Category: Sunday

  • Mu’azu, first scapegoat of PDP’s failure

    Mu’azu, first scapegoat of PDP’s failure

    Once the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lost the last presidential election, it was anticipated there would be mayhem in the party, part of it manifesting in exaggerated hysteria. What no one was sure of was the nature of the mayhem or hysteria, and who the champions of the political bloodletting that would ensue would be. There were only suspicions. But finally, after weeks of pressure, the party’s national chairman, Adamu Mu’azu, and Board of Trustees (BoT) chairman, Tony Anenih, have resigned their positions under unbearable pressure. Their resignations have made clear how the battle is shaping up, the direction of the bitterness gnawing at the party’s innards, and those likely to be consumed by the time the last scapegoat is disembowelled and his head hung on a spike. No one can predict the war in general, for the combatants, to paraphrase Machiavelli, can only will the war into being, but cannot determine how it would end. As a matter of fact, the war is just beginning, and the first battle has just been joined.

    So far, the war has been limited to the leadership of the party. Sometime soon, perhaps, it will engulf the rank and file and then assume brutal and probably uncontrollable dimensions. There has been a mighty throwing of tantrums among the leaders, but once the bitterness and animosities trickle down to the supporters, many of them unperturbed by the niceties of party philosophies and the false and forced decorum exhibited by the clumsy custodians of the party’s soul, the true scale of the coming mayhem will be revealed.

    Alhaji Mu’azu may not appear to have many loyalists in the party for now, for the very vocal and vexatious members of the party leadership have seemed to take control. But the former chairman obviously represented a tendency within the party, a tendency whose strength, viciousness, and preparedness to do battle have not been tested. Those loyalists will rise at the proper time, if not directly in defence of the fallen chairman, then at least in defence of what he stood for or symbolised. President Goodluck Jonathan was the real face of the PDP in the last electoral war, and, by virtue of the ignominious defeat the party suffered at the hands of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the emblem of that defeat. He often disguises his ruthless ability to joust with his enemies, presenting as he always does a facade of a meek and engaging peacemaker. In reality, he is the one inspiring, or at worst conniving at, the revolt taking place in the party’s leadership.

    The president’s men are undoubtedly manning the barricades against the Alhaji Mu’azu tendency, from the pugnacious and uncouth Governor Ayo Fayose of Ekiti State, to the dandified Bode George, a PDP chieftain, and other grovelling party leaders from the Southeast and the South-South. A few political leaders from the North, including Governor Babangida Aliyu, have also called for change in the party leadership. The resignation of Alhaji Mu’azu and Chief Anenih indicates that one side to the party conflict is having the upper hand. That side is the one which accused Alhaji Mu’azu of not being committed to the cause of Dr Jonathan’s reelection. That side, on which the outgoing First Lady, Dame Patience, stands solidly like a rampart, struggled to make the last election a divisive and abusive one. It was even alleged that the president once moaned that if he had a few more brutal and irreverent men like Mr Fayose, his reelection campaign, which was floundering at the time, would be saved.

    From the shape of the battle so far, and notwithstanding Dr Jonathan’s false pretences as an urbane, cultured and statesmanlike politician, the assemblage that had just forced Alhaji Mu’azu out is made up of hawks and iconoclasts. They are a group of politicians who would have loved to engage in a brutal fight for the presidency before the polls. They would have plumbed the nadir of filth and fought dangerously on the edge of anarchy to retain the presidency. That is their philosophy. They regret the vacillations Alhaji Mu’azu’s urbaneness pushed them into. As they pine away at their loss, they recall with indescribable pains the many times the party under the former chairman called for decent campaigns, polished language and fair and modern methodologies.

    Though the war in the PDP is just beginning, the emergence of the hawks should serve notice to the rest of the country, and particularly the incoming government, that it is indeed urgent and inescapable for Nigerian politics to be redefined, circumscribed and organised under new laws and sophisticated rules. It will help the bright and modernising minds in the PDP to fight for the soul of their party in order to rebuild it into a sensible and credible political opposition for the next four years. Nigeria has no place for the buccaneers attempting to hijack the party, not even the pretentious Dr Jonathan. The PDP is of course expected to differ from the APC in many ways, especially ideologically and structurally, but it must be compelled to operate within the ambits of the law and along civilised lines. If the APC government does not build and police such a political environment, it will itself be unable to inspire obedience, let alone the new society envisioned by its programmes and manifesto.

    Apart from the opportunistic hawks plotting their way into dominance within the PDP, the resignation of Alhaji Mu’azu, and that of the many others in the National Working Committee (NWC) expected in the coming days and weeks, may suggest that party leaders have already decided Dr Jonathan was not a major factor in the party’s defeat. This is mindless escapism. More than any other factor, Dr Jonathan’s constant indecision, frequent gaffes, his unmanageable and squabbling First Lady, policy miscarriages, poor economic management skills, absentmindedness on security issues, and general inattention to details doomed his presidency and triggered his reelection debacle. Incredibly, Chief Anenih’s resignation is sold as a means of creating room for the president at the top of the party’s BoT. In other words, while Alhaji Mu’azu is being punished for heading the party during its defeat, the man whose failings and personal idiosyncrasies catalysed that electoral tragedy is rewarded with probably the most powerful post in the party.

    Apart from making appalling mistakes in repositioning the party for the future, or perhaps presumptuously for 2019, as a few key party leaders suggested a short while ago, and also misreading the factors responsible for the last electoral debacle, the main challenge the PDP will face is how to unify the party in the face of their defeat and exclusion from the plum pickings of power. For now, the northern component of the PDP is less assertive and reticent. The Southeast and South-South components have seemed to hijack the decision-making process and appear bent on rebuilding the party around their most notable party figure, Dr Jonathan. They are unmindful of the fact that the same argument that applied to Alhaji Mu’azu’s forced exit also applies to Dr Jonathan.

    It is necessary for the PDP to present a formidable opposition to the APC. But it is doubtful that having more poignantly misruled the country for a little over five years, and having not inspired the country, nor formulated precise and practicable ideas as to how a modern and complex society should be governed, Dr Jonathan should now be found fit to inspire a new, stronger and reinvigorated PDP. Worse, having also failed to identify the real factors responsible for PDP’s loss, and having also refused to properly and accurately gauge the mood and direction of the country, the new opposition party may be in for more fractious and turbulent time. What the PDP needs is a clean sweep, not only of personnel, including ragamuffins parading as state and national leaders, but also of jaded ideas. Until they do these, unify the party ethnically and religiously to create a secular organ, and promote bright and visionary leaders able to present viable doctrinal and practical alternatives to the APC, they will freeze in the cold for much longer than the 2019 they naively conjecture.

  • Buhari: Bold agenda for the next  four years (A view from abroad)

    Buhari: Bold agenda for the next four years (A view from abroad)

     In this way, the government can increase available electricity to something around 6000 megawatts; that is, double what is currently available in the country

    The columnist is currently on holidays in Houston, Texas, and yields the column this Sunday to Segun Badipe, a Nuclear Medical Scientist, and great Nigerian patriot, who has been tortured to no end by PDP’S indescribable 16 years of utter cluelessness.
    Happy reading.

    With the election now over, it is imperative that the president- elect should embark on a bold and persistent agenda. It has been sixteen years in the making since our people have been waiting to see true dividends of democracy. PDP’s sixteen years of colossal failure has shown that politics is not an end in itself. With this lesson in mind, the president- elect must move with all deliberate speed in implementing those political and economic programs that saw his party to victory in the just concluded elections. Because no one is certain which program would deliver the most in the shortest time, his agenda must be properly interrogated by the party. This article will attempt some pointers.

