yet two hundred and fifty one years after the infamous Berlin Conference which partitioned Africa among the colonial powers(1814-1815),  It is now obvious at least in Nigeria and many African countries that the messianic burden the imperialist masters imposed on themselves is facing its toughest challenge.

    Based on their current circumstances, these colonial chimeras pose a grave security risk to western modernization and its expansive notion of accelerated and unimpeded progress, particularly after the triumph of liberal democracy over the Soviet Communist model. With wars raging in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa and with famine, poverty and epidemics of dereliction the lot of the populace, it is just a question of time before the Dark Age is re-enacted.

    When you now factor into this the virtual implosion of a vast swathe of the Middle East and the biblical outpouring of refuge attendant upon this, you get a feel of human suffering and misery on a scale unprecedented in history.  The wanton brutality, the Stone Age cruelty and callous disregard for the sanctity of human life displayed by sectarian militias from Boko Haram in Nigeria, through ISIS in the Levant and the Taliban in Afghanistan suggest a new low that has not been seen since the Jewish pogrom of the Second World War.

    If one theme is common to all these multi-dimensional conflicts, if there is one single and solid cause that unites the disparate combatants, it is the written and unwritten disavowal of the nation-state paradigm which has been imposed on their people by triumphant western modernity.

    With the Islamic sects, from Boko Haram in Nigeria to the militantly state-evaporating al-Qaeda and ISIS, it is a violent and conscious rebuff of the nation-state arrangement and the colonial cartography which radically redrew the old map of Africa, the Middle East and Asia.

    The Islamists are stuck with the old notions of a theocratic world in which religiously homogenous communities could not be abridged or disrupted by the political distraction of nation-states. The Islamic empire-state cannot be curtailed and carved up like that except on the field of battle.

    It has not occurred to the sectarian ideologues that it was the defeat of the Ottoman Turks in battle in old Serbia which made this possible and inevitable, just as the introduction of French artillery to modern warfare made nonsense of the weak Italian city-states and their pretensions to both nation-hood and state-hood. Machiavelli had been proved right in his strident call for a powerful new state which would put an end to the political caprices of the Italian mini-royalties.

    In contemporary Africa, although the rebellion against the nation-state is neither conscious nor stringently articulated as you find in Islamic disavowals, it is obvious that some of the largest colonial contraptions on the continent have been chafing under the colonial yoke that boxed together people of diverse and mutually contradictory cultures and political orientation.

    This is the basis of the endemic instability and perpetual conflicts on the continent, particularly in four of the largest countries, namely Nigeria, Sudan, CAR and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In Nigeria, a thieving ruling cartel until recently presided over the systematic brutalization and decimation of the populace occasioning casual bloodletting of which the Boko Haram insurgency and bloody clashes between pastoral herdsmen and local farming populations are recent manifestations.

    In the Democratic Republic of the Congo where the Mobutu-Kabila kleptocracy has been continuously in power for fifty one years, the country has technically evaporated in a series of civil wars occasioning much human suffering and misery. In Sudan, Omar Bashir who has been in power since 1989, has presided over the dismemberment of the country. In CAR, the state has collapsed in chaos and mayhem as bitter ethnic feuding with a religious coloration has led to an effective partitioning of both capital and country.

    In many African countries where the nation-state paradigm limps on — Angola, Mozambique, Egypt, Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Congo Brazzaville, Algeria, Cote D’Ivoire, Mali and Kenya—it has been after bloody civil wars fought among enemy nationalities which have sown deep seeds of discord and rancour in the body politic.

    Others such as Togo, Cameroons, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Egypt, Gambia, Guinea Bissau and Zimbabwe stumble on by becoming an expensive charade of liberal democracy which is the political and historical deity of the modern nation-state or by transmuting into the worst examples of one-man despotism.

    It should be obvious from the foregoing analysis that except for a few shining exemplars such as Botswana, Namibia, Senegal, Tanzania, Benin and Ghana, the nation-state paradigm has fared very badly in Africa. These nations in terms of political mass and economic pull are not enough to form the critical mass that will rescue Africa.

    It is a profound irony that it is in Africa, the very cradle of civilization and from where our human ancestors first began their epic slouch towards Asia, Europe and the rest of the world that colonial hubris and narcissism has met its Waterloo. Even in captivity,It is not easy to force one’s political deity on others.

    But the objective cost of the structural and spiritual resistance to the nation-state paradigm in Africa is the continuous regression of the continent in all parameters of inclusive governance and developmental indices.In all available data of human progress, African nations comfortably pick the rear. The nation-state may not be perfect, but it is an obvious historical improvement on fiefdoms and kingdoms.

    The fact remains that history, in all its all brutal and alienating necessities, waits for no laggard society. While we are still sulking about the nation-state, African countries are being frog-marched to the post-nation frontiers in the age of relentless globalization. We can no longer have the Berlin Conference all over again. That epoch is gone forever even where there are residues of the old empire system everywhere.

    Since we cannot unscramble egg that is already scrambled, a lot would depend on African nations and nationalists to find within themselves the strength, energy and vision to reform the colonial incubus that they have been saddled with by the imperialists before they can join the mainstream of humanity. As Marx famously puts it, verily one day Germany would find itself on the road to ruins with Britain and France without having   achieved their economic prosperity.

    Just as it happened with the internationalization of the slave trade which caught the people of Africa napping because of their lack of maritime and military innovations, the absence of viable nation-states on the continent may prove perilous to the people in the global sweepstakes that will follow the “opening” up of hitherto remote possibilities by the relentless onslaught of globalization.