    On the political front, he must go after all the treasury looters.  This is sure to enjoy tremendous political support from Nigerians since they understand the connection between the excesses of the PDP and the political problems currently facing the country.  It is unfortunate that the judiciary has been thoroughly bastardised.  And here, one is easily reminded of the Ibori case. Here was a governor, exonerated by the courts in Nigeria only to be convicted and jailed by a London court. The interesting thing is that both courts were presented with the same facts. While in office, it  became public knowledge that he was unfit to hold public office because of his past criminal record while living in London and the EFCC  took him to court on various other corruption charges which case the Nigerian court dismissed in its entirety. The Nigerian judiciary thus allowed a felon to go scot free with catastrophic financial consequences for his Delta state people until a saner jurisdiction did justice to the people by jailing him for his merciless looting of the state  treasury. I mention this to demonstrate the urgency of cleaning up the judiciary. The President-elect must use covert operations to flush out corrupt judges as it would otherwise be difficult to get convictions against corrupt politicians and their associates.

     On the economic front, there is a lot that can be done to give people hope. Nigeria is about the only country I know where politicians don’t feel any remorse for not delivering on their campaign promises. There are obviously no quick fixes for the power problem but  I would  suggest  that the government proceeds rapidly with rehabilitation of moribund or uncompleted projects that can increase deliverables in the short run.  In this way, the government can increase available electricity to something around 6000 megawatts; that is, double what is currently available in the country. With respect to the plants suffering from irregular supply of natural gas owing largely to sabotage,  plants could be built closer to  gas sources or they are  abandoned rather than remain waste pipes. The president must, leveraging on our extant laws,  vigorously go  after  the merchants of darkness.  It needs no gainsaying that there is, today,  a cabal in our country which profits from darkness and does everything to sabotage improvements in both generation and distribution of power. Among them are some  generator merchants, diesel companies and corrupt NEPA officials who all conspire to keep Nigeria in darkness. This cabal must be put out of business. If we learnt anything from the revolution in the telecommunications industry, it is that services are better delivered when excessive   bureaucracy is bye-passed.  Our experience with big bureaucracy has been rather ugly. NITEL is now a relic of its past.  No thanks to mobile telephony that has made it irrelevant. The Buhari administration should be able to bring the same revolutionary change into the power industry. The president elect can also embark on alternative energy sources to break the stranglehold of this cabal. Tax incentives could be offered to small and medium size businesses to purchase solar, wind or inverters for the purposes of operating their business.   And for large manufacturing businesses, government could experiment with clusters of businesses in specific industrial zones and help lower their overhead costs with tax incentives and subsidies.

     Without a doubt, one of  the greatest problems facing the country today is that of insecurity as exemplified by the Boko Haram menace. I have no hesitation, whatever, in holding that solving the Boko Haram problem will help, to a great extent,  lay the foundation for genuine progress in the country. If we do not get the Boko Haram problem under control, nothing else will matter because life is key. Some have myopically, and naively, suggested that government should negotiate with them. Terrorists, by their nature, do not play the give and take game; for them, it is all or nothing.  Therefore, no responsible government should ever negotiate with a terrorist group. Rather, we must move with all deliberate speed to  put them out of circulation, whatever it  will take, and if any Nigerian leader can  do this , it is the President-elect, with a hands-on experience on such matters. President Jonathan should have confronted Boko Haram with resolute determination but he dithered, for re-election purposes, and failed miserably. Unlike him, the President-elect must motivate our  otherwise well trained fighting forces who were, unfortunately, rendered hors de combat by a listless President  Jonathan who it  took eighteen agonizing days to react to the seizure of over 200 of our prized girls. The army must be provided with all it requires to  rout the Boko Haram menace. With enough men and resources our army will be able to deploy resources to gathering  critical human intelligence, absence of which has hugely hampered the army’s ability to deal decisively with the terrorists that government had to bring in South African mercenaries.

    Then, and finally, the monster of it all – corruption, for which the President-elect must device    novel instruments to deal with. Using agencies like the EFCC or ICPC   is  no more than asking  the ruling class to prosecute members of its own class and which  is therefore guaranteed limited success, will never be enough answer to the corruption menace.  The government must, therefore, necessarily have to think-out-of-the-box, and do something truly revolutionary. The new administration could come up with an amnesty program whereby those who willingly confess their acts of corruption could, after making full restitution, be allowed to keep some of the recovered loot strictly  for purposes of  basic sustenance. This low cost technique of recovering public loot could be made available in the first 12 months of the new administration, after which it becomes unavailable. The next step should be a whistle blower program. It is also a low cost technique, the essence of which is for persons who are intimately familiar with details of some corrupt acts to squeal on the perpetrators with a fraction of the recovered loot going to them as compensation. All they need is a legal pathway of uncovering the corrupt act. The whistle blower must help law enforcement recover the proceeds while such fraudsters are made to reap the full weight of their malfeasance. The whistle blower must have immunity from prosecution and be protected from any conceivable reprisals. All these can be accomplished through anonymous techniques. Corruption rarely happens with only one individual. Rather, it is usually through a web of co-conspirators. bank officials, contractors and corrupt civil servants who  all collude to foster an atmosphere of shady deals and inflated contracts. Government only needs to  offer incentives to that one disgruntled participant who is willing to flip and report all the co-conspirators.

     It is time for this novel technique, and I am willing to offer my services to fatherland in this area.  It is extremely sickening, watching generations of our kids growing up with little or nothing to hope for in life.

    Finally, we all want the president elect to succeed and to do so, he must neither be timid nor reckless. He must be guided by the timeless values of justice, fairness and hard work. Now more than ever before, Nigeria needs a statesman who is willing to work across ethnic and geographical divides and bring the best ideas to the table in order to build a great country we can all be proud of.

  • How large will Buhari’s Federal Executive Council be and what will this portend?

    How large will Buhari’s Federal Executive Council be and what will this portend?

    Morning shows the day 

    Traditional aphorism common to all cultures

    With 31 Ministries and 39 Ministers and/or Ministers of State in the outgoing Jonathan Federal Executive Council (FEC), Nigeria has one of the largest Councils of Ministers in the world. Consider the following comparative figures: China, with a population of 1.4 billion, about 20 Ministries; United States, population 320 million, 17 Ministries; Russia, population 142 million, about 22 Ministries; Brazil, population 200 million, 24 Ministries; United Kingdom, population 64 million, about 23 Ministries. Meanwhile, please note that without exception, all of these countries have GDP’s and per capita incomes that dwarf Nigeria’s figures, even with all of our oil wealth. Also, with the exception of only the United Kingdom and Russia, all of these countries have populations that are larger than our own 170 million. Moreover, please note that with every Minister or Minister of State in our country, there is a phalanx of auxiliary staff ranging from highly paid PA’s to low-wage personnel, all maintained at public expense. With all these figures and facts in mind, it becomes pertinent to ask whether a bloated Federal Executive Council has come to stay for good in our governmental system such that when the incoming President after May 29 announces the members of his cabinet we will not be surprised at all if they are as large or even larger than Jonathan’s FEC.

    There is a particular historical and ideological dimension to this profile of our bloated and costly federal ministerial system that is worthy of note. Simply put, this is the fact that we have not always had a bloated FEC; more precisely, we have not always felt that we needed a bloated FEC. Anyone over 50 will remember a time in our country when Federal Ministers were less than a dozen. Some might of course argue that 50 years ago, we were far less than 170 million people and did not have as much of the oil wealth that we now have. But that argument does hold up to standards of rigour at all since increase in population and wealth are not the main reasons usually given for the expansion of the FEC in Nigeria. That reason, that logic is, simply, that we must have an FEC that reflects the “federal character” of our country and its government, thus making it mandatory to have at least one representative from each of the 36 states of the federation.

    Now, I don’t think that this has the status of a constitutional mandate, but this has not stopped it from being the ultimate weapon against calls for scaling down the size of the FEC. In other words, “a Minister or a Minister of State from every state in the federation”: that is the rationale, the logic of the literal-minded and spurious “federalism” that undergirds Nigeria’s bloated federal ministerial order. Who does not know that even as this piece is being read upon its first publication on Sunday, May 24, 2015, delegations have been going from all corners of the country to Buhari and his Transition Committee to lobby for the appointment of their “sons” or “daughters” to positions in the FEC and other plum federal parastatals?

    The big question is this: will Buhari continue this false and wasteful “federalism” of a Minister or Minister of State from every state in the nation? Will his FEC be as big or be even bigger than Jonathan’s? And behind that question is this more revealing question: what does the size of the FEC – whether expanded or reduced – portend for what we may expect from our new ruling party, the APC? Since this will be one of the earliest consequential actions of Buhari as the new President and the APC as the new ruling party, what portents can we discern one way or another if the FEC after May 29 is significantly smaller or bigger than Jonathan’s outgoing FEC of 39 members?

    Since our present presidential system of government was very deliberately patterned on the American system, it might be helpful to reflect on the vast disparity between the Americans’ 17 Ministries or Portfolios and our own 31 under Jonathan. [By the way, 31 is not the absolute upper limit for our FEC; that number was exceeded many times during the reign of the PDP from 1999 to 2015] With a landmass much bigger than ours (3.8 million square miles to 356,700 square miles) and a population figure much higher than ours (320 million to 170 million), the Americans make do with only 17 ministerial portfolios. A simple answer to this disparity might be a suggestion that the Americans have a nation whose long historical evolution has placed way beyond the need to reflect its federal character in the number and representativeness of its Federal Ministers or, as they are called, “Secretaries”. But this argument is false and unsatisfactory.

    Like us, the Americans also have great expectations that their country’s public institutions should reflect the multiplicity and diversity, the “federal character” if you wish, of their country’s peoples and communities. But they don’t use this need, this compulsion as a means to sacrifice efficiency, public good and perhaps above all else, the creation and accumulation of wealth. Let us be very, very plain speaking about this: in America, any “Secretary” in the Federal Administration who, in one way or another, places wealth creation in jeopardy would not last long in his or her position.

    The greatest indictment against the bloated size of the FEC under the reign of the PDP is that its size was inversely related to the negligible quantum of wealth and public good that it produced. All over the world, the mark of the worth of every national executive or ministerial council is the effective delivery of services and the enhancement of public good. Other than rigorously reflecting the “federal character” of the country, Obasanjo’s, Yar’ Adua’s and Jonathan’s FEC’s, with few exceptions, were all remarkable in under-achievement and mediocrity. Wealth was not only not created by them, it was dissipated on a colossal basis. We recall here the portentous words of Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, arguably the brightest and most technocratic of the PDP FEC’s, that corruption and mismanagement were so endemic in the government of which she was a member that she would be quite satisfied if by the end of her term in office she had managed to reduce the scope of the waste by a mere 4%. In the years of PDP’s reign, the performance of secondary school leavers at NECO and WAEC exams were abysmal in failure rates; and yet not a single Federal Minister of Education raised an alarm at the precipitous crisis, not to talk of resigning as an honourable act of acceptance of responsibility.

    Apart from the received or perceived need to reflect the federal character of the country, in forming his FEC Buhari will be labouring under the immense weight and pressure of rewarding Party faithfuls and benefactors. Hopefully, he will also be looking across the length and breadth of the land for the best brains, the most requisite incarnations of expertise and the most dedicated patriots. The driving logic of this essay is the thought, the wish that Buhari ought to know that he has no obligation whatsoever to have a bloated FEC. As I showed in the beginning section of this piece, there are many nations on this planet with much larger landmasses and much higher populations that do quite well with ministerial councils half the number or size of our own FEC. This is not asking us to do away with the need to reflect the federal character of our country. Rather, it is an argument that there are much better and more productive ways of expressing and consolidating our constitutive federalism. One of these is the equitable distribution of development projects and enterprise zones to all parts of the country. Against the logic of such projects, having an FEC of 39 members or more is a myopic and backward form of “federalism”.

    In bringing this piece to a conclusion, I would like to draw the reader’s attention to perhaps the most expressive and visual justification of our seeming need to have bloated FEC’s as a confirmation of the “federal character” of our government. I am sure that everyone reading this essay has seen it many times, perhaps without reflecting too much on it. This is nothing other than the glitzy photo-ops that every meeting of the FEC provides for the gratification of its members and the edification of the whole country and perhaps the world. In these photographs, the sartorial elegance, brilliance and diversity of the country is on display. Flowing, billowing babarigas and agbadas in dark shades of blue and black stage a dalliance with bright, flaming tones of red, yellow and green smocks interlaced with golden or silvery embroideries. We are indeed a people whose cultures of dressing and sartorial display bespeak self-respect, dignity and power. Nothing captures this better than the photo-ops provided by the opening meetings of the FEC. But behind the scenes of splendor are of course the sordid realities of our FEC’s stultifying mediocrity. Buhari has a reputation for simplicity and self-restraint, but I do not know whether he will extend this to a parting of ways with the specular extravagance of the PDP’s FEC meetings. We shall see!

    So compatriots, watch out: if Buhari puts in place an FEC swarming with new portfolios and higher numbers, know that this will in no way constitute a definitive and irreversible commentary on his administration; but it will be a portent, an eloquent one at that.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • As Buhari assumes office in the worst of times

    As Buhari assumes office in the worst of times

    President Goodluck Jonathan should be leaving office in a blaze of glory, as they say, buoyed by the immense though undeserving goodwill he garnered from conceding defeat to Muhammadu Buhari, his opponent in the last presidential election. But from all indications, he will be leaving in five days time in a blaze of infamy. The economy is prostrate, with more than half of the country’s 36 states unable to pay public workers their wages, and the federal government itself using its big muscles to borrow to pay its own workers. Boko Haram, the terror group Dr Jonathan had hired mercenaries to fight, is staging a big comeback, perhaps inspired by the never-say-die philosophy of ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria), and the president and his expiring government are at their wit’s end to respond both to old and new terror challenges.

    There are a hundred and one challenges grave enough to arrest the wandering attention of Dr Jonathan, but he has chosen to illustrate and reiterate the fact that until he hands over on the last constitutional day permitted, he remains the president. To underscore this bland and mundane fact, he has seized upon his knack for the extravagant to sack and replace some of his ministers and aides. Shortly after he lost reelection, and citing disloyalty, he sacked his police chief, Suleiman Abba, a few weeks before leaving office. Then, supposedly bowing to the will of a group of protesting workers, he also sacked Saratu Umar from the top post of the Nigerian Investment and Promotions Commission (NIPC) barely two weeks to handover. He perhaps felt it demonstrated his presidential resolve, his stamina for the long haul, his courage in the face of public queries and even opposition. In addition to a number of appointments, contracts largesse, and some other shake-up here and there, Dr Jonathan has managed to complicate a few things for the incoming Buhari government.

    President-elect Buhari therefore faces a grave crisis of expectations immediately he assumes office on Friday, a crisis that could easily translate into a crisis of confidence if he does not hit the ground running with the boldness, brilliance and courage the public hoped he possessed when they voted for him on March 28. But with the country left gasping for breath by Dr Jonathan, not to talk of his deliberate and unwise muddying of the bureaucratic environment by the sacking and appointment of aides and ministers, the president-elect will have to decide whether to embark on the time-consuming job of carefully disentangling Dr Jonathan’s needless complications or cutting the Gordian Knot. To find his way through the thicket, assuming he prefers the first option, the president-elect will need to assemble the best team ever put together by any Nigerian leader. The men are available; but will he find and recruit them, even if they punctuate their brilliance with independent-mindedness?

    If the president-elect chooses the second option, which is sometimes not as drastic or offensive as it sounds, he will evoke images of his military background, step hugely and brusquely on toes, and, as former British Prime Minister Tony Blair suggested in Abuja last week, move briskly to create a mighty and unforgettable impression. Whichever option he picks, the president-elect will have his hands full taking care of the ponderable mess Dr Jonathan’s government will be leaving behind, whether in the economy as a whole, or in the oil industry in particular. Sixteen years of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) government have left an almost indelible mess; it will take a lot to clear them up. In the face of an impatient, impoverished and suffering populace, President-elect Buhari’s methods, timing, policies, style and views on salient national issues will come under harsh scrutiny. The public and other arms of government will test his resolve, and in particular his newfound democratic credentials and convictions, some of which he has exhibited with so much public aplomb.