    No one is sure of what the new frontiers of human evolution will look like, whether it will lead to a modification of the existing nation-state paradigm, its transformation to something more refined or its superannuation by something totally novel.

    But we can glimpse the emerging world order in the rise of new economic superpowers, the deepening poverty in sub-Saharan Africa, the accelerating gap between the rich nations and the poverty-wracked hell-holes on earth , the rise of the new right both as a political as well as a spiritual category and the advent of a new class of international mega-citizens who play and operate beyond the nation-states.

    All these developments will no doubt rebound on Africa as a passive object of history and a mere pawn in a play of giants. But there is a sense in which Africa will play a leading role in the emerging global configuration that is if the founder effect as propounded in the field known as population genetics is applied to global population and the phenomenon of the nation-state.

    But what is the founder effect? Put simply and with bald brevity, founder effect is the thinning and shrinking of genetic pool when people set out from their original homestead to find new colonies and new countries as the case may be. Consequently, the genetic variation available is increasingly limited and with that the possibilities of human expansiveness and talent formation.

    As the original homestead of the human race, Africa retains its largest genetic pool and possibilities of genetic recombination in infinite permutations. What this means—and as we are beginning to find out— is that as time goes on the most physically, intellectually and artistically gifted people among the human race will come from Africa: the best athletes,singers, footballers, philosophers, writers, actors, scientific geniuses and intellectual avatars.

    What impact will this rare species of humanity, this special breed at the summit of human evolution, have on Africa, the founding and fathering continent? Practically nil, unfortunately as long as the nation-state does not come to scratch in Africa.

    As it is already happening, this new breed of super-people will shun the chaos and disorder of Africa for the safe and liberating confines of the civilized world where they will gladly and joyously pay Value Added Tax for the value that the refined world has added to their life away from a dark and savage continent.

    If care is not taken by visionary African nationalists, it is possible that by the time the third wave of globalizationis fully with us, the fate of the continent as a perpetual human plantation for growing exceptionally endowed export to the west and a nursery for the transplantation of talents to advanced countries would have been sealed.

    By then, it will not matter to the rest of the world, whether Africa has viable or functioning nation-states. As it was the case with oil until most recently and earlier with the procurement of slaves what will be important is the uninterrupted flow of human talent from Africa to the west. The Portuguese, the first bearers of western modernity to Africa, have taught us in Guinea Bissau and to a lesser extent in Angola and Mozambique that you don’t need a nation to have a plantation or slave depot.

    WhenPliny the Second famously observed that something new always comes out of Africa, he was not only referring to the endless assortment of African oddities, oddballs and crackpots that entertained the Roman imperial court. He was also referring to the illustrious retinue of great African generals, writers, philosophers, actorsetc who graced the Roman imperium.  Several thousand years later, something new is still coming out of Africa, just as it was in the beginning.

  • Social media as necessary ‘evil’

    Social media as necessary ‘evil’

    Last Friday, The Deeper Christian Life Ministry in a public announcement drew attention to the existence of a scammer/ impostor on Facebook and other social media platforms masquerading as, and impersonating Pastor F. Kumuyi, the General Superintendent of the ministry.

    The impostor reportedly plies his scam with the name ‘William Kumuyi’ and feeds unsuspecting members of the public with fake revelations and prophecies. In return, the scammer asks them to contact an orphanage on mobile phone number 09036165941.

    For the avoidance of doubt, the ministry said it does not operate orphanages or call for public donations via Facebook or any other social media and warned the public to avoid being scammed.

    The scammer in question is one of the many others on social media who are exploiting the use of the platforms to dupe people. Instead of using the platforms for what they are meant for: social and professional networking, information dissemination and gathering, the scammers have perfected the act of using fake identities of particularly prominent persons and organisations.

    The situation is so bad that one needs to be knowledgeable about the social media to ascertain a genuine or verified account on the platforms. Because of the large following and reputation of religious leaders like Pastor Kumuyi, the scammers have various accounts in their names through which they send friends requests on Facebook and follow people on Twitter.

    It is therefore easy for innocent persons, desperate for interaction of any kind with religious leaders and other prominent persons, to be duped when they can’t differentiate between the genuine and fake accounts.

    Many other organisations like the Custom Services have social media accounts with false information on sales of impounded cars which many people have fallen for. While researching a presentation on the use of social media by some government organisations, I found many social media accounts bearing names of organisations that knew nothing about the platforms they were supposed to own.

    If the scammer like in this case of Pastor Kumuyi has a phone number through which he is being contacted and bank account for payment for his ‘ministrations,’ the police, working with the telecommunication companies and banks, should be able to arrest the culprits to serve as a deterrent to others.

    New media literacy for all should be encouraged and more awareness created about the fraudulent activities of the scammers. People need to know how to confirm if a social media account is verified or is the right one. They need to know how to check the history of an account and not fall for fake ones created by fraudsters. When people suddenly get unusual requests from friends, they need to double check that it is not from impersonators who hack accounts.

    Staying away from the social media is not the solution to avoiding being impersonated as some think. The social media has become an unavoidable means of communication that every person or organisation should be active on to avoid being misrepresented.

    Those who have stayed away from social media have had accounts created for them and their images used to defraud other users. A top personality recently threatened to quit Facebook due to fraudsters who have fake accounts in his name.

    My simple advice to him was “if we don’t know the original, how do we know the fake?”

    The advantages of being on the social media far outweigh the risk of being on the platforms. Fraudsters will always want to have their way like in virtually every human endeavour, but everything possible should be done individually and collectively to stop them.

    A Yoruba proverb sums up my position on the importance of the social media. “If you close your eyes for a bad person to pass by, you may not know when a good person will”.