    The president-elect will, however, remember a few important points as he assumes office in this demonstrably worst of times. He will remember the almost divine trajectory and dizzyingly short time his party the All Progressives Congress (APC) took to win office, and what needs to be done to sustain it in power. He will remember how gingerly his amalgamated party was cobbled together, and the delicate mechanics of keeping peace among its competing, sometimes desperate tendencies and often unyielding personalities. He will bear in mind that unlike the PDP that governed Nigeria over many fat years, his cobbled party is expected to preside over probably many lean years. He will also recognise that the PDP had no governing and ennobling philosophy. If the APC, which is just two years old, is to make a difference, it must enunciate a sharpened and holistic governing philosophy, one capable of transforming Nigeria from continental opprobrium into an ideational and continental leader. APC leaders must also design a new paradigm for running their party devoid of the group and caucus conflicts that undid the PDP.

    To do all these and perhaps more, President-elect Buhari will need depth, courage and a sublime ability to navigate the ethnic, religious and political maze Nigeria has been transformed into by past governments, military and elected; not the good luck that served his predecessor well for a short time and harmed the country so deeply and so badly.

  • On the late Uche Chukwumerije

    In the post-colonial coliseum, one ethnic group’s hero is another ethnic group’s villain. Since the passing of the late Abia senator and fabled Biafran propagandist, snooper has received several calls and a few mischievous prodding to make his views known about the passing of the marximally bearded one. Up till this moment, columnist has declined citing rising tension of an ethnic nature. It is not the business of a responsible columnist to exacerbate or fan the embers of ethnic unease.

    But now that the mortal remains of the man known as “Sikiru Meje” among Lagos market women during the June 12 crisis has been committed to mother earth, we are in a position to divulge one or two things.  Snooper was an early but not a later fan of Uche Chukwumerije. There are certain indiscretions that can be understood and forgiven when placed in proper perspective but not completely forgotten.

    When words reached us in the US that Comrade Chukwumerije had become a senator of the Federal Republic, snooper had wondered aloud whether there would have been a senate to go if the market had shut down as he pronounced in the course of his virulent hate-filled campaign against the validation of the June 12 presidential mandate.

    The pity of it all was that Uche’s metamorphosis from sterling Stalinist to a mesmerizing messenger of military mendacity caught everyone by surprise, particularly some of us his ardent fans. As a youthful youth corper serving in his village in 1975, snooper remembered kneeling down before the mighty statue of Chukwumerije the elder at Mbala, Isuochi and thanking god for blessing the nation with such an illustrious clan. From the size of the compound and the statue, it was obvious that Uche was the scion of a prosperous lineage.

    By 1993, snooper has crossed swords with Chukwumerije in the heat of the annulment of the presidential election. As the on the ground columnist of the underground newspaper, Tempo, yours sincerely came down on the comrade, dismissing him as “a psychological hooligan” for imposing what was recently described by Olatunji Dare as a “psychosis of fear” on the entire country in a NAZI-like psych-op.

    In 1995, yours sincerely found himself in Mbala once again after a twenty year absence. This time it was attend the wedding of an old classmate and bosom friend, Patrick Ndukwe. His brilliant career cruelly terminated by early death, Ndukwe was easily one of the most accomplished scholars of Linguistics ever thrown up by this country. Although there was plenty of time and ample opportunity to do so, visiting the Chukwumerije homestead was the farthest thing on one’s mind. The pain and poison lingered.

    Yet it was a tribute to elite integration in this country that outside of his immediate family, the two close friends who attended Pat’s wedding were myself and the inevitable L.Y Shalangwa as at then the Deputy Postmaster General of the federation. These are the redemptive resources of elite consolidation and cohesion that we carelessly throw away in this country as a result of futile ethnic sabre-rattling and inordinate elite greed.

    There are extenuating circumstances for Chukwumerije’s conduct during the June 12 palaver. First was a belief prevalent among the Nigerian left at that point in time that the entire Babangida Transition programme and Abiola’s purported triumph was a classic instance of bourgeois chicanery with no bearing on the country’s real problems. It can be argued that the late comrade was only being true to some deeply held ideological conviction.

    The second was what was widely perceived as the post-civil war isolation, alienation and failure to rehabilitate and restore to national parity of the most significant sections of the Igbo intellectual class. Despite great strides, there are people who believe that the imbalance persists till date with the wounded and affronted roaming the wild in dark and paranoid fury.

    Whether this was enough justification for what Chukwumerije did remains to be seen, and whether his subsequent starring performance as a senator in the same “bourgeois” parliament he had tried to abort in vitro can atone for his earlier infraction is left to history to judge .Let the comrade now depart to meet his maker.

  • The tragedy of misgovernance

    Now, the reality is on ground, the country is borrowing to eat, and we cannot find a name for it, just suicide

    Dear reader, we will take off this week with a really sad story I read sometime last week in a Nigerian newspaper. The story chronicled one of the effects of the unpaid salary saga going on in many states in the federation, particularly on one family in Osun State. According to the writer, a civil servant in the state had attempted to ‘end it all’ by imbibing poison in the form of Gramoxone, said to be an herbicide. Reason: he could no longer afford to feed his family after being owed salary for six months.

    I really sympathise. I really, really do because he represents the tragedy of misgovernance. But I can’t help feeling that rather than solve his problem, as he thought to do, Mr. O. Owolabi (for that is his name) has undoubtedly added to it. Now, the family has to look for money to offset his hospital bills, and what he will eat in the hospital, and transportation for the family to and from the hospital, and…., not to mention the fact that he might have compromised his digestive system for life. In short, it’s a whole new set of problems he has unwittingly landed himself in. Strong argument against suicide, should you ever be minded to, don’t you think?

    How this sad state of unpaid salaries came about is anyone’s guess. Words of course have been traded and sold and borrowed on the matter. The governors of those states affected have thrown the blame at Abuja, particularly at Okwonjo-Iweala, who people now call NOI. Wonderful the way people throw names and acronyms at others, isn’t it? I have since learnt that Jonathan is GEJ, Buhari is GMB, and I am … oh dear, just OM. I must look for a third initial soonest. O yes, I do have, it’s… wouldn’t you just like to know it?! Anyway, Abuja has retaliated by throwing the blames back to the states. I guess this ping-pong would have gone on with our heads yo-yoing back and forth if Buhari had not waded into the matter and asked on whose table the last ball fell. Abuja decidedly made it clear that it was owing no man. Then the governors kept silent, while still owing everyman in their states.

    Then that gave some of us an idea of what really might have been happening. Yep, people, we are living with the effects of the shortfall in the oil revenue accruing to the nation and, by extension, the states. If that were the only problem, I guess people would be less inclined to commit suicide. I think the bigger problem is that neither Abuja nor the governors is really telling us everything they have done with the nation’s money. Mr. Owolabi and the rest of us can see the governors, ministers, special advisers, godfathers, contractors, etc., first dipping their hands into states’ allocations as they were wont, just as if there was no shortfall, to live lifestyles that just boggle the mind. Then, whatever remains of the allocation will now have to do for state business. And usually, that does not do at all for state business.

    Sadly, Nigerians have developed and imbibed the culture of vanity which is so very expensive to run and leads into debt and does no good at the end. Just take the number of private jets in Nigeria. Five out of six of those planes belong to state governors who had no two pennies to rub together before becoming governors. This means that while your back and my back were turned for a moment, these unconscionable individuals purchased the monsters for their comfort only. I remember reading and reporting here once that one of the world’s richest men, Buffett I think, said it clearly that anyone who claims he needs a jet to make his work easier and better is lying. Anyone who buys the monstrosity, he said, does so for his vanity; because even as a rich man, he flies public airlines. Now, you and I have to pay for that vanity.

       But there is more. For a while now, there have been appearing in the air some kind of disenchantment with the way the economy has been run. Well, the thing is, if there is no problem, even the worst system that works is good. But when there is a problem, even the best system will be hung by the people’s jury. I don’t know if that is what is happening now, but I do know that when things go wrong, someone’s got to hang. And as they say, the one who stays too long on the excreta should not complain that flies are buzzing around his head.

     Truth is NOI, as the finance minister is called now, has stayed so long on the job you don’t know whether she has hurt the economy or the economy has hurt her. One thing is sure. If she came in with a pristine record, she’s going out now with a sullied one. And it began when she paid out about six billion dollars of Nigeria’s money to the world economic purse. I hear even a world body has condemned that as ‘taking milk from a hungry baby’ and giving it to the grown adult. It was needless, uncalled for and begging too many questions and answers. For the life of me, I can never understand that move, explain it as you will; not because I am no economist but because it goes against my native logic. It just does not make sense.

    Worse, over the years, the true state of the economy has tended to become an object to play the games of prevarication, doublespeak, and double entendre with all at once. We are broke: we need to prepare. No, we are not broke: we need not panic. Two opposing things simultaneously emanated from the finance minister over the nation’s economy. Now, the reality is on ground, the country is borrowing to eat, and we cannot find a name for it, just suicide.

    Personally, I have only one grouch against her: I believe she has stayed on for so long at that post she is almost long in the tooth. ­Going by the unpopularity of that payout, she ought not to have stayed in government beyond the Obasanjo years. One, she does not have the repository of national economic wisdom. Two, there are plenty more economists in the land. Three, there have been signs that her brand of economics was not working for Nigeria. She should have quit while she was a head; now she’s several heads. Unless. There have been sniggers that she probably was on errand in Nigeria: to do as much irreparable damage as she could. I don’t know about this but what I do know is that she had a name to protect, and she should have done more to do that, particularly during the years of the locusts.

    I think the big task before the new government is not so much how to diversify the economy as how to remove the talons and claws of the federal government from nearly everything in this country and allow the private sector to grow by itself. The economy of a country is not grown by the government sitting tight over the breakfast and lunch and dinner of every citizen. That smacks too much of paranoia. The economy grows when there is an atmosphere where everyone has the freedom to pursue his goals as dictated by his talent and ability.

    The job of the government is to provide the enabling atmosphere so that should anyone decide to build a new town, he can tap into existing resources and then return the resources in multiple folds for others to do likewise. For too long, the government has been doing what it should not have done and has left undone what it should have. Therein lies the tragedy of misgovernance.

  • Even as it goes into the darkness of oblivion, PDP is turning on all the lights of wanton, catastrophic misrule

    Even as it goes into the darkness of oblivion, PDP is turning on all the lights of wanton, catastrophic misrule

    Will the last person to leave please turn off all the lights?
    Universal mantra of energy-conserving organizations and enterprises

    You see it as a slogan, a legend boldly written on the walls of many rooms of energy-conserving organizations or enterprises: will the last person to leave please turn off all the lights? Sometimes, it is expressed, not as a question but as a categorical demand: will the last person to leave please turn off all the lights! High energy bills cut into the profit margin of enterprises. With organizations that are not profit making, the underlying logic is the same: the operating capital of the organization must be spent wisely otherwise the organization’s future may be compromised irreparably. More generally, this slogan or mantra is part of the “Green” culture and thought of conservationists all over the world: the resources of our planet, though renewable, are not infinite in supply; we must use them with consideration for the needs of those who will come after us, just as those who came before us did a lot of conservation so that we of present, living generations could have resources to consume. In other words, the logic of our mantra is this: turn off all the lights when you leave at the end of the day so that tomorrow there will still be lights to turn on. Our defeated ruling party seems either utterly unaware of or completely indifferent to this wisdom of prudent organizations and enterprises, this wisdom, indeed, of the ages.

    The most rampant and notable manifestations of this reverse or counter-logic of the PDP to conservation of resources for the incoming, successor administration and future generations of Nigerians can be seen in the spate of last minute projects and procurement of foreign loans that the party, both at the federal and state levels began to launch or announce after its defeat by the APC. Coupled with these are last minute appointments of its chieftains to posts that carry with them, explicitly or implicitly, considerable financial remuneration. A case in point in this regard was the announcement two weeks ago of the appointment of a large group of new Pro-Chancellors and Chairmen of Councils to our federal universities. I shall come back to this particular item later in this piece. For now, let me turn my attention to what I consider the most portentous and unconscionable item of all, this being the announcement barely three weeks ago of the commitment of our country to the construction and commissioning of nuclear power plants through the signing of a joint venture agreement between the Nigerian Atomic Energy Commission (NAEC) and Rosatom, a Russian state-owned corporation that builds, commissions and maintains atomic energy power plants in many parts of the planet, especially in the developing world. Readers will remember, I hope, that I dealt with this issue in last week’s column. I return to it this week from a new and very urgent perspective.

    This new perspective can be indicated with this question: why is it the case that NAEC made the announcement of Nigeria’s commitment to a “nuclear future” in electricity power generation at the very end of the life of the Jonathan administration and the rule of the PDP? As I revealed in last week’s column, NAEC came into existence in 1976; and for years now its CEO, Dr. Franklin Osaisai, has been going around Africa and the world making flowery and improbable declarations about a rosy and necessary future for atomic power plants in Nigeria and Africa. But for more than four decades, nothing concrete, practical and definitive was done about these declarations until less than a month to the end of the PDP as a ruling party. From this, we are left with no other conclusion but this: atomic power plants are the last and most cynical bequest of the defeated ruling party to a country that has finally rejected its long period of wasteful, catastrophic misrule.

    I base this conclusion on the presupposition that Dr. Osaisai and NAEC could never have entered the agreement with Rosatom and committed Nigeria to a frightening future of atomic power plants without the knowledge and approval of the Jonathan administration. Statutorily, NAEC is responsible and reports to the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology; it cannot and does not take any actions and decisions without that Ministry’s approval. So far, at least in media reporting of the agreement between NAEC and Rosatom, no mention has been made at all of the Ministry’s involvement in the brokering of the agreement. But neither has a disclaimer come from the Ministry. Knowing how terribly dysfunctional, messy and rudderless administrative processes have been in Jonathan’s governance style and culture, it is not improbable that the decision to commit our country to a future of nuclear power plants was made completely without any due and proper administrative processes. My guess is this (and I admit that it is only a guess): having dreamed and talked for years and decades about nuclear power plants in Nigeria, NAEC and Dr. Osaisai finally saw their chance in the redoubled messiness and chaos of the dying days and weeks of the PDP and the Jonathan administration. It is this guess that furnished the metaphors of darkness and light in the title of this piece: even as the PDP slips irreversibly into the darkness of historic oblivion, it has turned on the full, frightening and spectral lights of atomic power plants in Nigeria.

    Fortunately, the lights can be turned off on the agreement between NAEC and Rosatom. In other words, a decision to commit our country to a future of nuclear power plants is a decision that should go into the darkness that will soon consume the PDP. Ordinarily, all decisions hastily and haphazardly made by an outgoing administration in the last few weeks of its life are not considered binding on the incoming administration – unless they are deemed beneficial to the country. At any rate, going nuclear in power generation when we have an abundance of natural gas and hydrological resources is nothing short of irrationalism, not to talk of the historic worldwide turning away from nuclear power plants. Thus, one of the very first things that the new administration should do is terminate the agreement with Rosatom and open the matter for full debate and review by the Nigerian public. Indeed, it is surprising that a country, any country can go nuclear without a full debate having taken place among lawmakers, civil society organizations and all interested stakeholders.

    Similar considerations apply to the appointments in the last few weeks of PDP chieftains as Pro-Chancellors and Chairmen of Councils of federal universities. On this particular issue we come to one of the most crucial things that will indicate whether the APC will be a different ruling party from the PDP. Here, nothing but the complete depoliticization of the appointment of Chairmen and members of the governing councils of our universities will show that the APC wants to establish a break with the decadent “ilabe” mentality and culture of the PDP as a ruling party. Mark my words, compatriots: if the chairmen and council members recently appointed by the PDP are removed and replaced with APC chieftains and benefactors, that will be a sure sign that things in general will not change fundamentally from the period of the reign of the PDP to that of the APC.  It is no secret in our federal and state universities that the majority of the chairmen and members of the governing councils of our tertiary institutions regard their appointments as juicy, lucrative rewards for their positions in the ruling party. For long, ASUU and all the other unions in our tertiary institutions have decried this tradition and called for its termination. This will be one of the most eloquent indicators of the genuineness of the “change” manifesto of the APC.

  • Boko Haram and  our mercenaries

    Boko Haram and our mercenaries

    Shortly before President Goodluck Jonathan’s government announced the postponement of the general elections initially scheduled for February 14, there were speculations the elections might not hold altogether, or that at best it would be postponed perhaps indefinitely. Eventually, when the postponement came through a tangled skein of announcement that jostled back and forth between a reluctant Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and an eager Chief of Defence Staff, Air Chief Marshall Alex Badeh, it was for six weeks in the first instance. Nigerians were deeply sceptical. In fact, the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) believed the postponement was a breather to afford the dispirited and frantic Dr Jonathan the opportunity to arrest the momentum triggered by the APC candidate at the time, Muhammadu Buhari, and stave off what was thought to be the president’s anticipated defeat.

    But a stonefaced Air Chief Marshall Badeh told the public that the military needed six weeks to neutralise Boko Haram and make the elections safe and credible. Analysts had wondered why the government seemed very sure that Boko Haram, which could not be defeated or neutralised in more than three years, could suddenly be degraded sufficiently in six weeks to enable a smooth election. A few short weeks ago, the jigsaw seemed to have fallen into place. The missing piece was apparently supplied by South African mercenaries who had been retained by the Jonathan government to fight Nigeria’s war. But despite the rather very public knowledge of the role the mercenaries are playing in the Boko Haram war, the Nigerian authorities are still prickly about the subject.

    So far, both the military and the government have refused to confirm stories of the role the mercenaries are playing. Those who suggested that mercenaries were fighting the war for Nigeria, including the sceptical and critical Nigerian media, were tagged unpatriotic and disloyal. A German radio reporter, Musa Ubale, who publicly posed the question of the mercenaries to visiting Chadian President Idriss Deby last Monday was disaccredited from covering State House activities and expelled. President Deby of course deflected the question very cleverly, but Nigeria was not so clever in handling the embarrassing matter with as much delicateness as the troublesome subject demanded.

    And just about the same time the Jonathan government was taking umbrage at media questions on the mercenaries, the leader of the mercenaries in question, Eeben Barlow, formerly of the South African Defence Force, but now retired, was addressing the Royal Danish Defence College on how he had led his band of about 100 mercenaries to degrade Boko Haram as a fighting force. Now 62 years old, the colonel explained that as bush war experts, age was not a disadvantage. In detail, he carefully led his audience through tactics and logistics he and his men, some of them veterans of special forces units, deployed against the band of ragtag Boko Haram insurgents. He was careful to suggest that Nigerian soldiers were demoralised and disorganised.

    Why Nigeria is still denying the role of the mercenaries in turning the tide against Boko Haram is unclear. However, the news of the mercenaries as a factor in the counterinsurgency operations in the Northeast is everywhere in the media, local and foreign. Col Barlow has seemed to make the job easier for Nigeria by identifying where the problem with the Nigerian military lies. According to him, the Nigerian military is demoralised and disorganised. These problems had been identified even by Nigerian soldiers in the early part of the war. But rather than face these issues squarely, rather than address the complaints of deserters and mutinous troops, the military brass preferred to fling the law and military rule books in the faces of deserters, some of whom have been, or are being, tried for mutiny.

    Consequently, the problem with the Nigerian military has refused to abate. In a move that is clearly image-damaging, if not outrightly treasonable, the Jonathan government opted to recruit mercenaries without legislative backing, paid them well — by some account nearly $500 per day — and engaged in frenzied procurement of weapons through extra-budgetary processes. This clearly indefensible financial haemorrhaging will have to be investigated painstakingly, in addition to setting up a board of inquiry to examine what went wrong over the years with the Nigerian military. The Jonathan government was not responsible for the birth of Boko Haram, a fact it keeps stressing, but it was astonishingly remiss in tackling it, even allowing the menace to fester badly and dangerously. And to worsen its laxity and complicity, it has done everything wrong in fighting the insurgency.

    More embarrassingly, last week, Boko Haram insurgents once again threatened Maiduguri’s suburbs. In fact, to cap a bad week for Nigerian arms, the insurgents were reported to have retaken the northern Borno town of Marte. The beleaguered town has oscillated between Nigerian and rebel control more than thrice since the Boko Haram war began. After learning of what befell Marte, displaced Nigerians planning to return to their liberated towns will think twice before committing such a rash action. They will be unsure whether the military actually has a holistic strategy to defeat Boko Haram and keep recaptured territories safe and secure. Or they will wonder whether the insurgents are not being emboldened by a supposed fracture in relations between Nigeria and its mercenaries. Given the government’s reticence in the war so far, few explanations are expected to be offered to help citizens make sense of the yo-yo between federal troops and insurgents.

    It was wrong and embarrassing for the Jonathan government to be so precipitate in tackling the German radio reporter’s question. It suggests the government had something to hide. But no matter how many reporters are expelled, the Nigerian military will still have to address the question of how the war is being fought, and what, if any, are the roles being played by South African mercenaries. They must also grapple with the image problem and ethical crisis such a big and supposedly powerful country like Nigeria is having by recruiting mercenaries to fight a war weaker and less endowed neighbouring countries like Chad consider a cakewalk. Chad has a military strength of about 30,000 men in a population of a little over 10 million. Nigeria has a troop strength of about 200,000 in a population of about 170 million, and about 300,000 paramilitary personnel. Less than 10,000 men were needed to wage the war against Boko Haram militants numbering less than eight thousand men, but Nigeria failed to muster this number for reasons only Dr Jonathan’s government can explain. Worse for Nigeria, Col Barlow’s mercenaries were not more than 100, before whom Boko Haram fighters have fled. Clearly, too many things have gone wrong.

    The president-elect, Muhammadu Buhari, himself a retired army general and former head of state, has reassured the country he would prioritise the Boko Haram war and knock the menace into a cocked hat. He has promised to find out what went wrong with Nigeria’s once proud military, and find and quickly administer the necessary remedies. He will find his countrymen backing him to carry out the rebuilding required to restore Nigeria’s fighting image. There will be no quick fix as he has warned, nor are Nigerians expecting facile solutions. Let Gen Buhari proceed with the firm caution and determined and calculated deliberateness needed to give Nigeria a rebirth in every broken area of national life, starting with the military. The country has been thoroughly disgraced by the recruitment of mercenaries, especially white, former apartheid soldiers, many of them old enough to father a good number of Nigerian soldiers who have proved unwilling or unable to fight.

  • In search of African avatars

    In search of African avatars

    (Why the Third World is the lost world)

    With the dramatic ascendancy of General Mohammadu Buhari in the Nigerian presidential sweepstakes and the restoration of electoral normalcy in a larger chunk of the nation, it has become fashionable to dream again about the possibilities for Nigeria in particular and the lost continent of Africa as a whole.

    As this column keeps hinting, the omens about the Buhari administration itself are still not very clear. While some encouraging signals are coming from the retired general and former military autocrat, the incoming administration appears swamped and besieged by some deadwood and dinosaurs from the old order who are bent on stamping their accursed imprimatur on what should be a new beginning for Nigeria.

    From the old volatile west, there have been some rumblings. Some starry-eyed idealists in league with cynical revanchists of the defeated ancien regime are dropping the heavy hints that the dominant political group in the west has sold the Yoruba nation to the Hausa and Fulani feudal oligarchy. It is alleged that a frenzied and wholesale northernization of the power apparatus is proceeding apace while ambitious and perfidious lieutenants of the man known as the Lion of Bourdillon are sharpening their knives for an inevitable confrontation.

    Some of these political anxieties are worthy of analytical consideration. In and out of power, it is normal for any cohesive and organic power formation to bind and bond together. This resilience which comes from strong feudal ties and alliances and the superior capacity to organize itself and disorganize others as the occasion warrants is the secret and source of the strength of the old north. Once it identifies its interests, no other power formations in the nation comes close to the north in projecting and protecting its own.

    Be that as it may, it will be very foolish and strategically shortsighted in post-military Nigeria for any power formation however dominant to imagine that it can impose its will and political eccentricities on the rest of the nation. Nigeria can never return to that past. Those who believe that this is still possible after Abiola and Abacha as well as those who raise the bogey of renewed ethnic domination are merely incapable of dialectical reasoning in all its rigorously paradoxical possibilities.

    Rather than pointing at the inevitability of renewed ethnic domination, the political resurgence of General Buhari merely points at the ineluctability of a new beginning. Until things finally fell into place, the general had been at it for quite some time without any possibility of success even as his adversaries actually imagined that they had seen the last of the old warrior from Daura. While the block voting from the core north certainly helped, it was the explosion in national consciousness and the dramatic expansion of public space and the global means of communication and public enlightenment that set the pace.

    This is why this morning, this columnist solemnly appeals to the general not to allow himself to be captured by ethnic hawks and other tale bearers. The general should see himself as a product of a national upheaval, a pan-Nigerian coalition against evil governance and authoritarian misrule represented by the outgoing PDP government. If by any chance, Buhari is unable to fulfill his destiny as the man to lead Nigeria out of the wood, such is the current political ferment in the nation that many rival claimants would be thrown up by the crucible of contradictions.

    One of the key areas that must command General Buhari’s attention is indigenous knowledge production. Buhari will be the recipient of a thousand papers about how to reform and revamp our educational system but all this will come to naught if there is no fundamental capacity building attempt to indigenize our knowledge system. This is the key to all successful societies and nations from the western powers, China, Japan, India, the Asian Tigers and the advanced societies of the world.

    The largest chunk of the Third World is powerless and backward and will continue to be powerless and backward because it lacks the production of organic and indigenous knowledge to power its political, economic and technological development. Yet, the very notion of a huge chunk of Africa and some parts of Asia and Latin America as the Third World is steeped in remarkable ironies.

    Before it became a veritable and enduring marker of backwardness and underdevelopment, it was the radical and progressive leaders of these countries such as Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Surkarno who proposed the term at the Bandung conference as a way of distinguishing countries within their spheres of authority which pursued a middle road policy of mixed economy as against capitalist and socialist countries which belong to the first and second worlds respectively.

    Yet after the collapse of the Second World and actually existing socialist countries, one would have thought the term Third World would itself disappear, but it has clung to these countries like an ugly limpet. The fact is that if knowledge is power, the production of knowledge is the production of power. Those societies that cannot produce organic and authentic knowledge will only produce powerlessness and utter poverty. This is because poverty of knowledge cannot lead to knowledge of poverty.

    This poverty of knowledge is at the roots of Nigeria’s abysmal poverty and its continuous production of powerlessness in all its dimensions and ramifications despite outlandish oil riches. Unfortunately as the dismal career of our current economic witchdoctor, Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, attests to, and as the large scale looting of our national patrimony and the utter ruination of economy confirms, you cannot redeem poverty of knowledge or gain knowledge of poverty by importing clever examinees from Harvard and other western citadels and sanctuaries of knowledge and power production. They will simply chew the cuds.

    Unless they retool themselves or readapt their analytical skills, Harvard products must reproduce Harvard productions. These glorious citadels of western knowledge and learning and their productions are not meant for the easy consumption of non-western societies. They were not established to help Africa solve its spiritual, economic or political problems.

    Knowledge and power production is not a charity ball. Every society must lift itself up by the bootstraps. Establishing ascendancy in human society is not a tea party. In the brutal and unremitting battle of knowledge production and its concomitant production of power, human societies without organic capacity for indigenous knowledge production must fall by the way side.

    But you do not have to reinvent the wheel. The evolution of human society is marked and characterized by cross-fertilization of ideas with insights from one society or civilization acting as prodding insight for other human communions. Western knowledge production benefitted a lot from Arabic sciences which arguably took its impetus from Egyptian civilization.

    The infusion of philosophical ideals and injection of scientific knowledge which allowed the West to overcome the Dark Age came largely from intellectuals, scientists and philosophers fleeing the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks. When a set of ideas is forcibly imposed on other societies such as we found in Western colonization, it is the equivalent of epistemological rape.

    Yet rape victims often survive to play first violin. It is only in Africa that they appear unwilling to do so. Let us look at the career of two of the Third World avatars who made momentous contributions to springing their respective societies from western knowledge-trap. Although a Cambridge graduate, the late Lee Kuan Yew related to western ideas with considerable aplomb. He was not averse to cocking a snook at western civilization or sneering at what he considered its dubieties. As far as he was concerned Singapore is not America or England.

    He once confessed to an interviewer that his greatest luck was that he was able to identify other colleagues who had the intellectual confidence and self-assurance to take apart any western concept or idea and then see how it can be adapted or discarded in accordance to the Singaporean reality.

    With that, he was able to boost the indigenous knowledge production which transformed Singapore from a Third World colonial backwater to gleaming and glittering First World in one generation. It may help to recall that Yew was of ethnic Chinese stock. The Chinese often view western arrogance with the sublime contempt of the bearers of an older human order.

    The other avatar is our own Obafemi Awolowo. Although a private student, Awolowo gained a degree in commerce in addition to his legal qualification. Yet through sheer mental discipline and extraordinary willpower, he was able to acquire a formidable knowledge of western society and institutions and by leveraging the insights gained, he acquired knowledge of a former colonial dominion which remains unmatched in its penetrating acuity and originality.

    When Awolowo applied the knowledge acquired to his Yoruba people, he was able to frog march them to the frontiers of western modernity within a momentous decade. In terms of knowledge production and political consciousness, this epochal boost has placed the western region of Nigeria at the cutting edge of political sophistication and intellectual awareness. Perhaps the best compliment the west could pay to Awo was when a British prime minister described him as belonging to the first rank of administrators anywhere in the world.

    Yet it needs to be stated that there is nothing preordained and inevitable about the ascendancy and triumph of western modernity over its other rivals. It was a function of random contingency, geography and the spectacular role sheer luck often plays in human and societal affair.

    By the end of the tenth century China was the leading empire-nation in the world with its ocean-going liners and their fabled mastheads described by spellbound observers as huge clouds unfurling in the skies going as far as the port of Mombasa in contemporary Kenya. Artifacts recovered in that ancient port suggested Chinese presence dating back to the seventh century.

    By the beginning of the twelfth century, Portugal had emerged as the first truly modern nation-state. But it was precisely at this point that the Chinese mandarinate became embroiled in a murderous power struggle with the feudal dynasty over the destiny of the nation which led to China being closed off to the outside world for centuries.

    By the time the veil was lifted, the world had moved on. In the case of the Portuguese, geography and location led the intrepid sailor, Vasco da Gama and his successors, towards Africa and India rather than towards Latin America and its vast riches and vaster colonial possibilities.

    Even then, the race to full western modernity was a ding-dong affair among western nations, with Portugal yielding ascendancy to Spain and with Holland economically trumping the Spaniards barely sixty years after gaining independence. England completed the military and economic rout of the early colonial powers only for England in turn to be militarily and economically shellacked by the emergent American superpower. In all these struggles for ascendancy, it is the nation with superior knowledge that always prevailed.

    If it is of any comfort, we might as well add things have not always been this bleak and dreary in Africa. When the Portuguese adventurers arrived in the old Kongo Kingdom around present day Angola, they met a society vastly superior in organization and cohesion to the one they left behind at home. They loitered around listlessly a bit, hoping to encounter the mighty army which underwrote this might empire.

    Alas, there was no army, only a loosely coordinated and rudimentary fighting force not much better than a hunting pack. The emperor had no clothes on. The Portuguese could not believe their luck. They then proceeded to sack the empire with clinical cruelty. In the next few decades almost all the surviving inhabitants were captured and transported as slaves to the new colony of Brazil through the new slave port of Luanda.

    The lesson to be learnt from all these encounters is that knowledge matters and human capital is the driving agency behind all societal advances. It will take at least three decades and three generations of unbroken progressive leadership to reverse the damage done to Nigeria and its capacity to produce its own organic human capital. We will be lucky if the damage is not more fundamental and irreversible.

    It may well be the time to resume the search for African avatars all over again. Pandit Nehru once ordered that if India could not clothe itself, the proud nationals of the new country should go naked. Within a few years, India had achieved self-sufficiency in the production of apparels. Nehru was tapping into the subliminal pride of the people of an ancient empire. They would have recalled that Indians used to joke about the poor quality of western fabrics when western adventurers finally made it to the Indian subcontinent five hundred years earlier.

    At this critical point, Nigeria and Africa need leaders who will mend the broken spirit and resuscitate the collapsed morale of the founding continent and original cradle of mankind. This is the crucial significance of what appears to be a new beginning in Nigeria.

  • Implications of change manifesto (5)

    Implications of change manifesto (5)

    Apart from the obvious “wetin-you-carry and wetin-you-have-for-us” police culture on inter-state roads and urban streets, the prevalent culture in the current police force is the sale of police service at all levels

    While a ‘pure’ neopatrimonial state is probably rare in the real world, the case of Nigeria comes close, in terms of all the characteristics noted: use of state resources for private aggrandizement, widespread corruption (famously squandering and misusing Nigeria’s abundant oil resources), bureaucratic incompetence, and having the state disconnected from society, making it difficult for state elites to mobilize internal resource and in turn enhancing their dependency on the vicissitudes of oil revenues. State-led development lacking purpose or capacity thus repeatedly turned into development disasters.

    The political economy of sovereign Nigeria constitutes a sad and tragic story. In spite of immense natural resource-based wealth, common Nigerians are probably not much better off early in the twenty-first century than they were at the time of independence. Failure to sustain economic growth, especially in manufacturing and industry, has been an important ingredient ofthis overall failure.—AtulKohli

    The focus of today’s piece in the series on Implications of Change Manifesto is on the President-elect himself. I have deliberately opened today’s column with a quotation from AtulKohli, author of State-directed Development: Political Power and Industrialization in the Global Periphery.In my little research on General Buhari, I have been told that he is one of the country’s former heads of state who always visited bookstores anytime he was out of the country to fill one of his boxes with books to read.I would therefore not be surprised if he has read Kohli’s book. The country’s situation is likely to be worse when he assumes office than it was in 2004 when Kohli documented his assessment of the country. As many pundits in both traditional and social media have already acknowledged, General Buhari is coming back to govern Nigeria at a time that the condition of the country may be worse than it was in 1984 when he first came in as military dictator.

    As the President-elect has already acknowledged, he is now a democrat, as distinct from his status of military dictator three decades ago.  In addition, like his predecessors and successors in the game of authoritarian rule, he ruled the country as a believer in unitary model of governance and as a passionate centralist. He gave evidence that he believed that political unity of Nigeria and the belief of the average Nigerian in the territorial oneness of the country depended solely on running a country in which the center commanded every other part in the manner of a colonial master versus a colonized territory.

    But his pronouncements during the campaign and after the election confirm his theory that whatever he did in 1984 was in response to the character and challenge of the time. There is no doubt that he has come to accept the dynamic nature of human experience and constructions. For a man of his experience and age to have accepted or preferred to run on the manifesto of change, no further evidence is needed for the average citizen to start viewing General Buhari as a democrat.

    With his statements (reported in the media) that he has no constitutional obligation to accept nominations for ministerial appointments from governors, he is already departing from the business-as-usual model that made everybody in political office to see his or her position as an opportunity to manifest feudal privileges. If a person is elected a governor, consequentially, he/she is not elected to become the sole ruler of a fiefdom. What is the logic in the PDP arrangement that expects governors to nominate candidates for ministers while governors do not accept nominations for commissionerships from local government chairs?  Stating publicly that he has no desire to get involved in who becomes Senate President or House Speaker and expressing his readiness to work with whomever the National Assembly chooses for these positions, General Buhari gives additional evidence of his democratic credentials. The Aso Rock of General Obasanjo and Dr. Jonathan appointed aggressive lobbyists for these positions in the past, without worrying about what damage that line of action did to the principle of separation of powers.

    General Buhari is not only coming to power at a time that the country is on its knee economically, he is also assuming presidential power when the polity is in the abyss morally, at a time when it is common knowledge that trillions of dollars had been stolen from the nation’s purse in the past fifty years. Having already promised Nigerians and the international community of his commitment to the primacy of the rule of law, it seems to be a given that the President-elect will put an end to the culture of impunity that had prevailed for about sixteen years. He should also not become vindictive because of the smear campaigndirected at him in the days before the elections. That majority of Nigerians preferred to give him the mandate to govern them, despite the dirty campaign by his opponents, should have been enough compensation for him for weathering the storm of insults.

    But Mr. President-elect needs to be reminded that he has so much to change, if Nigeria is to be liberated from the wilderness of underdevelopment, poverty, and instability. Most of the institutions he is inheriting have been denatured or damaged. For example, he needs to know that the police system he is inheriting is as corrupt as any other sector of the polity. Apart from the obvious “wetin-you-carry and wetin-you-have-for-us” police culture on inter-state roads and urban streets, the prevalent culture in the current police force is the sale of police service at all levels. Those who witnessed the election in Ekiti, Osun last year, and in many parts of the country last month are not likely to hesitate to add that the secret police is as morally compromised as the rest of the polity. Even the so-called Road Marshalls created to reduce accidents on the roads by enforcing traffic codes are not any better than their counterparts in police uniform.

    It is also part of the folklore of corruption that all agencies including those charged with giving approvals to institutions and academic programmes are not immune from Nigeria’s brand of bribery and corruption. The prevalent folk belief is that if the new president sets out to jail all corrupt citizens, most of the houses in the country will have to be converted to jail houses. Similarly, customs men on inter-state roads that are distant from border towns often serve as illegal toll collectors. There is no doubt that leadership by example is going to change over 50% of corrupt citizens to good citizens, but the General has to have a  bold and workablestrategy to deal with the brave and incorrigible corrupt men and women in the public service. The security service system in its entirety needs to be re-structured and given a new orientation about public good and public service.

    More importantly, the President-elect needs to be firm about reducing the country’s recurrent expenditure. Too many perquisites for public servants and political officers have to be reviewed while unjustifiably high salaries for legislators need to be pruned down. The model of over pampering lawmakers and senior public servants grew out of a culture of gastronomic response to themanna from the bowels of the Niger Delta when leaders had no vision of governance other than personal enrichment. There is no reason why retired permanent secretaries at any level of government must be getting free generators and free diesel to run them after retiring from service, especially in a country that pays 18,000 naira as minimum wage, which, we are told, many governors can no longer pay on time.

    Finally, while the President-elect should (as expected) obey the spirit of the oath of  his office to protect the constitution, he needs to be friendly to those who call for overhauling of the 1999 Constitution, especially those who demand re-federalization of the country as a reliable way to promote sustainable federal democratic governance. The demand for de-militarization of the polity through a popular review of the constitution imposed on the country by military dictators, like commitment to fight corruption, improve national security, provide enabling infrastructure, diversify the economy, and create an education system that promotes access, quality, and relevance, ought to be seen as part of the direly needed change of which decades of military and civilian personalistic and patrimonial governance had robbed the country.

    To be continued